Chapter I: Part 1

THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

VOL. V.

THE
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;

BEING

THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS; JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;

TOGETHER WITH

THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

ALSO,

THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.

Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.

EDITED
BY JARED SPARKS.

VOL. V.

BOSTON:
NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN;
G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.

1829.

Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis, Printer.
No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.

CONTENTS

OF THE

FIFTH VOLUME.

JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE,

CONTINUED.

Page.
To the President of Congress. Paris, April 17th, 1780, 3

Probable effects of the armed neutrality.--Critical situation of
England.--The opposition carry the resolution, that the influence
of the Crown is increasing, and ought to be diminished.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 18th, 1780, 6

Encloses a letter written from England on the subject of peace
with America.--Exposes the errors of the writer; on the
confederacy with France and Spain; on the probability of
America violating her treaty with France; on the notion that
the policy of France has been to expose the States in order to
exhaust them; on the plan of a reconciliation and reunion of
America with Great Britain.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 24th, 1780, 12

Proceedings of Russia in regard to the armed neutrality.--
Proceedings in Holland in relation to the same subject.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18

Enclosing papers from America.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18

State of Ireland.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 26th, 1780, 24

Debate in the House of Lords on the declaration of Russia;
Lord Camden expresses his astonishment at the doctrine of
free ships and free goods; Lord Shelburne's remarks on the
critical state of England.--Anti-English policy of Russia.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 28th, 1780, 27

Declaration of the English Council, placing the subjects
of the United Provinces on the footing of neutral powers,
not privileged by treaties.--Address of the States of
Groningen to the States-General, recommending the protection
of commerce by convoys.--Second Address of the States of the
same Province, proposing answers to the Memorials of Sir J.
Yorke.--The Province of Holland recommends the acceptance of
the invitation of Russia to accede to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 37

English naval expeditions.

To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 38

Mutiny in the English fleet.--County meetings adopt
resolutions censuring the war.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 2d, 1780, 41

Memorial of the French Ambassador to the States-General,
announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent
on Dutch merchandise entering France.--Decree of the French
Council on the same subject.--The Seven Provinces have
resolved to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; to
grant convoys; and to accept the invitation of Russia.--
Instructions of the States of Holland and West Friesland to
their deputies in the States-General on the attack of the
Dutch convoy by the English.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 3d, 1780, 50

General exchange of prisoners agreed on between France and
England.

From Elbridge Gerry to John Adams. Philadelphia, May 5th,
1780, 52

Favorable effects of the resolutions of Congress for
cancelling the two hundred millions of dollars previously
emitted on the currency.--New emission of five millions.--
Financial concerns of the confederacy.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 54

Instructions of the United Provinces to their Minister
at London, on the subject of Lord Stormont's answer
to former representations relative to the attack on the
Dutch convoy.--Resolutions of the States regulating the
trade of foreigners with the Dutch Colonies.--Proceedings
of the different Provinces relative to the Russian Memorial;
the granting of unlimited convoys; raising of subsidies.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 63

Enclosing the letter of the Count de Florida Blanca to the
Spanish Minister of the Marine, regulating the treatment
of neutrals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 73

Copy of the Swedish ordinance providing convoys.--Answer
of the Court of St James to the Russian declaration.--
Difference of the English and Russian doctrine of blockade
in these documents.--English recruits in Germany.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 79

The Russian declaration hostile to the policy of England.--Lord
Stormont's letter to the Dutch Envoy.

To an unknown person. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 82

Observations on the Dean of Gloucester's proposals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 84

The Dean of Gloucester's proposals for a general pacification.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 10th, 1780, 86

Proceedings in the Irish Commons relative to the sovereignty
of the Irish Parliament.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 10th, 1780, 88

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 11th, 1780, 89

Motions of Mr Hartley in the House of Commons, on the subject
of reconciliation.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 91

The American party in England hope to make a separate peace
with the United States.--The alliance with France will not
be violated.--Mr Adams always an advocate of the alliance.

To John Jay. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 93

Difficulty of influencing the views and conduct of European
Ministers.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 94

Answer of France to the Russian declaration, approving the
doctrines of Russia.--Orders issued to the English commanders
to detain Dutch ships, having on board effects belonging to
the enemy, or which are considered as contraband by the law
of nations.

To John Jay. Paris, May 15th, 1780, 98

Facility and importance of intercepting the English West
India fleet.--Policy to be observed towards Spain and Portugal.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 16th, 1780, 100

Rumor of opening the navigation of Antwerp.--Naval
preparations of Austria.

To M. Genet, at Versailles. Paris, May 17th, 1780, 101

Objections to General Conway's assertion, that the alliance
between France and the United States is unnatural.--Habits;
language; religion.--These circumstances will rather tend
to separate America and England.--The commercial interests
of England and America different.--Boundaries will form
a source of dispute.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 106

The Assembly of Pennsylvania cut to pieces the great seal
of the Province.--American privateers.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 107

Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration, approving
the principles therein contained.--Conversation between
Lord Stormont and the Count de Welderen on the attack on
the Dutch convoy.--Proceedings in Ireland.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 110

General Conway proposes a bill for reconciliation or
peace.--Debate on the subject in the House of
Commons.--Denmark accedes to the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 116

General Conway's Speech on his bill for reconciliation.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 23d, 1780, 120

The different Powers accede to the armed neutrality.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 24th,
1780, 123

Expressing full confidence in his conduct in case of
overtures from England.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 26th, 1780, 124

Address of the Bar at Dublin to Mr Grattan.--Reply of Mr
Grattan.--Extracts from the journals.--Letter of M. de
Sartine, concerning the treatment of neutrals.--Letter
from the Count de Florida Blanca.

To the President of Congress. Paris, May 27th, 1780, 133

Application of the principles of the British Constitutions
to external dominions, extensively studied in America.--
Effects of the American publications on this subject, on
other foreign possessions of Great Britain.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 135

Indecisive engagement between the French and English
fleets.--Governor Pownal asks leave to bring in a bill
authorising a convention, truce, or peace with the
Colonies.--The House proceeds to the order of the day.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 137

Report of a Committee of the citizens of Dublin, declaring
the independence of the Irish Parliament, and returning
thanks to those members who have supported it.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 142

Petitions of the Dutch merchants to the States-General,
and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying
for a speedy protection of commerce. Answer of Spain to
the Russian declaration.--Extracts from the Journals, on
the destination of the naval forces of France.--Proceedings
of Congress kept more secret than the plans of the European
Courts.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 149

Declaration of Lord George Germain, that there is a prospect
of peace with America, on good and honorable terms for
England, not with the Congress, but with the people.--Fallacy
of these statements; America could not make peace with
England, without involving herself with France and Spain;
Congress cannot oppose the will of the people in America,
which is expressed through the press, the towns, the juries,
and the assemblies.--Other errors concerning the misery of
the people, the debt, dislike to France, &c. exposed.--Barriers
to a reconciliation or peace between England and America.
(_Note._)

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 4th, 1780, 159

Extracts from numerous European journals.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 5th, 1780, 166

Extracts from the journals.--Petitions of the Corn
Merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General and to the
States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for
protection of the commerce.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 10th, 1780, 170

Preparations for supporting the armed neutrality.--An
East India company formed at Trieste.--English losses
in Africa.--Critical situation of the British power in
India.--Duty imposed on sugars imported from England,
by the Irish Parliament.--Violation of neutral ground on
the Dutch coast by the English.--Representations of the
States of Holland and West Friesland to the States-General,
and of the latter to the Dutch Minister at London on this
subject.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 181

Extract from Lord Shelburne's Speech, relating to the
policy of the Ministry towards Russia, Prussia, Austria,
and Turkey.--The American war was the true cause of that
policy.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 186

Copy of Governor Pownal's bill, empowering the King to make
peace with the United States.--Meeting of merchants at
Dublin to obtain a duty on sugars imported into the
kingdom.--Proceedings of the Irish House of Commons on
the same subject.--Port of Vendre on the Mediterranean
repaired.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 190

Extracts from pamphlets published under the name of Mr
Galloway, but probably written by the refugees.--Refutation
of the statements therein contained.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 201

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 17th, 1780, 201

Governor Hutchinson's death and character.--Further extracts
from the pamphlets abovementioned.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 20th, 1780, 207

On the paying off of the loan office certificates.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 21st,
1780, 208

Injustice of obliging the French holders of the American
paper money to suffer by the depreciation.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 212

Requesting a delay of the orders instructing the French
Minister in America to make representations against the
resolutions of Congress for the paying off the paper money
at its depreciated value.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 213

Defence of the resolutions of Congress above referred
to.--The holders have received the bills at the depreciated
value, and are not therefore entitled to the nominal
value.--The loss will not fall on French holders, who have
received them at their depreciated value.--The same
measure was adopted by the colony of Massachusetts Bay,
without being objected to by the English government or
merchants.--Very little of the paper in the hands of
French subjects.

To B. Franklin. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 225

Suggesting the propriety of requesting a revocation of
the orders to the French Minister in America,
abovementioned.--Evils which they may produce in America.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 26th, 1780, 226

Clamor in Europe against the resolutions providing for
the paying off the paper bills.--Interview and
correspondence with Count de Vergennes on the
subject.

To the President of Congress. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 228

Recommends the appointment of Consuls to relieve the
Minister.--Also, that strict instructions be given to
the commanders of ships-of-war, in which there has been
a want of subordination.

To B. Franklin. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 231

Enclosing his correspondence with the Count de Vergennes,
relative to resolutions of Congress for paying off the
paper money.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
June 30th, 1780, 232

Adheres to his former opinions on the subject of the
paper money.--Expects the views of Congress in reply
to the representations.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 1st, 1780, 233

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 234

Lists of French, Spanish, American, and English vessels
taken and destroyed.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 239

Regrets the American losses, and considers the causes.
Urges Congress to cherish the navy while it is in their
power.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 240

Rejection of Mr Hartley's proposal for a bill to empower
the King to make peace with America.--Abstract of the
bill.--Sir G. Saville's motion, that the American war
be declared unconstitutional and ruinous, rejected.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 243

Petition of the merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General,
for protection of commerce from the English.

B. Franklin to Count de Vergennes. Passy, July 10th, 1780, 245

Agrees that foreign merchants ought not to suffer from
the depreciation of the paper money.--Assures him that
the sentiments of the Americans in general in regard to
the alliance, differ widely from those expressed by
Mr Adams.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1780, 247

Determination of the English to undertake a new campaign.--
State of things in America.--The advantages which the
English derive from being masters of the American seas.--The
English in America have been for two years in the power of
their enemies.--Their possessions must be protected and
supplied by a naval power.--A naval superiority in those
seas is the true policy of America and France. The policy
of France has been suspected in America, and misrepresented
in England on this point.--The real importance of
America.--Prejudices against the Americans in France.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 14th, 1780, 259

Proposed congress at St Petersburg.--English accounts of
their successes in America.--Ignorance of the American
foreign envoys on these subjects.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 260

Preamble of the Russian ordinance relative to neutral
rights.--There is no appearance of favor to England
in the Russian Court.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 263

Attack on the French vessels in the neutral port of Milo
by the English.--Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch
naval preparations.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 265

English, French, and Spanish forces at sea.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 17th, 1780, 266

Reasons why his powers ought no longer to be concealed
from the English Court.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 270

Naval forces of the northern powers.--Russian ordinance
ascertaining the neutral rights of Russian commerce.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 276

Armed neutral forces.--Quotes speculations from the
Amsterdam Gazette relative to the effect of the conquest
of Mobile by the Spaniards.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 20th,
1780, 278

A French naval force has been sent to America, to co-operate
with the American military operations.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1780, 279

Expresses his satisfaction with the destination of the
armament abovementioned.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 22d, 1780, 280

Extract from the King's speech on the prorogation of
Parliament.--Extracts from the journals, showing
the state of the navies in Europe.

To the President of Congress. Paris, July 23d, 1780, 285

Messengers pass between London and Madrid.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 25th, 1780, 287

Reasons for opposing Mr Adams' communication of his full
powers to the English Ministry.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 26th, 1780, 294

Reply to the statements and arguments of the preceding
letter.

To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 27th, 1780, 301

Observations on Count de Vergennes' assertion, that
the King had taken measures for sustaining America
without solicitations from Congress.--Solicitations
were made through the medium of the foreign Envoys
of Congress.--Expresses his fears that the French
have not a decided naval superiority in the American
seas.

Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 29th, 1780, 304

Expresses his dissatisfaction with the remarks of Mr
Adams.--Shall treat only with Mr Franklin on matters
concerning the United States.

Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles,
July 31st, 1780, 305

Transmitting his correspondence with Mr Adams with the
request that it may be laid before Congress. (Letter
from the President of Congress to Mr Adams on this
subject. _Note._)

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780, 307

Arrives in Amsterdam.--Importance of maintaining an official
agent in the United Provinces.--Probability of raising a
loan in Holland.--Declaration of Sweden in regard to
neutrality.--Declaration of Denmark on the same subject.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780, 314

Absurd political speculations in Europe on the conditions
and prospects of America.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
22d, 1780, 316

Answer of France to the Swedish declaration.--Questions
of Sweden relative to the proposals of Russia, for
reciprocal protection and mutual assistance of the
neutrals.--Russian answer.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
23d, 1780, 321

The English mission to Madrid merely a cover.--Real
design of England to continue the war, and to separate
the House of Bourbon from America.--Urges the sending
a Minister to Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
4th, 1780, 323

Capture of the British West India fleet by the combined
fleets of France and Spain.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
5th, 1780, 324

No measures ever taken in England to fix the English
language.--Proposes that Congress should effect this
object by erecting the American Academy for refining
and ascertaining the English language, and by
furnishing the necessary funds for a library and the
support of its officers.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
19th, 1780, 327

Acknowledges the receipt of his commission for negotiating
a loan.--Difficulties of this charge.--Expediency of a
Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, charged with this duty.

Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding
letter, 329

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
16th, 1780, 330

Congress of St Petersburg.--The policy of Holland
doubtful.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
24th, 1780, 332

Determines to negotiate a loan in a private character.--Little
reputation of the Dutch owing to their language.--Importance
of cultivating the English language in America.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
25th, 1780, 334

General ignorance of America in Holland.--Predominance
of the English interest there.--Little prospect of
raising a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September
28th, 1780, 338

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Empress.--Their address on this occasion.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 340

The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience
of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.--Their addresses
on the occasion.--Report of despatches from St
Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the
armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
5th, 1780, 342

Has effected nothing in regard to the loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
11th, 1780, 342

Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in
respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the
history of the office.--Copy of the commission of
the Stadtholder.--Capture of Mr Laurens.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 360

Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of
intelligence.--Does not think it degrading to the
United States to ask for loans, or to seek the
friendship of the maritime powers.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
14th, 1780, 362

Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.--Determination of
England to prosecute the war.--Superiority of the
United States to the United Provinces.--Forces of
the Dutch Republic.--Advantages of a naval power.--Prospect
of a rupture between England and Holland.--Proposals
for facilitating the loan.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 365

Uncertainty of a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
24th, 1780, 366

Sufferings of Mr Laurens.--Recommends Congress to
send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the
interest of the proposed loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
27th, 1780, 367

The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his
correspondence with Holland.

James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October
28th, 1780, 368

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
31st, 1780, 369

Influence of the refugees in England.--Cruel treatment
of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of
America.--Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation
with England.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780, 371

Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of
exchange drawn on Mr Laurens.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
16th, 1780, 372

Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.--
Insolence of that document.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
17th, 1780, 376

Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.--Remarks
on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.--M.
Van Berckel.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780, 378

Little prospect of procuring a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
25th, 1780, 379

A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.--
Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr
Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams'
disability.--The fear of the submission of America
discourages the loan.--The Stadtholder favorable to
England.--Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English
cause.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780, 382

Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.--Prospect of a
loan doubtful.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
30th, 1780, 383

The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland,
countermanded.--Preponderance of the English interest
in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
14th, 1780, 384

Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.--Little
disposition in Holland to furnish a loan.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
18th, 1780, 386

Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for
the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation
is made.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
21st, 1780, 388

Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the
prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture
of the rebels.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 389

Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.--England
will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of
their joining the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 391

Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.--They
determine to demand satisfaction for
the memorials of Sir J. Yorke.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1780, 393

Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile
indications.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
26th, 1780, 394

Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
28th, 1780, 395

Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in
case of war with England.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
30th, 1780, 397

Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand
to the measures of the States-General.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
31st, 1780, 404

Holland will be supported in a war with England,
either by the armed neutrals, or by the other
belligerents.--Death of Maria Theresa.

The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia,
January 1st, 1781, 405

Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary
to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian
Declaration (_Note_) and other documents.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
1st, 1781, 406

British Manifesto against the States-General.--Orders
in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and
goods.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
4th, 1781, 414

Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.--
Recommends M. Dumas to Congress.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
5th, 1781, 416

Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence
of Sir J. Yorke's memorial.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
14th, 1781, 418

Resentment in Holland against the English.--Unprepared
state of the country in case of war.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 419

Declaration of the States-General on their accession to
the armed neutrality.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 422

The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture
with England.--State of the Dutch marine.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 423

Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending
warlike preparations.--The States approve
the proposition and direct it to be communicated
to the Provinces.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1781, 425

Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
18th, 1781, 425

Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement
of privateers against the English.--Proclamation
granting indemnifications to those who shall be
wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war
at sea.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February
1st, 1781, 433

Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.--A
similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with
modifications.--The States-General accede to the treaty.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781, 443

Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by
Congress.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781, 444

State of American affairs in Holland.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March
1st, 1781, 446

The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the
independence of America.--Considers it time to prepare
for the execution of his instructions.--Requests
his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition
to the States.

A Memorial to the States-General, 448

To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress
of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 449

Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the
rights of neutrals.--Would be happy to accede to
the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States.

To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of
the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450

Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of
neutrals.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France
at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450

Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in
the preceding letters.

From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams.
Hague, March 14th, 1781, 451

Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard
to the neutral powers without instructions.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th,
1781, 451

Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British
manifesto.--Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the
States-General, offering the mediation of Russia.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
19th, 1781, 469

Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister
Plenipotentiary to Holland.--Division of sentiments
in that country.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 472

Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden,
demanding the protection of the armed neutrals.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, March
29th, 1781, 479

Additional taxes in Great Britain.--Comparison of Lord
North with M. Necker.--Necessity of creating a permanent
public credit in the United States.--Ways and means for
effecting it.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781, 481

Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and
instructions.

Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General, 481

Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden,
April 19th, 1781, 493

Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781, 494

Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable
him to raise a loan.

To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the
Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781, 496

Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms
of the treaty between France and America, to make common
cause with these powers.

To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781, 497

Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781, 498

In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is
referred to the President of the States-General.--Interview
with the President, who declines receiving his commission
or memorial, and promises to report to the States.--Delivers
a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince,
who declines receiving it.--The President reports to the
States, who take the subject _ad referendum_.--The French
Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr
Adams, but promises his support.

To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781, 501

Generous aid of France.--America might tax Europe, by
laying export duties.--Cannot accept bills drawn by
Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them.

To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 503

Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.--
No probability of a speedy decision.--Dutch fleet sails.--
Divided state of opinions in Holland.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS,

ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF PEACE.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 17th, 1780.

Sir,

Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic.

The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made without delay. They say, even that there may have been already negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work, that having resided in England in the same quality he has the advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation, contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put themselves in possession at the end of the last war.

But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the course of the year.

By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues, as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring heights this young statesman aspires.

Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so decidedly in their favor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 18th, 1780.

Sir,

It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit, everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end. Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is obvious enough.

The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them mad.

He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible.

The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be brought to petition for peace.

Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information, it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held up a hope of this to the people.

Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles, but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate them.

He ought also to have avoided his insinuations, that America has been so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the war is true, and when was any nation at war without being so? Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government, and sustain a war at the same time without it? Yet, after all, America has not been so much harassed, or disastered, or terrified, or panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several times in the course of it.

But the most exceptionable passage of all, is this. "It is apparent to all the world, that _France might long ago have put an end to that part of the war, which has been most distressing to America_, if she had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered, from the very beginning, down to the last retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it, but this, viz. that it has always been the deliberate intention and object of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of the war in America, _in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America_."

Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But after deliberating upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my country are antecedent to all other ties.

I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true, that France might put an end to that part of the war, which has been most distressing to Americans; and I certainly know the means were extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed, and explained, and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had a terrible load of the guilt of negligence of my duty upon my conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a commission to this Court. But, when the letter writer proceeds so far as to say, that it was to _encourage_ the continuance of the war, in order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot accompany him, much less can I join with him in the opinion, that it was to depress the rising power in America. I believe, on the contrary, that France has not wished the continuance of the war, but that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much loss and danger to France, to suppose, that she wished its continuance, and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could not wish it to depress the power of America.

She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this war is continued in America, the more will America become habituated to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and talents and passions will gain strength, and additional activity, every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents, and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land.

This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced by everything I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except, perhaps, the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that exception, rejoice in the American revolution, and consider the independence of America as for their interest and happiness, in many points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe; yet I have many reasons to think, that not one of them, not even Spain, nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as to them. Let us, above all things, avoid, as much as possible, entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war. America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough.

I think, however, that this letter writer was very much mistaken in his judgment, when he threw out this language. It could be meant only to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or rather feed the Yorkshire people, and the people of England with a hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt towards it is a false policy.

The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union with America. This must be intended to separate us from our allies, which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally impracticable.

I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will never consent, that we should make a truce, unless she makes a peace; and such alterations may be made in the constitutions of the Courts of France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connexions in Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France, nor Spain, nor the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in a sure and certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost.

Upon the whole, I think, that this letter writer should have stated the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America.

From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been open conferences for peace; make peace with all the world, upon the best terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution of the British Empire.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 24th, 1780.

Sir,

There is intelligence from Stockholm of the 4th of this month, that "the Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia has given notice to that Court, of the declaration made by his sovereign, as well to the States-General of the United Provinces as to the powers actually at war, demanding, at the same time, that Sweden would accede to it, and to this end join herself to Russia, by augmenting the Swedish marine, to the end, to concur by this means, in the maintenance of a neutrality. Although this Court appears very well inclined to enter into the views of Russia, nevertheless, it is thought, that before anything will be decided upon this object, she will previously give notice of it to the Court of France. In the meantime, the Minister of Russia at this Court has received orders to treat directly of this affair, as well with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, as with the other Ministers of that Court residing at the neutral Courts."

There is also intelligence from Ratisbon of the 13th of April, that "M. Struxe, Counsellor of the Legislation from Russia, has communicated there by order of his Court the declaration made by his sovereign to the belligerent powers, to the end to make her flag be respected, and to protect the commerce and navigation of her subjects; and that, in consequence, orders had already been despatched to Cronstadt and Archangel to equip there a sufficient number of ships of the line."

There is a paragraph in the Gazette of Amsterdam, of the 21st, from Paris of the 14th of April. "It is only by conjecture, that we talk of the plan of the next campaign in Europe; and it is also with the same uncertainty, that we lend our ear to the report, which runs, that the Count d'Estaing will command the combined fleet, and even, that the Count du Chaffault, as well as the Spanish Admirals, have offered to serve under him. It is pretended, besides, that there may very well be also some alterations in the progress of our Ministry, if it is true, as they continue to affirm, that the Count de Parades has been arrested as a spy of the English Government, to whom he was, in fact, in a capacity to discover important particulars upon this subject. But there is another piece of news, to which we give more credit, because, really, there is no good citizen, nor genuine friend of humanity, who does not wish to hear it confirmed. It is, that there should be, as it is said, upon the carpet, a plan concerted between all the maritime powers of Europe, to the end to form and digest a universal code for the sea, the laws of which no nation should attempt to infringe, without devoting herself to the indignation, or exposing herself to the vengeance, of all the others; an important project, if it could be executed, which would insure the happiness and tranquillity of nations, and would set bounds, which could not be passed, to the audacity, as well as the avarice of any one, which, without any other right than that of force, should pretend to arrogate to itself the exclusive empire of the sea."

There is also intelligence from the Hague of the 19th of April, that there was sent on the 14th of the month to the Assembly of the States-General of the United Provinces, a Memorial of the following tenor.

"Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Commissioners of the affairs of commerce and navigation, conjointly with some counsellors of Holland, and Ministers of the College of Admiralty residing in this Province, having, in consequence of a resolution of the 4th of this month, examined the Memorial presented the day before to the Generality, by the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by which the Minister has communicated a declaration made by his sovereign to the Courts of France, Spain, and England, that the neutral powers may protect by common agreement the commerce and navigation of her subjects respectively, as is more fully explained in the note of the 4th of April.