Chapter X: The Black Flag (2)

"'An escort was soon formed to conduct the prisoners to
Richmond, some seven or eight miles distant, and the kinder
behavior of that part of the guard which had participated in
the action was suggestive of the freemasonry that exists
between brave fellows to whatever side belonging. On the
road the prisoners were subjected by every passer-by, to
petty insults, the point in every case, more or less
obscene, being the color of their skin. The solitary
exception, curiously enough, being a _nymph du pave_ in the
suburbs of the town.[30]

"'About dusk the prisoners reached the notorious Libby,
where the officers took leave of their enlisted
comrades--from most of them forever. The officers were then
searched and put collectively in a dark hole, whose purpose
undoubtedly was similar to that of the 'Ear of Dionysius.'
In the morning, after being again searched, they were placed
among the rest of the confined officers, among whom was
Capt. Cook, of the Ninth, taken a few weeks previously at
Strawberry Plains. Some time before, the confederates had
made a great haul on the Weldon Railroad, and the prison was
getting uncomfortably full of prisoners and--vermin. After a
few days sojourn in Libby, the authorities prescribed a
change of air, and the prisoners were packed into box and
stock cars and rolled to Salisbury, N. C. The comforts of
this two day's ride are remembered as strikingly similar to
those of Mr. Hog from the West to the Eastern market before
the invention of the S. F. P. C. T. A.

"'At Salisbury the prisoners were stored in the third story
of an abandoned tobacco factory, occupied on the lower
floors by political prisoners, deserters, thieves and spies,
who during the night made an attempt on the property of the
new-comers, but were repulsed after a pitched battle. In the
morning the Post-Commandant ordered the prisoners to some
unused negro quarters in another part of the grounds,
separated from the latter by a line of sentries. During the
week train-loads of prisoners--enlisted men--arrived and
were corralled in the open grounds. The subsequent
sufferings of these men are known to the country, a parallel
to those of Andersonville, as the eternal infamy of Wirtz is
shared by his _confrere_ at Salisbury--McGee.

"'The weakness, and still more, the appalling ferocity of
the guards, stimulated the desire to escape; but when this
had become a plan it was discovered, and the commissioned
prisoners were at once hurried off to Danville, Va., and
there assigned the two upper floors of an abandoned tobacco
warehouse, which formed one side of an open square. Here an
organization into messes was effected, from ten to eighteen
in each--to facilitate the issue of rations. The latter
consisted of corn-bread and boiled beef, but gradually the
issues of meat became like angels' visits, and then for
several months ceased altogether. It was the art of feeding
as practised by the Hibernian on his horse--only their
exchange deprived the prisoners of testing the one straw per
day.

"Among the democracy of hungry bellies there were a few
aristocrats, with a Division General of the Fifth Corps as
Grand Mogul, whose Masonic or family connections in the
South procured them special privileges. On the upper floor
these envied few erected a cooking stove, around which they
might be found at all hours of the day, preparing savory
dishes, while encircled by a triple and quadruple row of
jealous noses, eagerly inhailing the escaping vapors, so
conducive to day-dreams of future banquets. The social
equilibrium was, however, bi-diurnally restored by a common
pursuit--a general warfare under the black flag against a
common enemy, as insignificant individually as he was
collectively formidable--an insect, in short, whose
domesticity on the human body is, according to some
naturalists, one of the differences between our species and
the rest of creation. This operation, technically,
'skirmishing,' happened twice a day, according as the sun
illumined the east or west sides of the apartments, along
which the line was deployed in its beams.

"Eating, sleeping, smelling and skirmishing formed the
routine of prison-life, broken once in a while by a walk,
under escort, to the Dan river, some eighty yards distant,
for a water supply. Generally, some ten or twelve prisoners
with buckets were allowed to go at once, and this
circumstance, together with the fact that the guard for all
the prisons in town were mounted in the open square in
front, excited the first idea of escape. According to high
diplomatic authority, empty stomachs are conducive to
ingenuity, so the idea soon became a plan and a conspiracy.
While the new guard had stacked arms in the open square
preparatory to mounting, some ten or twelve officers, under
the lead of Col. Ralston, the powerful head of some New York
regiment, were to ask for exit under pretense of getting
water, and then to overpower the opposing sentries, while
the balance of the prisoners, previously drawn up in line at
the head of the short staircase leading direct to the exit
door, were to rush down into the square, seize the stacked
arms and march through the Confederacy to the Union
lines--perhaps!

"'Among the ten or twelve pseudo-water-carriers--the forlorn
hope--were Col. Ralston, Capt. Cook, of the Ninth, and one
or two of the Seventh--Capt. Weiss and Lieut. Spinney. On
the guard opening the door for egress, Col. Ralston and one
of the Seventh threw themselves on the first man, a powerful
six-footer, and floored him. At the same moment, however,
another guard with great presence of mind, slammed the door
and turned the key, and that before five officers could
descend the short staircase. The attempt was now a failure.
One of the guards on the outside of the building took
deliberate aim through the open window at Col. Ralston, who
was still engaged with the struggling fellow, and shot him
through the bowels. Col. Ralston died a lingering and
painful death after two or three days. Less true bravery
than his has been highly sung in verse.

"'This attempt could not but sharpen the discipline of the
prison, but soon the natural humanity of the commandant,
Col. Smith, now believed to be Chief Engineer of the
Baltimore Bridge Company, asserted itself, and things went
on as before. Two incidents may, however, be mentioned in
this connection, whose asperities time has removed, leaving
nothing but their salient grotesque features.

"'Immediately after the occurrence, an unlimited supply of
dry-salted codfish was introduced. This being the first
animal food for weeks, was greedily devoured in large
quantities, mostly raw--producing a raging thirst. The water
supply was now curtailed to a few bucketsful, but even these
few drops of the precious fluid were mostly wasted in the
_melee_ for their possession. The majority of the
contestants retired disappointed to muse on the comforts of
the Sahara Desert, and as the stories about tapping camels
recurred to them, suggestive glances were cast at the more
fortunate rivals. After a few days, conspicuous for the
sparing enjoyment of salt cod, the water supply was ordered
unlimited. An immediate 'corner' in the Newfoundland staple
took place, the stock being actively absorbed by _bona fide_
investors, who found that it bore watering with impunity.

* * * *

"'At the beginning of February, 1865, thirty boxes of
provisions, etc., from friends in the North arrived for the
prisoners. The list of owners was anxiously scanned and the
lucky possessor would not have exchanged for the capital
prize in the Havana lottery. The poor fellows of the
Seventh were among the fortunate, and from that day none
knew hunger more.

"'With the advent of the boxes came the dawn of a brighter
day. Cartels of exchange were talked about, and by the
middle of February the captives found themselves on the rail
for Richmond. The old Libby appeared much less gloomy than
on first acquaintance, the rays of hope throwing a halo
about everywhere. Many asked and obtained the liberty of the
town to lay in a supply of those fine brands of tobacco for
which Richmond is famous. In a few days the preliminaries to
exchange were completed, and on the 22d of
February--Washington's birthday--the captives also stepped
into a new life under the old flag."

"Captain Sherman, of Co. C., gives the following account:

"'Further resistence being useless, and having expressed our
willingness to surrender, we were invited into the fort. As
I stepped down from the parapet I was immediately accosted
by one of the so-called F. F. V.'s, whose smiling
countenance and extended hand led me to think I was
recognized as an acquaintance. My mind was soon disabused of
that idea, however, for the next instant he had pulled my
watch from its pocket, with the remark, 'what have you
there?' Quick as thought, and before he could realize the
fact, I had seized and recovered the watch, while he held
only a fragment of the chain, and placing it in an inside
pocket, buttoned my coat and replied, 'that is my watch and
you cannot have it.'

"'Just then I discovered Lieut. Ferguson was receiving a
good deal of attention--a crowd having gathered about
him--and the next moment saw his fine new hat had been
appropriated by one of the rebel soldiers, and he stood
hatless. Seeing one of the rebel officers with a Masonic
badge on his coat, Lieut. F. made himself known as a brother
Mason, and appealed to him for redress. The officer quickly
responded and caused the hat to be returned to its owner,
only to be again stolen, and the thief made to give it up as
before.

"'In a little while we (seven officers and eighty-five
enlisted men) were formed in four ranks, and surrounded by a
guard, continued the march 'on to Richmond,' but under very
different circumstances from what we had flattered ourselves
would be the case, when only two or three hours before our
brigade-commander had remarked, as he rode by the regiment,
that we would certainly be in Richmond that night. We met a
great many civilians, old and young, on their way to the
front, as a general alarm had been sounded in the city, and
all who could carry arms had been ordered to report for duty
in the intrenchments. After a few miles march we halted for
a rest, but were not allowed to sit down, as I presume the
guards thought we could as well stand as they. Here a squad
of the Richmond Grays, the _elite_ of the city, came up and
accosted us with all manner of vile epithets. One of the
most drunken and boisterous approached within five or six
feet of me, and with the muzzle of his rifle within two feet
of my face swore he would shoot me. Fearless of
consequences, and feeling that immediate death even could
not be worse than slow torture by starvation, to which I
knew that so many of our soldiers had been subjected, and
remembering that the Confederate Congress had declared
officers of colored troops outlaws, I replied, as my eyes
met his, 'shoot if you dare.' Instead of carrying out his
threat he withdrew his aim and staggered on. Here Lieut.
Ferguson lost his hat, which had been already twice stolen
and recovered. One of the rebs came up behind him and taking
the hat from his head replaced it with his own and ran off.
The lieutenant consoled himself with the reflection that at
last he had a hat no one would steal.

"'At about 7 P. M. we arrived at Libby Prison _and were
separated from the enlisted men, who, we afterward learned,
suffered untold hardships, to which many of them succumbed.
Some were claimed as slaves by men who had never known them;
others denied fuel and shelter through the winter, and
sometimes water with which to quench their thirst; the sick
and dying neglected or mal-treated and even murdered by
incompetent and fiendish surgeons; without rations for days
together; shot at without the slightest reason or only to
gratify the caprice of the guards,--all of which harrowing
details were fully corroborated by the few emaciated wrecks
that survived_.

"'We were marched inside the prison, searched, and what
money we had taken from us. I was allowed to retain
pocket-book, knife and watch. Our names were recorded and we
were told to follow the sergeant. Now, I thought, the
question will be decided whether we are to go up stairs
where we knew the officers were quartered, or be confined in
the cells below. As we neared the corner of the large room
and I saw the sergeant directing his steps to the stairs
leading down, I thought it had been better had we fallen on
the battle-field. He led the way down to a cell, and as we
passed in barred and locked the door and left us in
darkness. Here, without rations, the bare stone floor for a
bed, the dampness trickling down the walls on either side,
seven of us were confined in a close room about seven feet
by nine. It was a long night, but finally morning dawned and
as a ray of light shone through the little barred window
above our heads we thanked God we were not in total
darkness. About 9 A. M. rations, consisting of bread and
meat, were handed in, and being divided into seven parts,
were drawn for by lot. About noon we were taken from the
cell and put in with the other officers. Here we met Capt.
Cook, of the Ninth Regiment, who had been captured about a
month previous while reconnoitering the enemy's line.

"'We were now in a large room, perhaps forty by ninety feet,
with large windows, entirely destitute of glass. No blankets
nor anything to sit or lie upon except the floor, and at
night when we lay down the floor was literally covered.

"'About the middle of the second night we were all hurriedly
marched out and packed in filthy box-cars--like sardines,
for there was not room for all to sit down--for an unknown
destination. After a slow and tedious ride we arrived at
Salisbury, N. C. When we arrived there were but few
prisoners, and for two or three days we received fair
rations of bread, bean soup and a little meat. This did not
last long, for as the number of prisoners increased our
rations were diminished. There were four old log houses
within the stockade and into these the officers were moved
the next day, while a thousand or more prisoners, brought on
from Petersburg, were turned into the pen without shelter of
any kind. From these we were separated by a line of
sentinels, who had orders to shoot any who approached within
six paces of their beat on either side. This was called the
'dead-line,' which also extended around the enclosure about
six paces from the stockade.

"'The second Sunday after our arrival, just as we were
assembling to hear preaching, an officer who had
thoughtlessly stepped to a tree on the dead-line was shot
and killed by the sentry, who was on an elevated platform
outside the fence, and only about two rods distant. For this
fiendish act the murderer was granted a sixty days furlough.

"'Prisoners were being brought in almost daily, and at this
time there were probably six thousand within the enclosure.
A pretence of shelter was furnished by the issue of a few
Sibley tents, but not more than a third of the prisoners
were sheltered. Many of them built mud hovels or burrowed in
the ground; some crawled under the hospital building. Very
few had blankets and all were thinly clad, and the rations
were barely sufficient to sustain life. What wonder that men
lost their strength, spirits, and sometimes reason. The
story of exposure, sickness and death is the same and rivals
that of Andersonville.

"'The guard was strengthened, a portion of the fence taken
down and a piece of artillery stationed at the corners to
sweep down the crowd, should an outbreak occur. This we had
thought of for some time, and a plan of action was decided
upon. At a given signal all within the enclosure were to
make a break for that part of the fence nearest them, and
then scatter, each one for himself. Of course, some would
probably be killed, but it was hoped most would escape
before the guards could load and fire a second time. This
plot, which was to have been carried out at midnight, was
discovered the previous afternoon. The inside guard,
separating the enlisted-men from the officers, had become
more vigilant, and the only means of communication was to
attach a note to a stone and throw it across. This an
officer attempted. The note fell short; the sentry picked it
up, called the corporal of the guard, who took it to the
officer of the guard, and in less than five minutes the
whole arrangement was known. Two hours afterward we were
formed in line and learned that we were to change our
quarters. We had then been in Salisbury twenty days. Before
we left one of our mess found and brought away a bound copy
of _Harper's Magazine_. It proved a boon to us, as it served
for a pillow for one of us at night, and was being read by
some one from dawn until night, until we had all read it
through, when we traded it off for a volume of the _Portland
Transcript_.

"'We were packed in box cars and started North. The next
morning we arrived at Danville and were confined in a
tobacco warehouse, built of brick and about eighty feet
long, forty wide, and three stories high. When we first
entered the prison the ration was fair in quantity. We had
from twelve to sixteen ounces of corn-bread, and from two to
four ounces of beef or a cup of pea-soup, but never beef and
soup the same day. True, the soup would have an abundance of
worms floating about in it, but these we would skim off, and
trying to forget we had seen them, eat with a relish. Hunger
will drive one to eat almost anything, as we learned from
bitter experience. About the 1st of November the soup and
beef ration began to decrease, and from the middle of the
month to the 20th of February, when I was paroled, not a
ration of meat or soup was issued. Nothing but corn-bread,
made from unbolted meal, and water, and that growing less
and less. Sometimes I would divide my ration into three
parts and resolve to make it last all day, but invariably it
would be gone before noon. Generally I would eat the whole
ration at once, but that did not satisfy my hunger, and I
had to go without a crumb for the next twenty-four hours. To
illustrate how inadequate the ration was, I can say that I
have seen officers picking potato-peelings from the large
spittoons, where they were soaking in tobacco spittle, wash
them off and eat them.

"'We had an abundance of good, pure water, which was a great
blessing. Pails were furnished, and when five or six men
were ready, the sentry would call the corporal of the guard,
who would send a guard of from four to six with us to the
river, about two hundred yards distant. Twice a day an
officer would come in and call the roll; that is form us
into four ranks and count the files. If any had escaped, it
was essential that the number should be kept good for some
days, to enable them to get a good start, and for this
purpose various means were used. Some, times one of the rear
rank, after being counted, would glide along unseen to the
left of the line and be recounted. A hole was cut in the
upper floor, and while the officer was going upstairs, some
would climb through the hole and be counted with those on
the third floor. This created some confusion, as the number
would occasionally overrun.

"'As the season advanced we suffered more and more from the
cold, for being captured in September our clothing was not
sufficient for December and January. Very few had blankets,
and the rebel authorities never issued either blankets or
clothing of any kind. The windows of the lower rooms were
without glass, and only the lower half of each boarded up;
the wind would whistle through the large openings, and
drawing up through the open floor, upon which we had to lie
at night, would almost freeze us. I finally succeeded in
trading my watch with one of the guard for an old bed-quilt
and twenty dollars Confederate money. The money came in very
good time, for I then had the scurvy so badly that my
tongue, lips and gums were so swollen that by evening I
could scarcely speak. In the morning the swelling would not
be quite so bad, and by soaking the corn-bread in water,
could manage to swallow a little. The surgeon, who visited
the prison every day, cauterized my mouth, but it continued
to grow worse, until at last I could not eat the coarse
bread. Sometimes I would have a chance to sell it for from
one to two dollars, which, with the twenty, saved me from
starvation. I bought rice of the guard for two dollars the
half-pint, and good-sized potatoes for a dollar each. These
were cooked usually over a little fire in the yard with wood
or chips picked up while going for water. Sometimes, by
waiting patiently for an hour or more, I could get near
enough to the stove to put my cup on. The heating apparatus
was a poor apology for a cylinder coal-stove, and the coal
the poorest I ever saw, and gave so little heat that one
could stand all day by it and shiver.

"'The bed-quilt was quite narrow, but very much better than
none.

"'Capt. Weiss and I would spread our flannel coats on the
floor, use our shoes for pillows, spread the quilt over us,
and with barely space to turn over, would, if the night was
not too cold, go to sleep; usually to dream of home and
loved ones; of Christmas festivities and banquets; of trains
of army wagons so overloaded with pies and cakes that they
were rolling into the road; of a general exchange; a thirty
day's leave of absence, and a thousand things altogether
unlike that which we were experiencing; and would wake only
to find ourselves cold and hungry.

"'Our mess had the volume of _Harper's Magazine_, found at
Salisbury, and we each could have it an hour or more daily.
A few games of checkers or cribbage, played sitting on the
floor, tailor-fashion, were always in order. All who were
accustomed to smoking would manage to secure a supply of
tobacco at least sufficient for one smoke per day, and, if
they could not obtain it in any other way, would sell half
their scanty ration, and perhaps get enough to last a week.
It was a good place to learn how to economize. I have known
some to refuse a light from the pipe, for fear of losing a
grain of the precious weed. Evenings we would be in
darkness, and as we could not move about without frequent
collisions, would gather in little groups and talk of home,
friends, and the good time coming, when we would have one
good, square meal; arrange the bill of fare, comprising all
the delicacies that heart could wish, or a morbid mind
prompted by a starving stomach could conceive; lay plans for
escape and discuss the route to be followed; sing a few
hymns and the national airs, and wind up with 'We'll Hang
Jeff Davis on a Sour Apple Tree.'

"'There were with us two officers who, when we arrived at
Salisbury, had been in solitary confinement and whom the
rebels were holding as hostages for two guerillas whom Gen.
Burnside had condemned to be shot. When the removal of the
officers to Danville occurred, these two were released from
close confinement and sent on with us, and it was thought
they were no longer considered as hostages. They had planned
an escape and well nigh succeeded. They had dug a hole
through the brick wall, and passing into an adjoining
unoccupied building, cut through the floor, dug under the
stone foundation and were just coming through on the
outside, when some one in passing stepped on the thin crust
and fell in. Whether he or the men digging were the most
frightened it would be hard to tell. The next morning these
two who had worked so hard to regain their liberty were
taken out and probably placed in close confinement again.

"'After this attempt to escape, the rebel authorities made
an effort to rob us of everything, particularly
pocket-knives, watches, or any thing that could aid us to
escape. In this they were foiled. They made us all go to one
end of the room and placing a guard through the middle,
searched us one by one and passed us to the other side. If
one had a knife, watch or money, he had only to toss it over
to some one already searched, and when his turn came would
have nothing to show.

"'The guards would not allow us to stand by the windows, and
on one occasion, without warning, fired through a
second-story window and badly wounded an officer on the
third floor.

"'My shoes were nearly worn out when I was captured, and
soon became so worn that I could only keep _sole_ and _body_
together by cutting strings from the edge of the uppers and
lacing them together. These strings would wear but a little
while, and frequent cuttings had made the shoes very low.

"'Toward the last of January, Capt. Cook received
intelligence that a special exchange had been effected in
his case and he was to start at once for the North. Here was
an opportunity to communicate with our comrades and friends,
for up to this time we did not know whether any of our
letters had been received. Capt. Cook had a pair of good
stout brogans. These shoes he urged me to take in exchange
for my dilapidated ones. At first, I felt reluctant to do
so, but finally made the exchange and he left us with a
light heart, but his anticipations were not realized, for
instead of going directly North he was detained in Libby
Prison until just before the rest of us arrived, and when we
reached Annapolis he was still there awaiting his leave, and
had been obliged to wear my old shoes until two days
previous.

"'Rumors of a general exchange began to circulate, and a few
boxes of provisions and clothing, sent by Northern friends,
were delivered. Among the rest, was a well-filled box from
the officers of our regiment, and twelve hundred dollars
Confederate money (being the equivalent of sixty dollars
greenbacks) which they had kindly contributed. Could we have
received the box and money in November, instead of just
before our release, we could have subsisted quite
comfortably all winter. As it was, we lived sumptuously as
long as the contents of the box lasted, and when about a
week later we started for Richmond to be paroled, we had
drawn considerably upon the twelve hundred dollars.

"'February 17th, we left Danville for Richmond and were
again quartered in Libby. On the 19th, we signed the parole
papers.

"'The second morning after signing the rolls, one of the
clerks came in and said that for want of transportation,
only a hundred would be sent down the river that day, and
the rest would follow soon; that those whose names were
called would fall in on the lower floor, ready to start. As
he proceeded to call the roll there was a death-like
stillness, and each listened anxiously to hear his own name.
Of our mess only one name was called. As he stopped reading
and folded his rolls and turned to leave, I thought, what if
our army should commence active operations and put an end
to the exchange, and resolved to go with the party that day,
if possible. I had noticed that the clerk had not called the
names in their order nor checked them, and knew he could not
tell who had been called. I therefore hurried down to the
lower floor and fell in with the rest, thinking all the time
of the possibility of detection and the consequent solitary
confinement, and although my conscience was easy so far as
the papers I had signed were concerned--for I had only
agreed not to take up arms until duly exchanged--I did not
breath freely until I had disembarked from the boat and was
under the Stars and Stripes. Fortunately, the rest of the
party came down on the boat the next day.

"'One other incident and I am done: Sergt. Henry Jordan, of
Company C, was wounded and captured with the rest of us, but
on account of his wounds was unable to be sent South with
the other enlisted-men. After his recovery he was kept as a
servant about the office of Major Turner, the commandant of
the prison, and when, on the 2d of April, 1865, the rebels
evacuated Richmond and paroled the prisoners, he remained
until our forces came in and took possession of the city.
When, a few days later, Maj. Turner was captured by our
troops and confined in the same cell we had occupied, Sergt.
Jordan was detailed to carry him his rations, and although
he was not of a vindictive or revengeful disposition, I will
venture to say that the rations allowed Turner were not much
better than had been given the sergeant through the winter.
Had Turner been guarded by such men as Henry Jordan, or even
by the poorest soldiers of the regiment, he would not have
escaped within three days of his capture, as was the case.'"

Very few of the black soldiers were exchanged, though the confederate government pretended to recognize them and treat them as they did the whites. General Taylor's reply to General Grant, was the general policy applied to them when convenient. In the latter days of the war, when--in June, 1864, at Guntown, Miss.,--the confederate Gen. Forrest attacked and routed the Union forces, under Sturgis, through the stupidity of the latter, (alluded to more at length a few pages further on,) a number of black soldiers were captured, Sturgis having had several Phalanx regiments in his command. The confederates fought with desperation, and with their usual "no quarter," because, as Forrest alleges, the Phalanx regiments meant to retaliate for his previous massacre of the blacks at Fort Pillow. Seeking to justify the inhuman treatment of his black prisoners, he wrote as follows to General Washburn, commanding the District of West Tennessee:

"It has been reported to me that all of your colored troops
stationed in Memphis took, on their knees, in the presence
of Major General Hurlburt and other officers of your army,
an oath to avenge Fort Pillow, and that they would show my
troops no quarter. Again I have it from indisputable
authority that the troops under Brigadier General Sturgis on
their recent march from Memphis, publicly, and in many
places, proclaimed that no quarter would be shown my men. As
they were moved into action on the 10th they were exhorted
by their officers to remember Fort Pillow. The prisoners we
have captured from that command, or a large majority of
them, have voluntarily stated that they expected us to
murder them, otherwise they would have surrendered in a body
rather than have taken to the bushes after being run down
and exhausted."

The massacre at Fort Pillow had a very different effect upon the black soldiers than it was doubtless expected to have. Instead of weakening their courage it stimulated them to a desire of retaliation; not in the strict sense of that term, but to fight with a determination to subdue and bring to possible punishment, the men guilty of such atrocious conduct. Had General Sturgis been competent of commanding, Forrest would have found himself and his command no match for the Phalanx at Guntown and Brice's Cross Roads. Doubtless Forrest was startled by the reply of General Washburn, who justly recognized the true impulse of the Phalanx. He replied to Forrest, June 19, 1864, as follows:

"You say in your letter that it has been reported to you
that all the negro troops stationed in Memphis took an oath,
on their knees, in the presence of Major General Hurlburt
and other officers of our army, to avenge Fort Pillow and
that they would show your troops no quarter. I believe it is
true that the colored troops did take such an oath, but not
in the presence of General Hurlburt. From what I can learn
this act of theirs was not influenced by any white officer,
but was the result of their own sense of what was due to
themselves and their fellows who had been mercilessly
slaughtered."

The chief of Forrest's artillery writes in the Philadelphia _Times_, in September, 1883:

"Col. Arthur T. Reeve, who commanded the Fifty-fifth Colored
Infantry in this fight, tells me that no oath was taken by
his troops that ever he heard of, but the impression
prevailed that the black flag was raised, and on his side
was raised to all intents and purposes. He himself fully
expected to be killed if captured. Impressed with this
notion a double effect was produced. It made the Federals
afraid to surrender and greatly exasperated our men, and in
the break-up the affair became more like a hunt for wild
game than a battle between civilized men."

In his description of the battle at Brice's Cross Roads, he says:

"The entire Confederate force was brought into action at
once. We kept no reserves; every movement was quickly
planned and executed with the greatest celerity. A potent
factor which made the battle far bloodier than it would have
been, was it being reported, and with some degree of truth,
that the negroes had been sworn on their knees in line
before leaving Memphis to show 'no quarter to Forrest's
men,' and badges were worn upon which were inscribed,
'Remember Fort Pillow.' General Washburn, commanding the
district of West Tennessee, distinctly admits that the negro
troops with Sturgis had gone into this fight with the
declared intention to give no quarter to Forrest's men."

The fate of the black soldiers taken in these fights is unknown, which is even worse than of those who are known to have been massacred.

The details of the massacre at Fort Pillow have been reserved for this portion of the present chapter in order to state them more at length, and in connection with important movements which soon after took place against the same confederate force.

The most atrocious of all inhuman acts perpetrated upon a brave soldiery, took place at Fort Pillow, Kentucky, on the 13th of April, 1864. No cause can be assigned for the shocking crime of wanton, indiscriminate murder of some three hundred soldiers, other than that they were "niggers," and "fighting with niggers."

On the 12th, General Forrest suddenly appeared before Fort Pillow with a large force, and demanded its surrender. The fort was garrisoned by 557 men in command of Major L. F. Booth, consisting of the 13th Tennessee Cavalry, Major Bradford, and the 6th Phalanx Battery of heavy artillery, numbering 262 men, and six guns. At sunrise on the 13th, General Forrest's forces advanced and attacked the fort. The garrison maintained a steady brisk fire, and kept the enemy at bay from an outer line of intrenchments. About 9 A. M. Major Booth was killed, and Major Bradford taking command, drew the troops back into the Fort, situated on a high, steep and partially timbered bluff on the Mississippi river, with a ravine on either hand. A federal gunboat, the "New Era," assisted in the defence, but the height of the bluff prevented her giving material support to the garrison. In the afternoon both sides ceased firing, to cool and clean their guns. During this time, Forrest, under a flag of truce, summoned the federals to surrender within a half hour. Major Bradford refused to comply with the demand. Meantime the confederates taking advantage of the truce to secret themselves down in a ravine, from whence they could rush upon the Fort at a given signal. No sooner was Bradford's refusal to surrender received, than the confederates rushed simultaneously into the Fort. In a moment almost the place was in their possession. The garrison, throwing away their arms fled down the steep banks, endeavoring to hide from the promised "no quarter," which Forrest had embodied in his demand for surrender: "_If I have to storm your works, you may expect no quarter._" The confederates followed, "butchering black and white soldiers and non-combatants, men, women and children. Disabled men were made to stand up and be shot; others were burned within the tents wherein they had been nailed to the floor." This carnival of murder continued until dark, and was even renewed the next morning. Major Bradford was not murdered until he had been carried as a prisoner several miles on the retreat.

It is best that the evidence in this matter, as given in previous pages of this chapter, should be read. It is unimpeachable, though Forrest, S. D. Lee and Chalmers have attempted to deny the infernal work. The last named, under whose command these barbarous acts were committed, offered on the floor of the United States Congress, fifteen years afterward, an apologetic denial of what appears from the evidence of those who escaped,--taken by the Congressional Committee,--and also contradictory to the confederate General S. D. Lee's report, in which he fails to convince himself even of the inaccuracy of the reports of brutality, as made by the few who escaped being murdered. Lee says:

"The garrison was summoned in the usual manner, and its
commanding officer assumed the responsibility of refusing to
surrender after having been informed by General Forrest of
his ability to take the Fort, and of his fears of what the
result would be in case the demand was not complied with.
The assault was made under a heavy fire, and with
considerable loss to the attacking party. Your colors were
never lowered, and your garrison never surrendered, but
retreated under cover of a gunboat, with arms in their hands
and constantly using them. This was true particularly of
your colored troops, who had been firmly convinced by your
teaching of the certainty of slaughter, in case of capture.
Even under these circumstances, many of your men, white and
black, were taken prisoners."

Continuing, he says:

"The case under consideration is almost an extreme one. You
had a servile race armed against us. I assert that our
officers with all the circumstances against them endeavored
to prevent the effusion of blood."

This is an admission that the massacre of the garrison actually occurred, and because Phalanx troops were a part of the garrison. That the black soldiers had been taught that no quarter would be shown them if captured, or if they surrendered, is doubtless true. It is also too true that the teaching was the _truth_. One has but to read the summons for the surrender to be satisfied of the fact, and then recollect that the President of the Confederate States, in declaring General Butler an outlaw, also decreed that negroes captured with arms in their hands, their officers as well, should be turned over to the State authorities wherein they were captured, to be dealt with according to the laws of that State and the Confederacy.

The sentiment of the chief confederate commander regarding the employment of negroes in the Union army, notwithstanding the Confederate Government was the first to arm and muster them into service, as shown in previous and later chapters, is manifested by the following dispatch, though at the time of writing it, that General had hundreds of blacks under his command at Charleston building fortifications.

"CHARLESTON, S. C., Oct. 13th, 1862.

"HON. WM. P. MILES, RICHMOND, VA.

"Has the bill for the execution of abolition prisoners,
after January next, been passed? Do it, and England will be
stirred into action. It is high time to proclaim the black
flag after that period: let the execution be with the
garrote. G. T. BEAUREGARD."

The confederate thirst for "nigger" blood seemed to have been no stronger in Kentucky than in other Departments, but it does appear, for some reason, that Kentucky and northern Mississippi were selected by the confederate generals, Pillow and Forrest, as appropriate sections in which to particularly vent their spite. The success of Forrest at Fort Pillow rather strengthened General Beauford's inhumanity. He commanded a portion of Pillow's forces which appeared before Columbus the day after the Fort Pillow massacre, and in the following summons demanded its surrender:

"_To the Commander of the United States Forces, Columbus,
Ky._:

"Fully capable of taking Columbus and its garrison, I desire
to avoid shedding blood. I therefore demand the
unconditional surrender of the forces under your command.
Should you surrender, the negroes in arms will be returned
to their masters. Should I be compelled to take the place by
force, _no quarter will be shown negro troops whatever_;
white troops will be treated as prisoners of war.

"I am, sir, yours,
A. BEAUFORD, Brig. Gen."

Colonel Lawrence, of the 34th New Jersey, declined to surrender, and drove the enemy off, who next appeared in Paducah, but retired without making an assault upon the garrison.

These occurrences, with the mysterious surrender of Union City to Forrest, on the 16th of March, so incensed the commander of the Department that a strong force was organized, and in command of General S. D. Sturgis, started, on the 30th of April, in pursuit of Forrest and his men, but did not succeed in overtaking him. A few weeks later, General Sturgis, with a portion of his former force, combined with that of General Smith's,--just returning from the Red River (Banks) _fiasco_,--again went in pursuit of General Forrest. At Guntown, on the 10th of June, Sturgis' cavalry, under General Grierson, came up with the enemy, charged upon them, and drove them back upon their infantry posted near Brice's Cross Roads. General Grierson, needing support, sent back for the infantry, which was several miles in his rear. The day was intensely hot, and the roads, from constant rains, in very bad condition. However, Sturgis marched the troops up at double-quick to the position where General Grierson was holding the confederates in check. The infantry had become so exhausted when they reached the scene of action, that they were unable to fight as they otherwise would have done. Sturgis, either ignorant of what was going on or incapacitated for the work, heightened the disorder at the front by permitting his train of over two hundred wagons to be pushed up close to the troops, thus blocking their rear, and obstructing their manoeuvring; finally the wagons were parked a short distance from the lines and in sight of the foe. The troops exhausted by the rapid march, without proper formation or commanders, had been brought up to the support of the cavalry, who were hotly engaged with the enemy, whose desperation was increased at the sight of the Phalanx regiments. General Beauford had joined Forrest, augmenting his force 4,000. Sturgis' force numbered about 12,000, in cavalry, artillery and infantry. Forrest was well provided with artillery, which was up early and took a position in an open field enfilading the Federal line, which fought with a determination worthy of a better fate than that which befel it.

A confederate writer says:

"At early dawn on the 10th Lyon took the advance, with
Morton's artillery close behind, Rucker and Johnson
following. Meanwhile, Bell, as we have stated, at Rienzi,
eight miles further north, was ordered to move up at a trot.
The roads, soaked with water from recent continuous heavy
rains and so much cut up by the previous passage of cavalry
and trains, greatly retarded the progress of the artillery,
so that Rucker and Johnson soon passed us. On reaching old
Carrollville, five miles northeast of Brice's Cross Roads,
heavy firing could be heard just on ahead. Forrest, as was
his custom, had passed to the front of the entire column
with his escort.

"He had, however, ordered Lieutenant R. J. Black, a dashing
young officer, temporarily attached to his staff, to take a
detachment of men from the Seventh Tennessee Cavalry and
move forward and develop the enemy. Black soon reported that
he had met the advance of the Federal cavalry one and a half
miles from Brice's Cross Roads and there was skirmishing
with them. General Forrest ordered Lyon to press forward
with his brigade. A courier hastening back to the artillery
said: 'General Forrest says, 'Tell Captain Morton to fetch
up the artillery at a gallop.' Lyon in the meantime had
reached the enemy's outposts, dismounted his brigade and
thrown it into line and had warmly opposed a strong line of
infantry or dismounted cavalry, which, after stubborn
resistance, had been driven back to within half a mile of
Brice's Cross Roads."

The columns of the Federals could not do more than retreat, and if they had been able to do this in any order, and recover from their exhaustion, they would have been ready to drive the foe, but they were hotly pursued by the confederates, who were continually receiving re-enforcements. It was soon evident that the confederates intended to gain the rear and capture the whole of the Union troops. The Federals, therefore, began to retire leisurely.

Says the confederate account:

"General Forrest directed General Buford to open vigorously
when he heard Bell on the left, and, taking with him his
escort and Bell's Brigade, moved rapidly around
southeastward to the Guntown-Ripley road. He formed Wilson's
and Russel's Regiments on the right of the road, extending
to Rucker's left, and placed Newsom's Regiment on the left
of the road; Duffs Regiment, of Rucker's Brigade, was placed
on the left of Newsom; Captain H. A. Tyler, commanding
Company A, Twelfth Kentucky, was ordered by Lyon and
subsequently by Forrest to take his company, with Company C,
Seventh Kentucky, and keep mounted on the extreme left of
the line. The escort, under Captain Jackson, moved around
the extreme left of the line, and on striking the Baldwyn
and Pontotoc road about two miles south of the cross roads
had a sharp skirmish and pressed the enemy's cavalry back to
where Tishamingo creek crosses that road; here it was joined
by Captain Gartrell's Georgia company and a Kentucky
company. By mutual agreement Captain Jackson, of the escort,
was placed in command of the three companies and Lieutenant
George L. Cowan in command of the escort. Meanwhile General
Buford had ordered Barteau's Second Tennessee Cavalry to
move across the country and gain the Federal rear, and if
possible destroy their trains and then strike them in
flank."

The gallant conduct of the Federal cavalry inspired the other troops. They made a stand, and for awhile advanced, driving the confederate line before them on the right, doubling it up and gaining the rear.

The same writer says:

"It was at this critical moment an officer of Bell's staff
dashed up to General Forrest, very much excited, and said:
'General Forrest, the enemy flanked us and are now in our
rear. What shall be done?' Forrest, turning in his saddle,
very coolly replied: 'We'll whip these in our front and
then turn around, and wont we be in their rear? And then
we'll whip them fellows!' pointing in the direction of the
force said to be in his rear. Jackson and Tyler, charging on
the extreme left, drove back two colored regiments of
infantry upon their main line at the cross roads. In this
charge the gallant Captain Tyler was severely wounded.

"Meanwhile the Federals, with desperation, hurled a double
line of battle, with the four guns at Brice's house
concentrated upon Rucker and Bell, which for a moment seemed
to stagger and make them waver. In this terrible onslaught
the accomplished Adjutant, Lieutenant W. S. Pope, of the
Seventh Tennessee, was killed, and a third of his regiment
was killed and wounded. Soon another charge was sounded.
Lieutenant Tully Brown was ordered, with his section of
three-inch rifles, close on the front at the Porter house,
from which position he hurled a thousand pounds of cold iron
into their stubborn lines. A section of twelve-pounder
howitzers, under Lieutenant B. F. Haller, pressed still
further to the front and within a stone's throw almost of
the enemy's line. Mayson's section of three-inch rifles were
quickly placed in line with Haller's. Just then, General
Buford, riding up and seeing no support to the artillery,
called General Forrest's attention to the fact, when Forrest
remarked: 'Support, h--l; let it support itself; all the
d--n Yankees in the country can't take it."'

The lines were now closing upon each other, and the confederates began to feel the effect of the Union fire. The dash of the Phalanx, charging the enemy's flank, gave renewed courage to the troops, now pouring deadly volleys into the confederate's faces, and their guns had gained a position, from which they began to sweep the enemy's lines.

Says the same account:

"Now rose the regular incessant volleys of musketry and
artillery. The lines in many places were not over thirty
paces apart and pistols were freely used. The smoke of
battle almost hid the combatants. The underbrush and dense
black-jack thickets impeded the advance of the dismounted
cavalry as the awful musketry fire blazed and gushed in the
face of these gallant men. Every tree and brush was barked
or cut to the ground by this hail of deadly missiles. It was
here the accomplished and gallant William H. Porter, brother
of Major Thomas K. and Governor James D. Porter, fell
mortally wounded. This promising young officer had not
attained his manhood. He was a cadet in the regular
Confederate States army and had been ordered to report to
General Bell, who assigned him to duty as A. D. C. Captain
J. L. Bell, General Bell's Assistant Inspector-General, had
just been killed from his horse, and almost at the same
moment young Porter lost his own horse and just mounted
Captain Bell's when he received the fatal shot. Lieutenant
Isaac Bell, aide-de-camp of Bell's staff, was severely
wounded. The loss in officers right here was very heavy;
sixteen were killed and sixty-one wounded. Captain Ab Hust,
a mere boy, who commanded Bell's escort, rendered most
efficient service at this critical juncture, and Major Tom
Allison, the fighting Quartermaster of Bell's Brigade, was
constantly by the side of his fearless commander, and in
this terrible loss in staff officers his presence was most
opportune.

"Like a prairie on fire the battle raged and the volleying
thunder can be likened in my mind to nothing else than the
fire of Cleburne's Division at Chickamauga, on that terrible
Saturday at dusk. At length the enemy's lines wavered,
Haller and Mayson pressed their guns by hand to within a
short distance of Brice's house, firing as they advanced.
Bell, Lyon and Rucker now closed in on the cross roads and
the Federals gave way in disorder, abandoning three guns
near Brice's house. General Sturgis, in his official report
of the fight, says: 'We had four pieces of artillery at the
cross roads. * * * Finding our troops were being hotly
pressed, I ordered one section to open on the enemy's
reserves. The enemy's artillery soon replied, and with great
accuracy, every shell bursting over and in the immediate
vicinity of our guns.' A shell from one of the Confederate
guns struck the table in Brice's porch, was used by General
Sturgis, stunning that officer."

The terrible struggle which now ensued was not surpassed, according to an eye-witness, by the fighting of any troops. The Phalanx were determined, if courage could do it, to whip the men who had so dastardly massacred the garrison of Fort Pillow. This fact was known to Forrest, Buford and their troops, who fought like men realizing that anything short of victory was death, and well may they have thus thought, for every charge the Phalanx made meant annihilation. They, too, accepted the portentous fiat, victory or death.

Though more than twenty years have passed since this bloody fight, yet the chief of the confederate artillery portrays the situation in these words:

"Is was soon evident that another strong line had formed
behind the fence by the skirt of woods just westward of
Phillips' branch. General Forrest riding up, dismounted and
approached our guns, which were now plying shell and solid
shot. With his field glasses he took in the situation. The
enemy's shot were coming thick and fast; leaden balls were
seen to flatten as they would strike the axles and tires of
our gun carriages; trees were barked and the air was ladened
with the familiar but unpleasant sound of these death
messengers.