Chapter VII: Department of the South (2)

"The Phalanx did not, however, quit the field in a
panic-stricken manner but fell hastily back to the battery,
only to find two of the guns silent and their brave workers
and horses nearly all of them dead upon the field. With a
courage undaunted, surpassed by no veteran troops on any
battle-field, the Phalanx attempted to save the silent guns.
In this effort Col. Fribley was killed, in the torrent of
rebel bullets which fell upon the regiment. It held the two
guns, despite two desperate charges made by the enemy to
capture them, but the stubbornness of the Phalanx was no
match for the ponderous weight of their enemy's column,
their sharpshooters and artillery mowing down ranks of their
comrades at every volley. A grander spectacle was never
witnessed than that which this regiment gave of gallant
courage. They left their guns only when their line officers
and three hundred and fifty of their valiant soldiers were
dead upon the field, the work of an hour and a half. The
battery lost forty of its horses and four of its brave men.
The Phalanx saved the colors of the battery with its own.
Col. Barton's brigade, the 47th, 48th and 115th New York,
during the fight on the right had held the enemy in the
front and center at bay, covering Elder's battery, and nobly
did they do their duty, bravely maintaining the reputation
they had won before Charleston, but like the other troops,
the contest was too unequal. The rebels outnumbered them
five to one, and they likewise gave way, leaving about a
fourth of their number upon the field, dead and wounded.

"Col. Montgomery's brigade, comprising two Phalanx
regiments, 54th Massachusetts and 1st North Carolina, which
had been held in reserve about a mile down the road, now
came up at double-quick. They were under heavy marching
orders, with ten days' rations in their knapsacks, besides
their cartridge boxes they carried ten rounds in their
overcoat pockets. The road was sandy, and the men often
found their feet beneath the sand, but with their wonted
alacrity they speed on up the road, the 54th leading in
almost a locked running step, followed closely by the 1st
North Carolina. As they reached the road intersected by the
railroad they halted in the rear of what remained of
Hamilton's battery, loading a parting shot. The band of the
54th took position on the side of the road, and while the
regiments were unstringing knapsacks as coolly as if about
to bivouac, the music of the band burst out on the
sulphurous air, amid the roar of artillery, the rattle of
musketry and the shouts of commands, mingling its
soul-stirring strains with the deafening yells of the
charging columns, right, left, and from the rebel center.
Thus on the very edge of the battle, nay, in the battle, the
Phalanx band poured out in heroic measures 'The Star
Spangled Banner.' Its thrilling notes, soaring above the
battles' gales, aroused to new life and renewed energy the
panting, routed troops, flying in broken and disordered
ranks from the field. Many of them halted, the New York
troops particularly, and gathered at the battery again,
pouring a deadly volley into the enemy's works and ranks.
The 54th had but a moment to prepare for the task. General
Seymour rode up and appealed to the Phalanx to check the
enemy and save the army from complete and total
annihilation. Col. Montgomery gave Col. Hallowell the order
'Forward,' pointing to the left, and away went the 54th
Phalanx regiment through the woods, down into the swamp,
wading up to their knees--in places where the water reached
their hips; yet on they went till they reached terra firma.
Soon the regiment stood in line of battle, ready to meet the
enemy's advancing cavalry, emerging from the extreme left.

"'Hold your fire!' the order ran down the line. Indeed, it
was trying. The cavalry had halted but the enemy, in their
rifle-pits in the center of their line, poured volley after
volley into the ranks of the Phalanx, which it stood like a
wall of granite, holding at bay the rebel cavalry hanging on
the edge of a pine grove. The 1st Phalanx regiment entered
the field in front, charged the rebels in the centre of the
line, driving them into their rifle-pits, and then for half
an hour the carnage became frightful. They had followed the
rebels into the very jaws of death, and now Col. Reid found
his regiment in the enemy's enfilading fire, and they swept
his line. Men fell like snowflakes. Driven by this terrific
fire, they fell back. The 54th had taken ground to the
right, lending whatever of assistance they could to their
retiring comrades, who were about on a line with them, for
although retreating, it was in the most cool and deliberate
manner, and the two regiments began a firing at will against
which the rebels, though outnumbering them, could not face.
Thus they held them till long after sunset, and firing
ceased.

"The slaughter was terrible; the Phalanx lost about 800 men,
the white troops about 600. It was Braddock's defeat after
the lapse of a century."

The rout was complete; the army was not only defeated but beaten and demoralized. The enemy had succeeded in drawing it into a trap for the purpose of annihilating it. Seymour had advanced, contrary to the orders given him by General Gillmore, from Baldwin's Station, where he was instructed to intrench and await orders. Whether or not he sought to retrieve the misfortunes that had attended him in South Carolina, in assaulting the enemy's works, is a question which need not be discussed here. It is only necessary to show the miserable mismanagement of the advance into the enemy's country. The troops were marched into an ambuscade, where they were slaughtered by the enemy at will. Even after finding his troops ambuscaded, and within two hundred yards of the confederate fortifications, General Seymour did not attempt to fall back and form a line of battle, though he had sufficient artillery, but rushed brigade after brigade up to the enemy's guns, only to be mowed down by the withering storm of shot. Each brigade in turn went in as spirited as any troops ever entered a fight, but stampeded out of it maimed, mangled and routed. At sunset the road, foot-paths and woods leading back to Saunders' Station, was full of brave soldiers hastening from the massacre of their comrades, in their endeavor to escape capture. At about nine o'clock that night, what remained of the left column, Colonel Montgomery's brigade, consisting of the 54th and 35th Phalanx Regiments, and a battery, arrived at the Station, and reported the confederates in hot pursuit.

Instantly the shattered, scattered troops fled to the roads leading to Barber's, ten miles away, with no one to command. Each man took his own route for Barber's, leaving behind whatever would encumber him,--arms, ammunition, knapsacks and cartridge boxes; many of the latter containing forty rounds of cartridges. It was long past midnight when Barber's was reached, and full day before the frightened mob arrived at the Station. At sunrise on the morning of the 21st, the scene presented at Barber's was sickening and sad. The wounded lay everywhere, upon the ground, huddled around the embers of fagot fires, groaning and uttering cries of distress. The surgeons were busy relieving, as best they could, the more dangerously wounded. The foot-sore and hungry soldiers sought out their bleeding and injured comrades and placed them upon railroad flats, standing upon the tracks, and when these were loaded, ropes and strong vines were procured and fastened to the flats. Putting themselves in the place of a locomotive,--several of which stood upon the track at Jacksonville,--the mangled and mutilated forms of about three hundred soldiers were dragged forward mile after mile. Just in the rear, the confederates kept up a fire of musketry, as though to hasten on the stampede. It was well into the night when the train reached Baldwin's, where it was thought the routed force would occupy the extensive work encircling the station, but they did not stop; their race was continued to Jacksonville. At Baldwin's an agent of the Christian Commission gave the wounded each two crackers, without water. This over with, the train started for Jacksonville, ten miles further. The camp of Colonel Beecher's command, 2nd Phalanx Regiment, was reached, and here coffee was furnished. At daylight the train reached Jacksonville, where the wounded were carried to the churches and cared for. The battle and the retreat had destroyed every vestige of distinction based upon color. The troops during the battle had fought together, as during the stampede they had endured its horrors together.

The news of the battle and defeat reached Beaufort the night of the 23rd of February. It was so surprising that it was doubted, but when a boat load of wounded men arrived, all doubts were dispelled.

Colonel T. W. Higginson, who was at Beaufort at the time with his regiment, (1st S. C), thus notes the reception of the news in his diary, which we quote with a few comments from his admirable book, "Army Life in a Black Regiment":

"'FEBRUARY, 19TH.

"'Not a bit of it! This morning the General has ridden up
radiant, has seen General Gillmore, who has decided not to
order us to Florida at all, nor withdraw any of this
garrison. Moreover, he says that all which is intended in
Florida is done--that there will be no advance to
Tallahassee, and General Seymour will establish a camp of
instruction in Jacksonville. Well, if that is all, it is a
lucky escape.'

"We little dreamed that on that very day the march toward
Olustee was beginning. The battle took place next day, and I
add one more extract to show how the news reached Beaufort.

"'FEBRUARY 23, 1864.

"'There was a sound of revelry by night at a ball in
Beaufort last night, in a new large building beautifully
decorated. All the collected flags of the garrison hung
round and over us, as if the stars and stripes were devised
for an ornament alone. The array of uniforms was such, that
a civilian became a distinguished object, much more a lady.
All would have gone according to the proverbial marriage
bell, I suppose, had there not been a slight palpable shadow
over all of us from hearing vague stories of a lost battle
in Florida, and from the thought that perhaps the very
ambulances in which we rode to the ball were ours only until
the wounded or the dead might tenant them.

"'General Gillmore only came, I supposed, to put a good face
upon the matter. He went away soon, and General Saxton went;
then came a rumor that the Cosmopolitan had actually arrived
with wounded, but still the dance went on. There was nothing
unfeeling about it--one gets used to things,--when suddenly,
in the midst of the 'Lancers,' there came a perfect hush,
the music ceasing, a few surgeons went hastily to and fro,
as if conscience stricken (I should think they might have
been),--and then there 'waved a mighty shadow in,' as in
Uhland's 'Black Knight,' and as we all stood wondering we
were aware of General Saxton who strode hastily down the
hall, his pale face very resolute, and looking almost sick
with anxiety. He had just been on board the steamer; there
were two hundred and fifty wounded men just arrived, and the
ball must end. Not that there was anything for us to do, but
the revel was mis-timed, and must be ended; it was wicked to
be dancing with such a scene of suffering near by.

Federal picket boat near Fernandina, Fla., attacked by Confederate sharpshooters stationed in the trees on the banks.]

"'Of course the ball was instantly broken up, though with
some murmurings and some longings of appetite, on the part
of some, toward the wasted supper.

"'Later, I went on board the boat. Among the long lines of
wounded, black and white intermingled, there was the
wonderful quiet which usually prevails on such occasions.
Not a sob nor a groan, except from those undergoing removal.
It is not self-control, but chiefly the shock to the system
produced by severe wounds, especially gunshot wounds, and
which usually keeps the patient stiller at first than at any
later time.

"'A company from my regiment waited on the wharf, in their
accustomed dusky silence, and I longed to ask them what they
thought of our Florida disappointment now? In view of what
they saw, did they still wish we had been there? I confess
that in presence of all that human suffering, I could not
wish it. But I would not have suggested any such thought to
them.

"'I found our kind-hearted ladies, Mrs. Chamberlin and Mrs.
Dewhurst, on board the steamer, but there was nothing for
them to do, and we walked back to camp in the radiant
moonlight; Mrs. Chamberlin more than ever strengthened in
her blushing woman's philosophy, 'I don't care who wins the
laurels, provided we don't!'

"'FEBRUARY 29TH.

"'But for a few trivial cases of varioloid, we should
certainly have been in that disastrous fight. We were
confidently expected for several days at Jacksonville, and
the commanding general told Hallowell that we, being the
oldest colored regiment, would have the right of the line.
This was certainly to miss danger and glory very closely.'"

At daybreak on the 8th of March, 1864, the 7th Regiment, having left Camp Stanton, Maryland, on the 4th and proceeded to Portsmouth, Va., embarked on board the steamer "Webster" for the Department of the South. Arriving at Hilton Head, the regiment went into camp for a few days, then it embarked for Jacksonville, Fla., at which place it remained for some time, taking part in several movements into the surrounding country and participating in a number of quite lively skirmishes. On the 27th of June a considerable portion of the Regiment was ordered to Hilton Head, where it arrived on July 1st; it went from there to James Island, where with other troops a short engagement with the confederates was had. Afterwards the regiment returned to Jacksonville, Fla., remaining in that vicinity engaged in raiding the adjacent territory until the 4th of August, when the regiment was ordered to Virginia, to report to the Army of the Potomoc, where it arrived on Aug. 8th. The 55th Massachusetts Regiment was also ordered to the Department of the South, It left Boston July 21st, 1863, on the steamer "Cahawba," and arrived at Newbern on the 25th. After a few days of rest, to recover from the effects of the voyage, the regiment was put into active service, and performed a large amount of marching and of the arduous duties required of a soldier. Many skirmishes and actions of more or less importance were participated in. February 13th, 1864, the regiment took a steamer for Jacksonville, Fla., and spent considerable time in that section and at various points on the St. Johns river. In June the regiment was ordered to the vicinity of Charleston, and took part in several of the engagements which occurred in that neighborhood, always sustaining and adding to the reputation they were acquiring for bravery and good soldierly conduct. The regiment passed its entire time of active service in the department to which it was first sent, and returned to Boston, Mass., where it was mustered out, amid great rejoicing, on the 23rd of September, 1865.

The battles in which the 54th Regiment were engaged were some of the most sanguinary of the war. The last fight of the regiment, which, like the battle of New Orleans, took place after peace was declared, is thus described by the Drummer Boy of Company C, Henry A. Monroe, of New Bedford, Mass.:

BOYKIN'S MILL.[27]

One wailing bugle note,--
Then at the break of day,
With Martial step and gay.
The army takes its way
From Camden town.

There lay along the path,
Defending native land;
A daring, desperate band
Entrenched on either hand
In ambuscade.

A low and dark ravine
Beneath a rugged hill,
Where stood the Boykin Mill
Spanning the creek, whose rill
Flows dark an deep.

Only a narrow bank
Where one can scarcely tread:
Thick branches meet o'erhead;
Across the mill-pond's bed
A bridge up-torn.

One single sharp report!
A hundred muskets peal,--
A wild triumphant yell,
As back the army fell
Stunned, bleeding, faint.

As when some mighty rock
Obstructs the torrent's course,
After the moment's pause
Twill rush with greater force
Resistless on.

A moment's pause and then,
Our leader from his post,
Viewing the stricken host.
Cried 'Comrades, all is lost
If we now fail!'

Forming in single file.
They gaze with bated breath,
Around--before--beneath--
On every hand, stern Death
His visage showed.

'Forward!' They quickly spring
With leveled bayonet;
Each eye is firmly set
Upon that pathway wet
With crimson gore.

That 'Balaklava' dash!
Right through the leaden hail.
O'er dyke mid timbers frail,
With hearts that never fail
They boldly charge.

Facing the scathing fire
Without a halt or break;
Save when with moan or shriek,
In the blood-mingled creek
The wounded fall.

What could resist that charge?
Above the battle's roar,
There swells a deafening cheer
Telling to far and near,
The Mill is won!

The slaughter was terrible, and among the killed was young Lieutenant Stevenson, a graduate of Harvard. The affair was an unnecessary sacrifice of human life, for the war was over, peace had been declared, and President Lincoln had been assassinated; but in the interior of the Carolinas, the news did not reach until it was too late to prevent this final bloodshed of the war. Perhaps it may be regarded as a fitting seal of the negro to his new covenant with freedom and his country.

The very large number of negro troops which General Gillmore had under his command in the Department of the South, afforded him a better opportunity to test their fitness for and quality as soldiers, than any other commander had. In fact the artillery operations in Charleston harbor, conducted throughout with remarkable engineering skill, perseverence and bravery, won for General Gillmore and his troops the attention and admiration of the civilized world, and an exceptional place in the annals of military siege. Such fame is sufficient to prompt an inquiry into the capacity of the men who performed the labor of planting the "Swamp Angel," which threw three hundred pound shot into the heart of Charleston, more than four miles away, and also mounted the six 200-pound cannons which demolished the forts in the harbor two miles distant. The work of mounting these immense guns in swamp and mud could only be done by men who feared neither fatigue, suffering nor death. After the accomplishment of these worlds, wonders, and the subjugation of "arrogant" Wagner, the following circular was addressed to the subordinate engineers for information regarding the negro troops, which drew forth explicit and interesting answers:

"COLORED TROOPS FOR WORK.--CIRCULAR.

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,

"ENGINEER'S OFFICE, MORRIS ISLAND, S. C., Sept. 10th, 1863.

"As the important experiment which will test the fitness of
the American negro for the duties of a soldier is now being
tried, it is desirable that facts bearing on the question be
carefully observed and recorded.

"It is probable that in no military operations of the war
have negro troops done so large a proportion, and so
important and hazardous, fatigue duty, as in the siege
operations on this island.

"As you have directed the operations of working parties of
both white and black troops here, I respectfully ask, for
the object above stated, an impartial and carefully prepared
answer to the following inquiries, together with such
statements as you choose to make bearing on this question:

"I. Courage as indicated by their behavior under fire.

"II. Skill and appreciation of their duties, referring to
the quality of the work performed.

"III. Industry and perseverence, with reference, to the
quantity of the work performed.

"IV. If a certain work were to be accomplished in the least
possible time, _i. e._, when enthusiasm and direct personal
interest is necessary to attain the end, would whites or
blacks answer best?

"V. What is the difference, considering the above points
between colored troops recruited from the free States and
those from the slave States?

"Very respectfully your obedient servant,

"T. B. BROOKS,

"_Major, Aide-de-Camp and Ass't Engineer._"

_Six_ replies to these enquiries were received from engineer officers who had been engaged in the siege, the substance of which is embraced in the following summary, following which two replies are given in full,

"1. To the first question all answer that the black is more
timorous than the white, but is in a corresponding degree
more docile and obedient, hence more completely under the
control of his commander, and much more influenced by his
example.

"2. All agree that the black is less skillful than the white
soldier, but still enough so for most kinds of siege work.

"3. The statements unanimously agree that the black will do
a greater amount of work than the white soldier because he
labors more constantly.

"4. The whites are decidedly superior in enthusiasm. The
blacks cannot be easily hurried in their work, no matter
what the emergency.

"5. All agree that the colored troops recruited from free
States are superior to those recruited from slave States.

"It may with propriety be repeated here, that the average
percentage of sick among the negro troops during the siege
was 13.9, while that of the white infantry was 20.1 per
cent.

"The percentage of tours of duty performed by the blacks as
compared with the white infantry, was as 56 to 41. But the
grand guard duty, which was considered much more wearing
than fatigue, was all done by the whites.

"The efficiency and health of a battalion depends so much
upon its officers, that, in order to institute a fair
comparison, when so small a number of troops are considered,
this element should be eliminated. This has not, however,
been attempted in this paper."

[_Reply in Full No. 1._]

"MORRIS ISLAND, S. C., Sept. 11th, 1863.

"MAJOR:--In answer to your several queries as per circular
of September 10, 1863, requesting my opinion as to the
relative merits of white and black troops, for work in the
trenches, I have the honor to make the the following
replies:

"I. 'Their courage as indicated by their behavior under
fire.' I will say, in my opinion, their courage is rather of
the passive than the active kind. They will stay, endure,
resist, and follow, but they have not the restless,
aggressive spirit. I do not believe they will desert their
officers in trying moments, in so great numbers as the
whites; they have not the will, audacity or fertility of
excuse of the straggling white, and at the same time they
have not the heroic, nervous energy, or vivid perception of
the white, who stands firm or presses forward.

"I do not remember a single instance, in my labors in the
trenches, where the black man has skulked away from his
duty, and I know that instances of that kind have occurred
among the whites; still I think that the superior energy and
intelligence of those remaining, considering that the whites
were the lesser number by the greater desertion, would more
than compensate.

"II. 'Skill and appreciation of their duties referring to
the quality of the work.'

"They have a fair share of both; enough to make them very
useful and efficient, but they have not apparently that
superior intelligence and skill that may be found largely
among the non-commissioned officers and privates of the
white regiments.

"III. 'Industry and perseverence with reference to the
quantity of the work done.'

"I think they will do more than the whites; they do not have
so many complaints and excuses, but stick to their work
patiently, doggedly, obediently, and accomplish a great
deal, though I have never known them to work with any marked
spirit or energy. I should liken the white man to the horse
(often untractable and balky), the black man to the ox.

"IV. 'If a certain work were to be accomplished in the least
possible time, _i. e._, when enthusiasm and direct personal
interest is necessary to attain the end, would whites or
blacks answer best?'

"I cannot make up my mind that it is impossible to arouse
the enthusiasm of the blacks, for I have seen enough of them
to know that they are very emotional creatures; still though
they might have more dash than I have seen and think
possible, it is unquestionable to my mind that were the
enthusiasm and personal interest of both aroused, the white
would far surpass the black.

"It seems to me that there is a hard nervous organization at
the bottom of the character of the white, and a soft
susceptible one at the bottom of the character of the black.

"V. 'What is the difference, considering the above points,
between colored troops recruited from the free States and
those from the slave States?'

"I should say that the free State men were the best; they
have more of the self-reliance, and approximate nearer to
the qualities of the white man in respect to dash and
energy, than those from the slave States.

"_Summary._--To me they compare favorably with the whites;
they are easily handled, true and obedient; there is less
viciousness among them; they are more patient; they have
great constancy. The character of the white, as you know,
runs to extremes; one has bull-dog courage, another is a
pitiful cur; one is excessively vicious, another pure and
noble. The phases of the character of the white touches the
stars and descends to the lowest depths. The blacks
character occupies the inner circle. Their status is
mediocrity, and this mediocrity and uniformity, for military
fatigue duty, I think, answers best.

"I am respectfully your obedient servant,

"JOSEPH WALKER.

"_Captain New York Volunteer Engineers._

"Major T. B. BROOKS,

"_Aide-de-Camp and Ass't. Eng. Dept. of the South."_

[_Reply in Full No. 2._]

"MORRIS ISLAND, Sept. 16th, 1863.

"MAJOR T. B. BROOKS, _Ass't. Engineer Dept. of the South._

"SIR: I have the honor to state that I received from you a
circular of inquiry respecting the comparative merits of
white and black soldiers for fatigue duty, requesting my
opinion as derived from observation and actual intercourse
with them, on several specified points, which I subjoin with
the respective answers.

"I. 'Courage as indicated by conduct under fire.'

"I have found that the black troops manifest more timidity
under fire than the white troops, but they are at the same
time more obedient to orders, and more under control of
their officers, in dangerous situations, than white
soldiers.

"II. 'Skill and appreciation of their duties with reference
to the quality of the work performed.'

"White soldiers are more intelligent and experienced and of
course more skillful than the black ones, but they have not
generally a corresponding appreciation of their duties. As a
consequence I have found in most cases the work as well done
by black as by white soldiers.

"III. 'Industry and perseverence with reference to the
amount of work performed.'

"White soldiers work with more energy while they do work
than the black ones, but do not work as constantly. Black
soldiers seldom intermit their labors except by orders or
permission. The result, as far as my observations extends,
is that a greater amount of work is usually accomplished
with black than with white soldiers.

"IV. 'If a certain work were to be accomplished in the least
possible time, when enthusiasm and direct personal interest
is necessary to the attainment of the end, would whites or
blacks answer best?'

"Whites. Because though requiring more effort to control,
they possess a greater energy of character and
susceptibility of enthusiasm than the black race, which can
be called into action by an emergency or by a sufficient
effort on the part of their officers.

"V. 'What is the difference, considering the above points,
between colored troops recruited from the free States and
those from the slave States?'

"I have observed a decided difference in favor of those
recruited from the free States.

"The problem involved in the foregoing investigation is more
difficult of a solution than appears at first sight, owing
to the fact that the degree of efficiency peculiar to any
company of troops depends so much on the character of their
officers, an element that must eliminate from the question
in order to ascertain the quality of the material of which
the troops are composed.

"I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

"H. FARRAND,

"_1st Lieut. New York Volunteer Engineers._"

In his report to Major-General Gillmore, dated "Morris Island, Sept. 27th, 1863," Major Brooks, his Assistant Engineer, says: "Of the numerous infantry regiments which furnished fatigue details, the Fourth New Hampshire Volunteers did the most and best work. Next follow the blacks, the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Volunteers, and Third United States Colored Troops."

Annexed to these reports is also a statement of the labor days of the troops.

"WORKING PARTIES AND HEALTH OF TROOPS.

"The total number of days' work, of six hours each, expended
in Major Brooks' operations was, by engineers, 4,500, and by
infantry 19,000, total 23,500; of the 19,000 days' work by
infantry, one-half was performed by colored troops. In
addition to the above, 9,500 days' work was expended in
preparing siege materials for Major Brooks' operations. The
infantry soldiers' days' work is about one-fifth what a
citizen laborer would do on civil works. Of my work, over
eight-twentieths was against Wagner, about seven-twentieths
on the defensive lines, and nearly five-twentieths on the
batteries against Sumter.

"The approximate amount of labor actually expended on the
more important works is as follows: One emplacement for a
siege piece, 40 days; one emplacement for a heavy breaching
gun, 100 days; one bomb-proof magazine, 250 days;
construction and repairs of each yard of approach having
splinter-proof parapet, 2 days; a lineal yard of narrow
splinter-proof shelter, 4 days; a lineal yard of wide
splinter-proof shelter, 8 days; to make and set one yard of
inclined palisading, 2 days.

"At least three-fourths of the manual labor was simply
shoveling sand; one-half of the remainder was carrying
engineer material. The balance was employed in various kinds
of work.

"About three-fourths of this work was executed in the
night-time, and at least nine-tenths of it under a fire of
artillery or sharpshooters, or both. The sharpshooters
seldom fired during the night. The artillery fire was most
severe during the day. Thirty-five projectiles fired by the
enemy at our works per hour was called "heavy firing,"
although sometimes more than double that number were thrown.

"In the order of their number the projectiles were from
smooth-bore guns, mortars, and rifled guns.

"The James Island batteries were from two thousand to four
thousand yards from our works; Fort Sumter and Battery Gregg
were respectively about three thousand five hundred and two
thousand one hundred; Fort Wagner was from thirteen hundred
to one hundred yards.

"The total number of casualties in the working parties and
the guard of the advanced trenches, (not including the main
guard of the trenches), during the siege, was about one
hundred and fifty. When it is considered that on an average
over two hundred men were constantly engaged in these
duties, being under fire for fifty days, the number of
casualties is astonishingly small.

"The camp at which the fatigue parties were quartered and
fed were, in order to be beyond the reach of the enemy's
fires, two miles from the centre of the works; hence the
distance of four miles had to be marched each tour of duty,
which required nearly two hours, and added greatly to the
labor of the siege.

"This siege has been conducted through the hottest part of
the season,--July, August and September,--yet the troops
have suffered but little from excess in heat, on account of
the large proportion of night work, and the almost continual
sea-breeze, which was always cool and refreshing.

"The amount of sickness was great, the large amount of duty
being the probable cause. On the 7th of August the
percentage was the smallest observed during the siege, being
18.6. At this date the aggregate garrison of Morris Island
was 9,353, of which 1,741 were sick. On the 17th of August
22.9 per cent. of the whole garrison were on the sick list.
This was the most unhealthy period of the siege.

"The average strength of the command on Morris Island during
the siege was, of all arms, 10,678 men, of which the average
percentage sick was 19.88. The number of black troops varied
from 1,127 to 1947.

"Average percentage of sick in Artillery, 6.2; ditto, in
Engineers, 11.9; ditto, in Black Infantry, 13.9; ditto, in
White Infantry, (excluding one brigade), 20.1.

"This brigade consisted of the Ninety-seventh Pennsylvania,
Twenty-fourth Massachusetts and Tenth Connecticut
Volunteers. It averaged thirty per cent sick. This was due
to the fact that these three regiments had been stationed,
before moving to Morris Island, on Seabrook Island, which
proved very unhealthy. The engineers and black infantry were
employed exclusively on fatigue duty. The white infantry
served as guard of the trenches, as well as for work in the
same.

"Details from the troops on Folly Island took part in the
operations on Morris Island.

"It was found by experience that men under these
circumstances could not work more than one-fourth the time.
A greater amount at once increased the sick list. Eight
hours in thirty-two, or eight hours on and twenty-four off,
was found to be the best arrangement, as it made a daily
change in the hours of duty for those regiments permanently
detailed for work.

"The organization found most advantageous in working a
command permanently detailed for fatigue duty, was to divide
its effective force into four equal detachments, on duty
eight hours each, relieving each other at 4 A. M., 12 M. and
8 P. M. The large number of extra troops employed in the
trenches each night were usually changed daily.

"The engineer officers in charge of the works were divided
into corresponding groups, four in each, relieving each
other at 8 A. M., 4 P. M., and 12 midnight, four hours
different from the time of relieving the troops. This
difference enabled the engineer officers to carry the work
through the period of relieving the fatigue details.

"One engineer officer, having from two to four different
kinds or jobs of work to superintend, was found to work
advantageously in the night, with the help of
non-commissioned officers of engineers, from one hundred to
two hundred men.

"The working parties of engineers and black infantry seldom
carried their arms into the trenches, while the white
infantry fatigue parties usually did."

FOOTNOTES:

[27] NOTE.--Boykin's Mill, a few miles from Camden, S. C, was the scene of one of the bloodiest skirmishes that the 54th Regt. ever participated in. We had literally fought every step of the way from Georgetown to Camden, and the enemy made a last desperate stand at this place. No better position could be found for a defense, as the only approach to it, was by a narrow embankment about 200 yards long, where only one could walk at a time. The planks of the bridge over the mill-race were torn up, compelling the troops to cross on the timbers and cross-ties, under a galling fire which swept the bridge and embankment, rendering it a fearful 'way of death.' The heroes of Wagner and Olustee did not shrink from the trial, but actually charged in single file. The first to step upon the fatal path, went down like grass before the scythe, but over their prostrate bodies came their comrades, until the enemy, panic-stricken by such determined daring, abandoned their position and fled.