Chapter VIII: The Army of the Cumberland

Important services were rendered by the Phalanx in the West. The operations in Missouri, Tennessee and Kentucky, afforded an excellent opportunity to the commanders of the Union forces to raise negro troops in such portions of the territory as they held; but in consequence of the bitterness against such action by the semi-Unionists and Copperheads in the Department of the Ohio and Cumberland, it was not until the fall of 1863 that the organizing of such troops in these Departments fairly began. The Mississippi was well-nigh guarded by Phalanx regiments enlisted along that river, numbering about fifty thousand men. They garrisoned the fortifications, and occupied the captured towns. Later on, however, when the confederate General Bragg began preparations for the recovery of the Tennessee Valley, organization of the Phalanx commenced in earnest, and proceeded with a rapidity that astounded even those who were favorable to the policy. St. Louis became a depot and Benton Barracks a recruiting station, from whence, in the fall of 1863, went many a regiment of brave black men, whose chivalrous deeds will ever live in the annals of the nation. It was not long after this time that the noble Army of the Cumberland began to receive a portion of the black troops, whose shouts rang through the mountain fastnesses. The record made by the 60th Regiment is the boast of the State of Iowa, to which it was accredited: but of those which went to the assistance of General Thomas' army none won greater distinction and honor than the gallant brigade commanded by Colonel T. J. Morgan, afterwards raised to Brigadier-General. The gallant 14th Infantry was one of its regiments, the field officers of which were Colonel, Thomas J. Morgan, who had been promoted through various grades, from a 1st Lieutenancy in the 70th Indiana Volunteer Infantry; Lieutenant-Colonel, H. C. Corbin, who had risen from a 1st Lieutenancy of the 79th O. V. I., and Major N. J. Vail, who had served as an enlisted man in the 19th Illinois Volunteers. All the officers passed a rigid examination before the board of examiners appointed by the War Department for that purpose.

The Confederate Generals Edward Johnson and G. H. Stewart, as prisoners, under guard of Phalanx Soldiers, May 12th, 1864.]

General Morgan, by request furnishes the following highly interesting and historical statement of his services with the Phalanx Brigade:

"The American Civil War of 1861-5 marks an epoch not only in
the history of the United States, but in that of democracy,
and of civilization. Its issue has vitally affected the
course of human progress. To the student of history it ranks
along with the conquests of Alexander; the incursions of the
Barbarians; the Crusades; the discovery of America and the
American Revolution. It settled the question of our National
unity with all the consequences attaching thereto. It
exhibited in a very striking manner the power of a free
people to preserve their form of government against its most
dangerous foe, Civil War. It not only enfranchised four
millions of American slaves of African descent, but made
slavery forever impossible in the great Republic, and gave a
new impulse to the cause of human freedom. Its influence
upon American slaves was immediate and startlingly
revolutionary, lifting them from the condition of despised
chattels, bought and sold like sheep in the market, with no
rights which the white man was bound to respect,--to the
exalted plane of American citizenship; made them free men,
the peers in every civil and political right, of their late
masters. Within about a decade after the close of the war,
negroes, lately slaves, were legislators, state officers,
members of Congress, and for a brief time one presided over
the Senate of the United States, where only a few years
before, Toombs had boasted that he would yet call the roll
of his slaves in the shade of Bunker Hill.

"To-day slavery finds no advocate, and the colored race in
America is making steady progress in all the elements of
civilization. The conduct of the American slave during, and
since the war, has wrought an extraordinary change in public
sentiment, regarding the capabilities of the race.

"The manly qualities of the negro soldiers, evinced in camp,
on the march and in battle, won for them golden opinions,
made their freedom a necessity and their citizenship a
certainty.

"Those of us who assisted in organizing, disciplining and
leading negro troops in battle, may, perhaps, be pardoned
for feeling a good degree of pride in our share of the
thrilling events of the great war.

"When Sumter was fired upon, April, 1861, I was 21; a member
of the Senior Class in Franklin College, Indiana. I enlisted
in the 7th Indiana Volunteer infantry and served as a
private soldier for three months in West Virginia, under
Gen. McClellan,--'the young Napoleon,' as he was even then
known. I participated in the battle of Carricks Ford, where
Gen. Garnett was killed and his army defeated. In August,
1862, I re-enlisted as a First Lieutenant in the 70th
Indiana, (Col. Benjamin Harrison) and saw service in
Kentucky and Tennessee.

"In January 1863, Abraham Lincoln issued the Proclamation of
Emancipation, and incorporated in it the policy of arming
the negro for special service in the Union army. Thus the
question was fairly up, and I entered into its discussion
with the deepest interest, as I saw that upon its settlement
hung great issues.

"On the one hand the opponents of the policy maintained that
to make soldiers of the negroes would be to put them on the
same level with white soldiers, and so be an insult to every
man who wore the blue. It was contended, too, that the negro
was not fit for a soldier because he belonged to a degraded,
inferior race, wanting in soldierly qualities; that his long
bondage had crushed out whatever of manliness he might
naturally possess; that he was too grossly ignorant to
perform, intelligently, the duties of the soldier; that his
provocation had been so great as a slave, that when once
armed, and conscious of his power as a soldier, he would
abuse it by acts of revenge and wanton cruelty.

"It was urged, on the other hand, that in its fearful
struggle for existence, the Republic needed the help of the
able-bodied negroes; that with their natural instincts of
self-preservation, desire for liberty, habit of obedience,
power of imitation, love of pomp and parade, acquaintance
with the southern country and adaptation to its climate,
they had elements which peculiarly fitted them for soldiers.
It was further urged that the negro had more at stake than
the white man, and that he should have a chance to strike a
blow for himself. It was particularly insisted upon that he
needed just the opportunity which army service afforded to
develop and exhibit whatever of manliness he possessed. As
the war progressed, and each great battle-field was piled
with heaps of the killed and wounded of our best citizens,
men looked at each other seriously, and asked if a black man
would not stop a bullet as well as a white man? Miles
O'Reilly at length voiced a popular sentiment when he said,

"'The right to be killed I'll divide with the nayger,
And give him the largest half.'

"With the strong conviction that the negro was a man worthy
of freedom, and possessed of all the essential qualities of
a good soldier, I early advocated the organization of
colored regiments,--not for fatigue or garrison duty, but
for field service.

"In October, 1863, having applied for a position as an
officer in the colored service, I was ordered before the
Board of Examiners at Nashville, Tennessee, where I spent
five rather anxious hours. When I entered the army I knew
absolutely nothing of the details of army life; had never
even drilled with a fire company. During the first three
months I gathered little except a somewhat rough
miscellaneous experience. As a lieutenant and staff officer
I learned something, but as I had never had at any time
systematic instruction from any one, I appeared before the
Board with little else than vigorous health, a college
education, a little experience as a soldier, a good
reputation as an officer, a fair amount of common sense and
a good supply of zeal. The Board averaged me, and
recommended me for a Major.

"A few days after the examination, I received an order to
report to Major George L. Stearns, who had charge of the
organization of colored troops in that Department. He
assigned me to duty temporarily in a camp in Nashville.
Major Stearns was a merchant in Boston, who had been for
years an ardent abolitionist, and who, among other good
deeds, had befriended John Brown. He was a large-hearted,
broad-minded genial gentleman. When the policy of organizing
colored troops was adopted, he offered his services to the
Government, received an appointment as Assistant Adjutant
General, and was ordered to Nashville to organize colored
regiments. He acted directly under the Secretary of War, and
independently of the Department Commander. To his zeal, good
judgment and efficient labor, was due, very largely, the
success of the work in the West.

"November 1st, 1863, by order of Major Stearns, I went to
Gallatin, Tennessee, to organize the 14th United States
Colored Infantry. General E. A. Paine was then in command of
the post at Gallatin, having under him a small detachment of
white troops. There were at that time several hundred negro
men in camp, in charge of, I think, a lieutenant. They were
a motley crowd,--old, young, middle aged. Some wore the
United States uniform, but most of them had on the clothes
in which they had left the plantations, or had worn during
periods of hard service as laborers in the army. Gallatin at
that time was threatened with an attack by the guerilla
bands then prowling over that part of the State. General
Paine had issued a hundred old muskets and rifles to the
negroes in camp. They had not passed a medical examination,
had no company organization and had had no drill. Almost
immediately upon my arrival, as an attack was imminent, I
was ordered to distribute another hundred muskets, and to
'prepare every available man for fight.' I did the best I
could under the circumstances, but am free to say that I
regard it as a fortunate circumstance that we had no
fighting to do at that time. But the men raw, and, untutored
as they were, did guard and picket duty, went foraging,
guarded wagon trains, scouted after guerillas, and so
learned to soldier--by soldiering.

"As soon and as fast as practicable, I set about organizing
the regiment. I was a complete novice in that kind of work,
and all the young officers who reported to me for duty, had
been promoted from the ranks and were without experience,
except as soldiers. The colored men knew nothing of the
duties of a soldier, except a little they had picked up as
camp-followers.

"Fortunately there was one man, Mr. A. H. Dunlap, who had
had some clerical experience with Col. Birney, in Baltimore,
in organizing the 3rd U.S. Colored Infantry. He was an
intelligent, methodical gentleman, and rendered me
invaluable service. I had no Quartermaster; no Surgeon; no
Adjutant. We had no tents, and the men were sheltered in an
old filthy tobacco warehouse, where they fiddled, danced,
sang, swore or prayed, according to their mood.

"How to meet the daily demands made upon us for military
duty, and at the same time to evoke order out of this chaos,
was no easy problem. The first thing to be done was to
examine the men. A room was prepared, and I and my clerk
took our stations at a table. One by one the recruits came
before us _a la Eden, sans_ the fig leaves, and were
subjected to a careful medical examination, those who were
in any way physically disqualified being rejected. Many bore
the wounds and bruises of the slave-driver's lash, and many
were unfit for duty by reason of some form of disease to
which human flesh is heir. In the course of a few weeks,
however, we had a thousand able-bodied, stalwart men.

"I was quite as solicitous about their mental condition as
about their physical status, so I plied them with questions
as to their history, their experience with the army, their
motives for becoming soldiers, their ideas of army life,
their hopes for the future, &c., &c. I found that a
considerable number of them had been teamsters, cooks,
officers' servants, &c., and had thus seen a good deal of
hard service in both armies, in camp, on the march and in
battle, and so knew pretty well what to expect. In this
respect they had the advantage of most raw recruits from the
North, who were wholly 'unused to wars' alarms.' Some of
them had very noble ideas of manliness. I remember picturing
to one bright-eyed fellow some of the hardships of camp life
and campaigning, and receiving from him the cheerful reply,
'I know all about that.' I then said, 'you may be killed in
battle.' He instantly answered, 'many a better man than me
has been killed in this war.' When I told another one who
wanted to 'fight for freedom,' that he might lose his life,
he replied, 'but my people will be free.'

"The result of this careful examination convinced me that
these men, though black in skin, had men's hearts, and only
needed right handling to develope into magnificent soldiers.
Among them were the same varieties of physique, temperament,
mental and moral endowments and experiences, as would be
found among the same number of white men. Some of them were
finely formed and powerful; some were almost white; a large
number had in their veins white blood of the F. F. V.
quality; some were men of intelligence, and many of them
deeply religious.

"Acting upon my clerk's suggestion, I assigned them to
companies according to their height, putting men of nearly
the same height together. When the regiment was full, the
four center companies were all composed of tall men, the
flanking companies of men of medium height, while the little
men were sandwiched between. The effect was excellent in
every way, and made the regiment quite unique. It was not
uncommon to have strangers who saw it parade for the first
time, declare that the men were all of one size.

"In six weeks three companies were filled, uniformed, armed,
and had been taught many soldierly ways. They had been
drilled in the facings, in the manual of arms, and in some
company movements.

"November 20th, Gen. G. H. Thomas commanding the Department
of the Cumberland, ordered six companies to Bridgeport,
Alabama, under command of Major H. C. Corbin. I was left at
Gallatin to complete the organization of the other four
companies. When the six companies were full, I was mustered
in as Lieutenant-Colonel. The complete organization of the
regiment occupied about two months, being finished by Jan.
1st, 1864. The field, staff and company officers were all
white men. All the non-commissioned officers,--Hospital
Steward, Quartermaster, Sergeant, Sergeant-Major, Orderlies,
Sergeants and Corporals were colored. They proved very
efficient, and had the war continued two years longer, many
of them would have been competent as commissioned officers.

"When General Paine left Gallatin, I was senior officer and
had command of the post and garrison, which included a few
white soldiers besides my own troops. Colored soldiers acted
as pickets, and no citizen was allowed to pass our lines
either into the village or out, without a proper permit.
Those presenting themselves without a pass were sent to
headquarters under guard. Thus many proud Southern
slave-holders found themselves marched through the street,
guarded by those who three months before had been slaves.
The negroes often laughed over these changed relations as
they sat around their camp fires, or chatted together while
off duty, but it was very rare that any Southerner had
reason to complain of any unkind or uncivil treatment from a
colored soldier.

"About the first of January occurred a few days of extreme
cold weather, which tried the men sorely. One morning after
one of the most severe nights, the officers coming in from
picket, marched the men to headquarters, and called
attention to their condition: their feet were frosted and
their hands frozen. In some instances the skin on their
fingers had broken from the effects of the cold, and it was
sad to see their sufferings. Some of them never recovered
from the effects of that night, yet they bore it patiently
and uncomplainingly.

"An incident occurred while I was still an officer in a
white regiment, that illustrates the curious transition
through which the negroes were passing. I had charge of a
company detailed to guard a wagon train out foraging. Early
one morning, just as we were about to resume our march, a
Kentucky lieutenant rode up to me, saluted, and said he had
some runaway negroes whom he had arrested to send back to
their masters, but as he was ordered away, he would turn
them over to me. At that time a reward could be claimed for
returning fugitive slaves. I took charge of them, and
assuming a stern look and manner, enquired, 'Where are you
going?' 'Going to the Yankee army.' 'What for?' 'We wants to
be free, sir.' 'All right, you are free, go where you wish.'
The satisfaction that came to me from their heartfelt
'thank'ee, thank'ee sir,' gave me some faint insight into
the sublime joy that the great emancipator must have felt
when he penned the immortal proclamation that set free four
millions of human beings.

"These men afterward enlisted in my regiment, and did good
service. One day, as we were on the march, they--through
their lieutenant--reminded me of the circumstance, which
they seemed to remember with lively gratitude.

"The six companies at Bridgeport were kept very busily at
work, and had but little opportunity for drill.
Notwithstanding these difficulties, however, considerable
progress was made in both drill and discipline. I made
earnest efforts to get the regiment united and relieved from
so much labor, in order that they might be prepared for
efficient field service as soldiers.

"In January I had a personal interview with General Thomas,
and secured an order uniting the regiment at Chattanooga. We
entered camp there under the shadow of Lookout Mountain, and
in full view of Mission Ridge, in February, 1864. During the
same month Adjutant General Lorenzo Thomas, from Washington,
then on a tour of inspection, visited my regiment, and
authorized me to substitute the eagle for the silver leaf.

"Chattanooga was at that time the headquarters of the Army
of the Cumberland. Gen Thomas and staff, and a considerable
part of the army were there. Our camp was laid out with
great regularity; our quarters were substantial, comfortable
and well kept. The regiment numbered a thousand men, with a
full compliment of field, staff, line and non-commissioned
officers. We had a good drum corps, and a band provided with
a set of expensive silver instruments. We were also fully
equipped; the men were armed with rifled muskets, and well
clothed. They were well drilled in the manual of arms, and
took great pride in appearing on parade with arms burnished,
belts polished, shoes blacked, clothes brushed, in full
regulation uniform, including white gloves. On every
pleasant day our parades were witnessed by officers,
soldiers and citizens from the North, and it was not
uncommon to have two thousand spectators. Some came to make
sport, some from curiosity, some because it was the fashion,
and others from a genuine desire to see for themselves what
sort of looking soldiers negroes would make.

"At the time that the work of organizing colored troops
began in the West, there was a great deal of bitter
prejudice against the movement, and white troops threatened
to desert, if the plan should be really carried out. Those
who entered the service were stigmatized as 'nigger
officers,' and negro soldiers were hooted at and mal-treated
by white ones.

"Apropos of the prejudice against so called nigger officers,
I may mention the following incident: While an officer in
the 70th Indiana, I had met, and formed a passing
acquaintance with Lieut.-Colonel ----, of the ---- Ohio
Regiment. On New Years Day, 1864, I chanced to meet him at a
social gathering at General Ward's headquarters in
Nashville. I spoke to him as usual, at the same time
offering my hand, which apparently he did not see. Receiving
only a cool bow from him, I at once turned away. As I did so
he remarked to those standing near him that he 'did not
recognize these nigger officers.' In some way, I do not know
how, a report of the occurrence came to the ears of Lorenzo
Thomas, the Adjutant-General of the Army, then in Nashville,
who investigated the case, and promptly dismissed Colonel
---- from the United States service.

"Very few West Point officers had any faith in the success
of the enterprise, and most Northern people perhaps,
regarded it as at best a dubious experiment. A college
classmate of mine, a young man of intelligence and earnestly
loyal, although a Kentuckian, and a slave-holder, plead with
me to abandon my plan of entering this service, saying, 'I
shudder to think of the remorse you may suffer, from deeds
done by barbarians under your command.'

"General George H. Thomas, though a Southerner, and a West
Point graduate, was a singularly fair-minded, candid man. He
asked me one day soon after my regiment was organized, if I
thought my men would fight. I replied that they would. He
said he thought 'they might behind breastworks.' I said they
would fight in the open field. He thought not. 'Give me a
chance General,' I replied, 'and I will prove it.'

"Our evening parades converted thousands to a belief in
colored troops. It was almost a daily experience to hear the
remark from visitors, 'Men who can handle their arms as
these do, will fight.' General Thomas paid the regiment the
compliment of saying that he 'never saw a regiment go
through the manual as well as this one.' We remained in
'Camp Whipple' from February, 1864, till August, 1865, a
period of eighteen months, and during a large part of that
time the regiment was an object lesson to the army, and
helped to revolutionize public opinion on the subject of
colored soldiers.

"My Lieutenant-Colonel and I rode over one evening to call
on General Joe Hooker, commanding the 20th Army Corps. He
occupied a small log hut in the Wauhatchie Valley, near
Lookout Mountain and not far from the Tennessee river. He
received us with great courtesy, and when he learned that we
were officers in a colored regiment, congratulated us on our
good fortune, saying that he 'believed they would make the
best troops in the world.' He predicted that after the
rebellion was subdued, it would be necessary for the United
States to send an army into Mexico. This army would be
composed largely of colored men, and those of us now holding
high command, would have a chance to win great renown. He
lamented that he had made a great mistake in not accepting a
military command, and going to Nicaragua with General
Walker. 'Why,' said he, 'young gentlemen, I might have
founded an empire.'

"While at Chattanooga, I organized two other regiments, the
42nd and the 44th United States Colored Infantry. In
addition to the ordinary instruction in the duties required
of the soldier, we established in every company a regular
school, teaching men to read and write, and taking great
pains to cultivate in them self-respect and all manly
qualities. Our success in this respect was ample
compensation for our labor. The men who went on picket or
guard duty, took their books as quite as indispensable as
their coffee pots.

"It must not be supposed that we had only plain sailing.
Soon after reaching Chattanooga, heavy details began to be
made upon us for men to work upon the fortifications then in
process of construction around the town. This almost
incessant labor, interfered sadly with our drill, and at one
time all drill was suspended, by orders from headquarters.
There seemed little prospect of our being ordered to the
field, and as time wore on and arrangements began in earnest
for the new campaign against Atlanta, we grew impatient for
work, and anxious for opportunity for drill and preparations
for field service.

"I used every means to bring about a change, for I believed
that the ultimate status of the negro was to be determined
by his conduct on the battle-field. No one doubted that he
would work, while many did doubt that he had courage to
stand up and fight like a man. If he could take his place
side by side with the white soldier; endure the same
hardships on the campaign, face the same enemy, storm the
same works, resist the same assaults, evince the same
soldierly qualities, he would compel that respect which the
world has always accorded to heroism, and win for himself
the same laurels which brave soldiers have always won.

"Personally, I shrink from danger, and most decidedly prefer
a safe corner at my own fireside, to an exposed place in the
face of an enemy on the battle-field, but so strongly was I
impressed with the importance of giving colored troops a
fair field and full opportunity to show of what mettle they
were made, that I lost no chance of insisting upon our right
to be ordered into the field. At one time I was threatened
with dismissal from the service for my persistency, but that
did not deter me, for though I had no yearning for
martyrdom, I was determined if possible to put my regiment
into battle, at whatever cost to myself. As I look back upon
the matter after twenty-one years, I see no reason to regret
my action, unless it be that I was not even more persistent
in claiming for these men the rights of soldiers.

"I was grievously disappointed when the first of May, 1864,
came, and the army was to start south, leaving us behind to
hold the forts we had helped to build.

"I asked General Thomas to allow _me_, at least, to go
along. He readily consented, and directed me to report to
General O. O. Howard, commanding the 4th Army Corps, as
Volunteer Aide. I did so, and remained with him thirty days,
participating in the battles of Buzzard's Roost, Resaca,
Adairsville and Dallas. At the end of that time, having
gained invaluable experience, and feeling that my place was
with my regiment, I returned to Chattanooga, determined to
again make every possible effort to get it into active
service.

"A few days after I had taken my place on General Howard's
staff, an incident occurred showing how narrowly one may
escape death. General Stanley and a staff officer and
General Howard and myself were making a little
reconnoissance at Buzzards Roost. We stopped to observe the
movements of the enemy, Stanley standing on the right,
Howard next on his left, and I next. The fourth officer,
Captain Flint, stood immediately in the rear of General
Howard. A sharpshooter paid us a compliment in the shape of
a rifle ball, which struck the ground in front of General
Howard, ricocheted, passed through the skirt of his coat,
through Captain Flint's cap, and buried itself in a tree
behind.

"At Adairsville a group of about a dozen mounted officers
were in an open field, when the enemy exploded a shell just
in front and over us, wounding two officers and five horses.
A piece of the shell passed through the right fore leg of my
horse, a kind, docile, fearless animal, that I was greatly
attached to. I lost a friend and faithful servant.

"On asking leave to return to my command, I was delighted to
receive from General Howard the following note:

"'HEADQUARTERS 4TH ARMY CORPS,

"'ON ACKWORTH AND DALLAS ROAD, 8 MILES FROM DALLAS, GA., May
31st 1864.

"'COLONEL:--This is to express my thanks for your services
upon my staff during the past month, since starting upon
this campaign. You have given me always full satisfaction,
and more, by your assiduous devotion to duty.

"'You have been active and untiring on the march, and
fearless in battle. Believe me,

"Your friend, O. O. HOWARD.

"'_Major-General Commanding 4th Army Corps._

"'To Col. T.J. Morgan, _Commanding 14th U. S. C. I._"

"General James B. Steadman, who won such imperishable renown
at Chickamauga, was then in command of the District of
Etowah, with headquarters at Chattanooga. I laid my case
before him; he listened with interest to my plea, and
assured me that if there was any fighting to be done in his
district, we should have a hand in it.

"DALTON, GA.--August 15th, 1864, we had our first fight, at
Dalton, Georgia. General Wheeler, with a considerable force
of confederate cavalry, attacked Dalton, which was occupied
by a small detachment of Union troops belonging to the 2nd
Missouri, under command of Colonel Laibold. General Steadman
went to Laibold's aid, and forming line of battle, attacked
and routed the Southern force. My regiment formed on the
left of the 51st Indiana Infantry, under command of Col. A.
D. Streight. The fight was short, and not at all severe. The
regiment was all exposed to fire. One private was killed,
one lost a leg, and one was wounded in the right hand.
Company B, on the skirmish line killed five of the enemy,
and wounded others. To us it was a great battle, and a
glorious victory. The regiment had been recognized as
soldiers; it had taken its place side by side with a white
regiment; it had been under fire. The men had behaved
gallantly. A colored soldier had died for liberty. Others
had shed their blood in the great cause. Two or three
incidents will indicate the significance of the day. Just
before going into the fight, Lieutenant Keinborts said to
his men: 'Boys, some of you may be killed, but remember you
are fighting for liberty.' Henry Prince replied, 'I am ready
to die for liberty.' In fifteen minutes he lay dead,--a
rifle ball through his heart,--a willing martyr.

"During the engagement General Steadman asked his Aide,
Captain Davis, to look especially after the 14th colored.
Captain Davis rode up just as I was quietly rectifying my
line, which in a charge had been disarranged. Putting spurs
to his horse, he dashed back to the General and reassured
him by reporting that 'the regiment was holding dress parade
over there under fire.' After the fight, as we marched into
town through a pouring rain, a white regiment standing at
rest, swung their hats and gave three rousing cheers for the
14th Colored. Col. Streight's command was so pleased with
the gallantry of our men that many of its members on being
asked, 'What regiment?' frequently replied, '51st Colored.'

"During the month of August we had some very hard marching,
in a vain effort to have another brush with Wheeler's
cavalry.

"The corn in East Tennessee was in good plight for roasting,
and our men showed great facility in cooking, and marvelous
capacity in devouring it. Ten large ears were not too much
for many of them. On resuming our march one day, after the
noon halt, one of the soldiers said he was unable to walk,
and asked permission to ride in an ambulance. His comrades
declared that, having already eaten twelve ears of corn, and
finding himself unable to finish the thirteenth, he
concluded that he must be sick, and unfit for duty.

"PULASKI, TENN.--September 27th, 1864, I reported to
Major-General Rousseau, commanding a force of cavalry at
Pulaski, Tenn. As we approached the town by rail from
Nashville, we heard artillery, then musketry, and as we left
the cars we saw the smoke of guns. Forest, with a large body
of cavalry, had been steadily driving Rousseau before him
all day, and was destroying the railroad. Finding the
General, I said: 'I am ordered to report to you, sir.' 'What
have you?' 'Two regiments of colored troops.' Rousseau was a
Kentuckian, and had not much faith in negro soldiers. By his
direction I threw out a strong line of skirmishers, and
posted the regiments on a ridge, in good supporting
distance. Rousseau's men retired behind my line, and
Forest's men pressed forward until they met our fire, and
recognizing the sound of the minie ball, stopped to reflect.

"The massacre of colored troops at Fort Pillow was well
known to us, and had been fully discussed by our men. It was
rumored, and thoroughly credited by them, that General
Forest had offered a thousand dollars for the head of any
commander of a 'nigger regiment.' Here, then, was just such
an opportunity as those spoiling for a fight might desire.
Negro troops stood face to face with Forest's veteran
cavalry. The fire was growing hotter, and balls were
uncomfortably thick. At length, the enemy in strong force,
with banners flying, bore down toward us in full sight,
apparently bent on mischief. Pointing to the advancing
column, I said, as I passed along the line, 'Boys, it looks
very much like fight; keep cool, do your duty.' They seemed
full of glee, and replied with great enthusiasm: 'Colonel,
dey can't whip us, dey nebber get de ole 14th out of heah,
nebber.' 'Nebber, drives us away widout a mighty lot of dead
men,' &c., &c.

"When Forest learned that Rousseau was re-enforced by
infantry, he did not stop to ask the color of the skin, but
after testing our line, and finding it unyielding, turned to
the east, and struck over toward Murfreesboro.

"An incident occurred here, illustrating the humor of the
colored soldier. A spent ball struck one of the men on the
side of the head, passed under the scalp, and making nearly
a circuit of the skull, came out on the other side. His
comrades merrily declared that when the ball struck him, it
sang out 'too thick' and passed on.

"As I was walking with my adjutant down toward the picket
line, a ball struck the ground immediately in front of us,
about four feet away, but it was so far spent as to be
harmless. We picked it up and carried it along.

"Our casualties consisted of a few men slightly wounded. We
had not had a battle, but it was for us a victory, for our
troops had stood face to face with a triumphant force of
Southern cavalry, and stopped their progress. They saw that
they had done what Rousseau's veterans could not do. Having
traveled 462 miles, we returned to Chattanooga, feeling that
we had gained valuable experience, and we eagerly awaited
the next opportunity for battle, which was not long delayed.

"DECATUR, ALA.--Our next active service was at Decatur,
Alabama. Hood, with his veteran army that had fought Sherman
so gallantly from Chattanooga to Atlanta, finding that his
great antagonest had started southward and seaward, struck
out boldly himself for Nashville. Oct. 27th I reported to
General R. S. Granger, commanding at Decatur. His little
force was closely besieged by Hood's army, whose right
rested on the Tennessee river below the town, and whose left
extended far beyond our lines, on the other side of the
town. Two companies of my regiment were stationed on the
opposite side of the river from Hood's right, and kept up an
annoying musketry fire. Lieutenant Gillett, of Company G,
was mortally wounded by a cannon ball, and some of the
enlisted men were hurt. One private soldier in Company B,
who had taken position in a tree as sharpshooter, had his
right arm broken by a ball. Captain Romeyn said to him, 'You
would better come down from there, go to the rear, and find
the surgeon.' 'Oh no, Captain!' he replied, 'I can fire with
my left arm,' and so he did.

"Another soldier of Company B, was walking along the road,
when hearing an approaching cannon ball, he dropped flat
upon the ground, and was almost instantly well nigh covered
with the dirt plowed up by it, as it struck the ground near
by. Captain Romeyn, who witnessed the incident, and who was
greatly amused by the fellow's trepidation, asked him if he
was frightened? His reply was, 'Fore God, Captain, I thought
I was a dead man, sure!'

"Friday, Oct. 28th, 1864, at twelve o'clock, at the head of
355 men, in obedience to orders from General Granger, I
charged and took a battery, with a loss of sixty officers
and men killed and wounded. After capturing the battery, and
spiking the guns, which we were unable to remove, we retired
to our former place in the line of defense. The conduct of
the men on this occasion was most admirable, and drew forth
high praise from Generals Granger and Thomas.

"Hood, having decided to push on to Nashville without
assaulting Decatur, withdrew. As soon as I missed his troops
from my front, I notified the General commanding, and was
ordered to pursue, with the view of finding where he was.
About ten o'clock the next morning, my skirmishers came up
with his rear guard, which opened upon us a brisk infantry
fire. Lieutenant Woodworth, standing at my side, fell dead,
pierced through the face. General Granger ordered me to
retire inside of the works, and the regiment, although
exposed to a sharp fire, came off in splendid order. As we
marched inside the works, the white soldiers, who had
watched the manoeuvre, gave us three rousing cheers. I
have heard the Pope's famous choir at St. Peters, and the
great organ at Freibourg, but the music was not so sweet as
the hearty plaudits of our brave comrades.

"As indicating the change in public sentiment relative to
colored soldiers, it may be mentioned that the
Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the 68th Indiana Volunteer
Infantry, requested me as a personal favor to ask for the
assignment of his regiment to my command, giving as a reason
that his men would rather fight along side of the 14th
Colored than with any white regiment. He was ordered to
report to me.

"After Hood had gone, and after our journey of 244 miles, we
returned to Chattanooga, but not to remain.

"NASHVILLE, TENN.--November 29, 1864, in command of the
14th, 16th and 44th Regiments U. S. C. I., I embarked on a
railroad train at Chattanooga for Nashville. On December
1st, with the 16th and most of the 14th, I reached my
destination, and was assigned to a place on the extreme left
of General Thomas' army then concentrating for the defence
of Nashville against Hood's threatened attack.

"The train that contained the 44th colored regiment, and two
companies of the 14th, under command of Colonel Johnson, was
delayed near Murfreesboro until Dec. 2nd, when it started
for Nashville. But when crossing a bridge not far from the
city, its progress was suddenly checked by a cross-fire of
cannon belonging to Forest's command. I had become very
anxious over the delay in the arrival of these troops, and
when I heard the roar of cannon thought it must be aimed at
them. I never shall forget the intensity of my suffering, as
hour after hour passed by bringing me no tidings. Were they
all captured? Had they been massacred? Who could answer? No
one. What was to be done? Nothing. I could only wait and
suffer.

"The next day Colonel Johnson reached Nashville, reporting
that when stopped, he and his men were forced, under heavy
fire, to abandon the train, clamber down from the bridge,
and run to a blockhouse near by, which had been erected for
the defence of the bridge, and was still in possession of
the Union soldiers. After maintaining a stubborn fight until
far into the night, he withdrew his troops, and making a
detour to the east came into our lines, having lost in
killed, wounded and missing, two officers and eighty men of
the 44th, and twenty-five men of the 14th.

"Just as Captain C. W. Baker, the senior officer of the
14th, was leaving the car, a piece of shell carried off the
top of his cap, thus adding immensely to its value--as a
souvenir. Some of the soldiers who escaped lost everything
except the clothes they had on, including knapsacks,
blankets and arms. In some cases they lay in the water
hiding for hours, until they could escape their pursuers.

"Soon after taking our position in line at Nashville, we
were closely besieged by Hood's army; and thus we lay facing
each other for two weeks. Hood had suffered so terribly by
his defeat under Schofield, at Franklin, that he was in no
mood to assault us in our works, and Thomas needed more time
to concentrate and reorganize his army, before he could
safely take the offensive. That fortnight interval was
memorable indeed. Hood's army was desperate. It had been
thwarted by Sherman, and thus far baffled by Thomas, and
Hood felt that he must strike a bold blow to compensate for
the dreadful loss of prestige occasioned by Sherman's march
to the sea. His men were scantily clothed and poorly fed; if
he could gain Nashville, our great depot of supplies, he
could furnish his troops with abundance of food, clothing
and war material; encourage the confederacy, terrify the
people of the North, regain a vast territory taken from the
South at such great cost to us, recruit his army from
Kentucky, and perhaps invade the North.

"Thomas well knew the gravity of the situation, and was
unwilling to hazard all by a premature battle. I think that
neither he nor any of his army ever doubted the issue of the
battle when it should come, whichever force should take the
initiative.

"The authorities at Washington grew restive, and the people
at the North nervous. Thomas was ordered to fight, Logan was
dispatched to relieve him if he did not, and Grant himself
started West to take command. Thomas was too good a soldier
to be forced to offer battle, until he was sure of victory.
He knew that time was his best ally, every day adding to his
strength and weakening his enemy. In the meantime the
weather became intensely cold, and a heavy sleet covered the
ground, rendering it almost impossible for either army to
move at all. For a few days our sufferings were quite
severe. We had only shelter tents for the men, with very
little fuel, and many of those who had lost their blankets
keenly felt their need.

"On December 5th, before the storm, by order of General
Steadman, I made a little reconnoissance, capturing, with
slight loss, Lieutenant Gardner and six men, from the 5th
Mississippi Regiment. December 7th we made another, in
which Colonel Johnson and three or four men were wounded. On
one of these occasions, while my men were advancing in face
of a sharp fire, a rabbit started up in front of them. With
shouts of laughter, several of them gave chase, showing that
even battle could not obliterate the negro's love of sport.

"But the great day drew near. The weather grew warmer; the
ice gave way. Thomas was ready, and calling together his
chiefs, laid before them his plan of battle.

"About nine o'clock at night December 14th, 1864, I was
summoned to General Steadman's headquarters. He told me what
the plan of battle was, and said he wished me to open the
fight by making a vigorous assault upon Hood's right flank.
This, he explained, was to be a feint, intended to betray
Hood into the belief that it was the real attack, and to
lead him to support his right by weakening his left, where
Thomas intended assaulting him in very deed. The General
gave me the 14th United States Colored Infantry, under
Colonel H. C. Corbin; the 17th U. S. C. I., under the
gallant Colonel W. R. Shafter; a detachment of the 18th U.
S. C. I., under Major L. D. Joy; the 44th U. S. C. I., under
Colonel L. Johnson; a provisional brigade of white troops
under Colonel C. H. Grosvenor, and a section of Artillery,
under Captain Osburn, of the 20th Indiana Battery.

"The largest force I had ever handled was two regiments, and
as I rather wanted to open the battle in proper style, I
asked General Steadman what suggestion he had to make. He
replied: 'Colonel, to-morrow morning at daylight I want you
to open the battle.' 'All right, General, do you not think
it would be a good plan for me to--', and I outlined a
little plan of attack. With a twinkle in his kindly eye, he
replied: 'To-morrow morning, Colonel, just as soon as you
can see how to put your troops in motion, I wish you to
begin the fight.' 'All right, General, good night.' With
these explicit instructions, I left his headquarters,
returned to camp, and gave the requisite orders for the
soldiers to have an early breakfast, and be ready for
serious work at daybreak. Then taking Adjutant Clelland I
reconnoitered the enemy's position, tracing the line of his
camp fires, and decided on my plan of assault.

"The morning dawned with a dense fog, which held us in check
for some time after we were ready to march. During our stay
in Nashville, I was the guest of Major W. B. Lewis, through
whose yard ran our line. He had been a warm personal friend
of Andrew Jackson, occupying a place in the Treasury
Department during his administration. He gave me the room
formerly occupied by the hero of New Orleans, and
entertained me with many anecdotes of him. I remember in
particular one which I especially appreciated, because of
the scarcity of fuel in our own camp. At one time General
Jackson ordered certain troops to rendezvous for a few days
at Nashville. Major Lewis, acting as Quartermaster, laid in
a supply of several hundred cords of wood, which he supposed
would be ample to last during their entire stay in the city.
The troops arrived on a 'raw and gusty day,' and being
accustomed to comfortable fires at home, they burned up
every stick the first night, to the quartermaster's great
consternation.

"To return: On the morning of December 15th, Major Lewis
said he would have a servant bring me my breakfast, which
was not ready, however, when I started. The boy, with an eye
to safety, followed me afar off, so far that he only reached
me, I think, about two o'clock in the afternoon. But I
really believe the delay, improved the flavor of the
breakfast.

"As soon as the fog lifted, the battle began in good
earnest. Hood mistook my assault for an attack in force upon
his right flank, and weakening his left in order to meet it,
gave the coveted opportunity to Thomas, who improved it by
assailing Hood's left flank, doubling it up, and capturing a
large number of prisoners.

"Thus the first day's fight wore away. It had been for us a
severe but glorious day. Over three hundred of my command
had fallen, but everywhere our army was successful. Victory
perched upon our banners. Hood had stubbornly resisted, but
had been gallantly driven back with severe loss. The left
had done its duty. General Steadman congratulated us, saying
his only fear had been that we might fight too hard. We had
done all he desired, and more. Colored soldiers had again
fought side by side with white troops; they had mingled
together in the charge; they had supported each other; they
had assisted each other from the field when wounded, and
they lay side by side in death. The survivors rejoiced
together over a hard fought field, won by a common valor.
All who witnessed their conduct, gave them equal praise. The
day that we had longed to see had come and gone, and the sun
went down upon a record of coolness, bravery, manliness,
never to be unmade. A new chapter in the history of liberty
had been written. It had been shown that, marching under a
flag of freedom, animated by a love of liberty, even the
slave becomes a man and a hero.

"At one time during the day, while the battle was in
progress, I sat in an exposed place on a piece of ground
sloping down toward the enemy, and being the only horseman
on that part of the field, soon became a target for the
balls that whistled and sang their threatening songs as they
hurried by. At length a shot aimed at me struck my horse in
the face, just above the nostril, and passing up under the
skin emerged near the eye, doing the horse only temporary
harm, and letting me off scot-free, much to my satisfaction,
as may be supposed. Captain Baker, lying on the ground near
by, heard the thud of the ball as it struck the horse, and
seeing me suddenly dismount, cried out, 'the Colonel is
shot,' and sprang to my side, glad enough to find that the
poor horse's face had been a shield to save my life. I was
sorry that the animal could not appreciate the gratitude I
felt to it for my deliverance.

"During that night Hood withdrew his army some two miles,
and took up a new line along the crest of some low hills,
which he strongly fortified with some improvised breast
works and abatis. Soon after our early breakfast, we moved
forward over the intervening space. My position was still
on the extreme left of our line, and I was especially
charged to look well to our flank, to avoid surprise.

"The 2nd Colored Brigade, under Colonel Thompson, of the
12th U. S. C. I., was on my right, and participated in the
first days' charge upon Overton's Hill, which was repulsed.
I stood where the whole movement was in full view. It was a
grand and terrible sight to see those men climb that hill
over rocks and fallen trees, in the face of a murderous fire
of cannon and musketry, only to be driven back. White and
black mingled together in the charge, and on the retreat.

"When the 2nd Colored Brigade retired behind my lines to
re-form, one of the regimental color-bearers stopped in the
open space between the two armies, where, although exposed
to a dangerous fire, he planted his flag firmly in the
ground, and began deliberately and coolly to return the
enemy's fire, and, greatly to our amusement, kept up for
some little time his independent warfare.

"When the second and final assault was made, the right of my
line took part. It was with breathless interest I watched
that noble army climb the hill with a steady resolve which
nothing but death itself could check. When at length the
assaulting column sprang upon the earthworks, and the enemy
seeing that further resistance was madness, gave way and
began a precipitous retreat, our hearts swelled as only the
hearts of soldiers can, and scarcely stopping to cheer or to
await orders, we pushed forward and joined in the pursuit,
until the darkness and the rain forced a halt.

"The battle of Nashville did not compare in numbers engaged,
in severity of fighting, or in the losses sustained, with
some other Western battles. But in the issues at stake, the
magnificent generalship of Thomas, the completeness of our
triumph, and the immediate and far-reaching consequences, it
was unique, and deservedly ranks along with Gettysburg, as
one of the decisive battles of the war.

"When General Thomas rode over the battle-field and saw the
bodies of colored men side by side with the foremost, on the
very works of the enemy, he turned to his staff, saying:
'Gentlemen, the question is settled; negroes will fight.' He
did me the honor to recommend me for promotion, and told me
that he intended to give me the best brigade that he could
form. This he afterward did.

"After the great victory, we joined in the chase after the
fleeing foe. Hood's army was whipped, demoralized, and
pretty badly scattered. A good many stragglers were picked
up. A story circulated to this effect: Some of our boys on
making a sharp turn in the road, came upon a forlorn
Southern soldier, who had lost his arms, thrown away his
accoutrements, and was sitting on a log by the roadside,
waiting to give himself up. He was saluted with, 'Well,
Johnny, how goes it?' 'Well, Yank, I'll tell ye; I confess
I'm horribly whipped, and badly demoralized, but blamed if
I'm _scattered_!'

"After we had passed along through Franklin, we had orders
to turn about and return to that city. I was riding at the
head of the column, followed by my own regiment. The men
were swinging along 'arms at will,' when they spied General
Thomas and staff approaching. Without orders they brought
their arms to 'right shoulder shift,' took the step, and
striking up their favorite tune of 'John Brown,' whistled it
with admirable effect while passing the General, greatly to
his amusement.

"We had a very memorable march from Franklin to
Murfreesboro, over miserable dirt roads. About December 19th
or 20th, we were on the march at an early hour, but the rain
was there before us, and stuck by us closer than a brother.
We were drenched through and through, and few had a dry
thread. We waded streams of water nearly waist deep; we
pulled through mud that seemed to have no bottom, and where
many a soldier left his shoes seeking for it. The open woods
pasture where we went into camp that night, was surrounded
with a high fence made of cedar rails. That fence was left
standing, and was not touched--until--well, I do believe
that the owner's bitterness at his loss was fully balanced
by the comfort and good cheer which those magnificent rail
fires afforded us that December night. They did seem
providentially provided for us.

"During the night the weather turned cold, and when we
resumed our march the ground was frozen and the roads were
simply dreadful, especially for those of our men who had
lost their shoes the day before and were now compelled to
walk barefoot, tracking their way with blood. Such
experiences take away something of the romance sometimes
suggested to the inexperienced by the phase, 'soldiering in
the Sunny South,' but then a touch of it is worth having for
the light it throws over such historical scenes as those at
Valley Forge.

"We continued in the pursuit of Hood, as far as Huntsville,
Ala., when he disappeared to return no more, and we were
allowed to go back to Chattanooga, glad of an opportunity to
rest. Distance travelled, 420 miles.

"We had no more fighting. There were many interesting
experiences, which, however, I will not take time to relate.
In August, 1865, being in command of the Post at Knoxville,
Tenn., grateful to have escaped without imprisonment,
wounds, or even a day of severe illness, I resigned my
commission, after forty months of service, to resume my
studies.

"I cannot close this paper without expressing the conviction
that history has not yet done justice to the share borne by
colored soldiers in the war for the Union. Their conduct
during that eventful period, has been a silent, but most
potent factor in influencing public sentiment, shaping
legislation, and fixing the status of colored people in
America. If the records of their achievements could be put
into such shape that they could be accessible to the
thousands of colored youth in the South, they would kindle
in their young minds an enthusiastic devotion to manhood and
liberty."