Chapter VII: Part 7

"The undersigned, merchants dealing chiefly in grain, at the exchange of the corn merchants of the city of Amsterdam, give respectfully to understand, that to the end to preserve and maintain this branch of commerce so important for them, they had found it of the last necessity to address themselves by the way of a petition, to their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces, tending to request a prompt, convenient, and sufficient protection in favor of their navigation, for the reasons more fully particularised in the said petition, of which they take the liberty to annex a copy; humbly requesting your Noble and Grand Mightinesses to cast a propitious eye upon the address of the petitioners, and to be so good as to favor it with your powerful protection, that they may be at length remedied against the unjust vexations, and the ruinous seizure of their ships, and against all the shackles, which have been put upon their commerce, while the petitioners on their part offer to concur with all their hearts, and with zeal, in all convenient measures, which, in this respect your Noble and Grand Mightinesses shall judge to be necessary, to come at the end proposed."

_Hamburg, 26th of May._ "They write from Stockholm, that the Court of Sweden had positively accepted the plan of an armed neutrality, proposed by Russia, and given orders to equip six more ships of the line, so that at present the naval forces of Sweden, like those of Denmark, consist in ten ships of the line and six frigates, whereof six ships of the line are ready to make sail from the port of Carslscroon.

"We learn from the Sound, that the 21st of this month the English ship the Chatham, of fifty guns, commanded by Captain G. Altan, was arrived there, as well as the frigates the Siren, the Lizard, and the Lynx, under the command of the Captains Dodde, Parry, and Britton, of twentyfour and twenty guns. The cutters, the Bussy, Captain Coaths, of twelve guns, and the Frederick, C. Pasechall, of eight. These two last have sustained in the North Sea a brisk action with two French cutters, one of which was named the Alexander, of fourteen guns, which they have conducted to the Sound. It is not known what is become of the other prize, which they think is sunk, or carried to Norway."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 10th, 1780.

Sir,

We read, under the head of Hamburg, of the 20th of May, that the project of a confederation, armed for the maintenance of the navigation of the neutral powers, appears every day to assume more consistency. The fleet armed in Russia for the protection of her neutrality, and of her commerce, is composed of fifteen ships of the line, four frigates, and a large number of smaller vessels. Their orders are to sweep, not only the Baltic Sea, but the Swedish Sea, and the neighborhood of Archangel, of all the corsairs of the belligerent powers. They assure us at the same time, that orders are given to equip at Revel and at Archangel a second fleet of twenty ships of the line; Sweden arms ten, and six frigates. She will send out at first but four of the former, the six others will remain at Carslscroon, but in a condition to sail at the first signal. They are busy in Denmark in arming a like number. They assure us even that there are orders to augment it.

The opinion the most general is, that the powers, which are to enter into the armed neutrality, will confine themselves at first to make their navigation to be respected, and will not appear as mediators, but when they shall see that the fate of arms shall make the balance incline too much to one side, to the disadvantage of the other. It will be then, that they will intervene for a re-establishment of the equilibrium, by moderating the too excessive pretensions of some, and by repairing the losses, which the misfortune, the negligence, or the unskilfulness of others shall have occasioned them. One does not know, which we ought to admire most, the immutability of the English, in the midst of all the movements, which they excite, or the movements themselves, which they are no doubt themselves astonished to have excited. This recalls the saying of an Englishman, who seeing a magnificent chapel built for the accomplishment of a vow, made in the midst of a battle, cried, "When the Emperor made this great vow, he had great fear." Is it not astonishing, that the most formidable maritime powers of Europe should have believed their rights so much in danger, as to make it their duty to confederate against the arbitrary pretensions of England? It would be much more astonishing, if she should be able to realise them, but this is not to be presumed.

Under the head of Italy, Genoa, the 10th of May, we read, "They write from Trieste, that they are actively employed there in arming a company of commerce for the East Indies. The grant (charter, patent, octroi) is very soon to appear in print, that every one may have shares in it, and have a part in the advantages that shall result from it. As it is of importance to our Court, that the productions of the country should be transported to foreigners, this company will obtain all the privileges necessary to put it upon a flourishing footing. They are taking all possible measures, that the funds advanced should produce to the proprietors a considerable interest. Austria proposes to observe the most exact neutrality with all the maritime powers, and to form alliances with the States of Barbary. In the meantime, that we may have nothing to fear from these last, our vessels will be partly armed for war, and partly loaded with merchandises."

A sensible letter from London (real or fictitious I know not) says, "The armed neutrality engages still the attention of our Court. We do not cease to dread here, that it will have melancholy consequences. If some persons flatter themselves, that it may lead to peace, others think that we cannot make an advantageous one. France and Spain appear determined not to lay down their arms until they shall have taken away from us the empire of the seas, and rendered commerce and navigation free. We are not ignorant, that the wish of Europe is in their favor, and the armed neutrality has sufficiently demonstrated it. Our Ministry well convinced, that it is upon a superiority at sea, that depends the safety of our possessions in the four quarters of the world, will neglect nothing to preserve it. But it is at least necessary, that by a prudent conduct towards the neutral powers, we should engage them to permit us to enjoy it. The part which we act cannot but alienate them. Far from retracting, we go directly on."

According to the account of the officers arrived in the cartel ship, the Sartine, the squadron of Admiral Hughes, in its passage from Europe to the Cape of Good Hope, has suffered considerable losses, which have very much diminished it. They are persuaded, that it has not suffered less in its route to the Indies, during which it has had constantly contrary winds, and that it has been scarcely able to land in Asia a number of troops sufficient to put the English forces there in the condition they were in before the war. Admiral Hughes had said to the Governor of the Cape, that his orders were to go and attack Manilla. But it is most probable, that at his arrival at Madras, he found himself in an impossibility of undertaking anything this year. He has not a sufficient number of troops with him, and far from being able to take any in India, those already there are sufficiently occupied with the chiefs of the country, and have occasion for reinforcements. Nadgiskan, General of the Emperor of Mogul, threatens them in Bengal. The Marattas disturb them at Bombay; and Hyder Aly Khan upon the coast of Coromandel. The English, troubled in their own possessions, have more cause to think of preserving them than of attempting elsewhere expeditions, that would weaken them.

The last letters from the gold coast of Africa contain the following details. "One of our out-forts, called Succondée, has been attacked sometime since by a French frigate, of forty guns. She cast anchor in the Bay within cannon-shot of the fort, which was falling in ruins, defended solely by some pieces of artillery, almost out of a condition for service, and in which was a garrison of four men, to wit; the commandant, one sergeant, and two soldiers, which in such a situation could not make a long resistance. Nevertheless, before they surrendered, they killed six Frenchmen, and wounded twelve. The sergeant of the fort was killed; and the commandant, seeing that the enemy had effected their landing with two hundred men, saved himself by retreating back into the country. The French have derived neither honor nor profit from the expedition; they have found nothing but the effects of the commandant, valued at eight hundred pounds sterling, which they destroyed. The fort contained nothing valuable. They spiked the cannon, which they found upon carriages, and broke off the trunnions; after which they went off without attempting anything against the other forts. The same letters add, that the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, and those of the other forts, were preparing to quit a service, in which they could not long remain, the company having stopped the arrearages which were due to them, as well as to those in general who have been employed since the month of December, 1778, and having refused to reimburse them the sums, which they have advanced out of their pockets for the maintenance of the forts of the government, and which amount to half of their private fortunes. By a conduct so unjust, and without example, the principal officers find themselves ruined, and the inferior officers and soldiers are dying with hunger. There was scarcely an English vessel upon the coast, and the price of all the necessaries of life were raised more than an hundred per hundred. What defence could be made by people in such a situation, if attacked by the French, who burn with a desire of forming an establishment upon that coast."

The losses in Africa are considerable, and the English are threatened with more considerable in India, where the natives of the country begin to be weary of the vexation of foreigners, who come from Europe to subject them to the yoke. The Emperor of Mogul threatens them in Bengal, the Marattas at Bombay, and the famous Hyder Aly upon the coast of Coromandel, and the domestic troubles which have arisen in the bosom of their establishments, may put them out of a condition to defend them. All Europe prays for the liberty of the seas, and waits with impatience the effects of the union of the maritime powers, which must put a bridle upon the violent and arbitrary proceedings of the English.

On the 18th and 19th of May there were warm debates in the House of Commons of Ireland, where the patriotic party carried a duty of twelve shillings per quintal on sugars imported from England. On the 22d, it was resolved by an hundred and forty voices against eighteen, that a bill should be brought in for the punishment of mutiny and desertion, and to establish better regulations for the land forces. This is a decisive measure, and if it is admitted, it concedes the principle, that the British Parliament has no authority over Ireland.

_Hague, 4th of June._ "M. de Nowicoff, Secretary of the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia, being returned here the first of this month at night, from Petersburg, where he has been as express some weeks ago, the Prince de Gallitzin had the next day a conference with some members of government. A second express, sent to Petersburg by the same Minister about the middle of April, returned last night. We flatter ourselves, that the despatches which they bring will contribute to accelerate the execution of the project of an armed neutrality, for which her Imperial Majesty continues to testify the most favorable dispositions, provided that the other neutral powers act readily in concert with her. The merchants of Dort and Rotterdam have followed the example of those of Amsterdam, by presenting on the 2d a petition to the States-General, to the end to supplicate them to hasten the equipment of the vessels, which it has been resolved to arm, and to give to commerce the effectual enjoyment of the protection of the State. According to the ordinance projected to accelerate this equipment, 'no merchant vessel belonging to the subjects of the Republic can put to sea, without voluntarily delivering to the college of the Admiralty at least the third man of her crew, under penalty of six hundred florins per head, upon the captains and freighters of the vessel, which shall attempt to go out without having made the said delivery.' It will not, however, take place but twice a year, viz. the two first voyages which a vessel shall make, and from this will be excepted those upon which there shall be but two men besides the master, the vessels employed in the different fisheries, the ships of the East India Company, and those of the West Indies; in fine, the foreign vessels manned with crews of their own nation, &c."

_April 21st, 1780._ "It happened that the French privateer, the Spring, commanded by Captain John Huë, and mounted with four guns, which had anchored in the Road of Helvoetsluys, put to sea in company with some Dutch vessels, bound to the Greenland Fishery. Three Scotch coal vessels put to sea at the same time, and soon after two others, somewhat larger. The three largest having come just opposite the point of Westland, the French privateer, which was not at the distance of more than four yards from the shore, opposite the Cape of the Isle of Goree, wore round to return into port; the three coal vessels perceiving it, made the same manoeuvre, and bore down upon the French privateer, upon which the latter approaching nearer and nearer the coast, and passing along very near it under the city of Goree, to enter into the port, they began to fire upon him with ball, and they continued to cannonade him incessantly, although this little vessel, which in truth carried French colors, did not answer them with more than one gun. They pursued him quite up to the lighthouse of Goree, only at the distance of about six yards (I suppose ship's yards) west of the place, where they forced her to run ashore. The vessel was there stopped upon the sand, and the crew crawling along upon the bowsprit in the sea, saved themselves at land. Meantime, the three coalmen did not cease to fire upon the little privateer, without regarding even a large number of workmen who were about their business on shore. So that the bullets passed through the midst of these people, and just over their heads, and they were very happy to run off and save themselves in the Downs. The three coalmen, not content to have pushed thus far their enterprise, continued not only to fire upon the privateer stopped in the sand, without any crew, but in fine, they came to anchor at the distance of about forty yards from this vessel, while the two smaller coalmen were come out of the Bay of Helvoetsluys, and were under sail near and round it, firing upon it until noon, when the tide began to set afloat the privateer, which had been stopped for two hours. Then the English went on board with their boats, took down the French flag, took the vessel off the shore, and attached her broadside and broadside to the largest of the coalmen. They took away from her many effects, under the eyes of the Dutch coasting pilots, who having asked in English, what was their design in regard to the privateer, and having cautioned them to take care what they did, the captain of the largest of the coalmen answered, "We will take her, we are also privateers."

Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland, after having stated these circumstances to the States-General, have adopted in their report; "that they considered this excessive audacity of the English or Scotch coalmen, as a manifest and voluntary violation of the territory of the Republic, accompanied with circumstances the most aggravated, as having been committed in going out of a harbor of this country, and in a place where it could not be doubtful that they were within reach of the cannon of the shore, since their own balls reached the land, without the least provocation from the French privateer, which did not fire a single gun. So that this action of the coalmen, has had no other cause than a premeditated hostility, whilst there was not the least reason to fear that the privateer, after having got to sea, would interrupt one of them, considering that the attack was begun on their part, in the very moment when the privateer had tacked about to quit the open sea and return into port, besides, that he was pursued for two hours after that he was indubitably aground upon the shore, and that the enterprise was finished by taking away the French privateer from the Dutch shore, contrary to the exhortation and warnings of the coasting pilots. That in the judgment of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States-General had not only a right to complain of the insolence so excessive on the part of the English or Scotch masters, which their High Mightinesses admit into the ports of the Republic, but that they cannot even suffer them without wounding the neutrality, which they have embraced in the present troubles, and without prejudicing the dignity, the sovereignty, and the independence of the State; and having been under obligation effectually to have opposed and hindered them, even by force, if they could have been informed in time of these violences, they cannot excuse themselves from demanding, in a manner the most serious, the vessel which was taken, and from demanding of his Britannic Majesty, a suitable satisfaction for this conduct of his subjects."

After this report, the States-General have resolved, the 13th of May, "that advice of these facts should be sent to the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their High Mightinesses at the British Court, by sending him copies of the depositions joined to the letter of the Receiver-General of the Customs of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, in the country of Voorne, dated the 4th day of May last, by which he has informed of the facts the Lords, the Deputy Counsellors of Holland, as the said depositions are annexed to the letter, which the said counsellors have addressed to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses the 5th of the same month, concerning this affair; and at the same time, the Count de Welderen should be instructed to give notice, in the manner that he shall judge the most convenient and the most effectual, of the said insolences committed by the masters of the English or Scotch coal vessels, and to complain, in the name of their High Mightinesses, of a violation so incontestible of their territory and of the law of nations, by the way of open force; that their High Mightinesses cannot think, that his Britannic Majesty can or will suffer that his subjects should allow themselves in such excesses; that in consequence, the Count de Welderen should demand a suitable satisfaction; that the masters of the coal vessels should undergo a correction, and that the French vessel taken should be brought back to the place from whence she has been taken, or at least, that she should be restored to their High Mightinesses, to the end that they may dispose of her in the manner they shall judge proper; and that the damages caused to this vessel, directly upon the territory of their High Mightinesses, where she ought to have enjoyed the same safety as the coal vessels in the Road of Helvoetsluys, and through all the extent of the territory of their High Mightinesses, should be made good."

The English frigate, the Ambuscade, Captain Phipps, has taken, on the 24th of April last, in the Bay of Biscay, four Dutch ships, which have made some resistance, so that there were some men killed and wounded on both sides. One of the Dutch captains was killed. They were bound, it is said, from Helvoetsluys to Spain. They have been carried into Plymouth, where arrived at the same time a Spanish frigate of thirty guns, taken, they say, by the English frigate, the Medea, off the port of Brest, where she was going with despatches from the Court of Madrid, relative to the junction of the French and Spanish fleets. This is not likely, since the despatches go by land from Court to Court.

I shall finish this tedious letter, by enclosing a letter from the Count d'Urre Molans, proposing to raise some horse at the expense of himself and his officers. I promised to enclose it to Congress, which was all I could do. But I hope, before an answer can come, the American States will have no more occasion for cavalry.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 12th, 1780.

Sir,

I cannot omit to request the attention of Congress to a debate in the House of Peers on the 1st of June, upon Lord Shelburne's motion for a variety of State papers to be laid before the House. I have had the honor to transmit these papers to Congress before. His Lordship in his speech upon this occasion has displayed more knowledge of the affairs of Europe, than all the debates in the two Houses, and all the newspapers and pamphlets have contained for a long time. I will translate from a French translation, not having the original before me, what he says of Russia.

"With regard to the papers, which concern Russia, I see in the first place, in the declaration made by that Court in 1779, that under pretence of some disorders committed in the Baltic Sea by an American privateer, (Captain McNeal, I suppose,) the Empress announces to Great Britain, that she is about to form a league with the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, for the protection of commerce in that sea. This Princess must have known our Ministers perfectly well, to hope that they would fall into the snare. Yes, she knew that they would bite at the hook, when it was covered with the bait of some appearance of hostility against the Americans. While they were running after the dainty worm, all Europe saw clearly that this exclusion from the Baltic Sea was general for all armed vessels, whether American or English; but Russia was too wise to begin by speaking of English vessels. It is, nevertheless, curious to consider the nature of the right alleged by the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, to arrogate to themselves the dominion of the Baltic; a dominion no mention of which is made in any treaty existing, and of which no one ever heard any mention made. They say to you, that God Almighty intended that these three powers should govern exclusively over this vast sea. The terms of the declaration say expressly, that nature has given them this right; if this declaration is extraordinary, and without example, the last declaration of the Empress of Russia is much more astonishing. This Princess dares to announce a maritime code, which will serve as a rule for all Europe. I will acknowledge, that when this Imperial decree for the first time fell into my hands, I was confounded; I felt in a moment, that Russia, this Empire coming out of the cradle, scarcely reckoned a few years ago in the number of maritime powers, this Russia, which the Ministers declared to us was our friend and our ally, was disposed not only to refuse us assistance, but moreover to contribute to the annihilation of the maritime power of Great Britain. The Empress declares in this Manifesto, that free ships render the effects free, that they have on board; she does not confine herself to establish this principle in favor of the vessels of her nation, she makes it general, she invites all the States of Europe, whether neutral or belligerent, to unite with her to maintain it, and to set them an example she informs them, that to maintain it effectually she equips a powerful squadron. What has given occasion to this astonishing measure? The infraction of treaties on the part of Great Britain. By the treaties of 1673 and 1674, Holland had a right to carry all, which was not expressly declared contraband; in spite of the existence of these treaties, Commodore Fielding received the extravagant orders to seize a Dutch convoy. This act of madness alarmed Russia, who forthwith published her Manifesto, which Holland, France, and Spain have received, with all the marks of the most perfect satisfaction. France has not failed to seize this opportunity to press the completion of the maritime code announced by the Empress, promising to adopt it, and to unite with her to support it.

"Such is the situation in which we find ourselves; not a single ally! there did remain to us one friend; Administration has found the secret to break with him. Is it not the most consummate madness not to have sought to insure a single ally? Opportunities have presented themselves more than once, more than twice, more than four times. If at the end of the war Administration was weary of the connexion with the King of Prussia; if they preferred the friendship, or even the alliance of the House of Austria, the opportunity of making sure of it presented itself a few years ago. In 1773, the epocha of the troubles in Poland, Great Britain would have made a friend of this House, by interposing its authority; this measure would have been agreeable to more than one power of Europe. If we had preferred the alliance of the King of Prussia, an opportunity has presented more recently of procuring it, that of the death of the Elector of Bavaria; sometime before this event, France foresaw it with terror. She perceived how much it might turn to the advantage of Great Britain, and how much the war, that it would infallibly occasion between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, would be contrary to her interests. What parts have our Ministers acted in this circumstance? They let it escape like the first; instead of conciliating the friendship of Austria, or renewing that of Prussia, they have discovered the secret of disgusting these two powers, as well as nearly all those of Europe; they have suffered that France should be the mediator between them, and make their peace.

Their conduct in regard to the Court of Petersburg, has been equally chargeable with negligence; they have let slip one or two occasions of conciliating the friendship of that Court. At the time of her rupture with the Porte, what part have they acted? They did not enter into the negotiation; but, which they will perhaps have cause to repent, they sent vessels to the Russians to teach them how they might obtain and preserve that domination of the seas, to which they pretend at this day. Such are the fruits of the prudence and wisdom of our Ministers. They have lost America, the most beautiful half of the Empire, and against the half that remains to us, they have excited all the powers of Europe. I say decidedly, that they have lost America, because, after what has passed in Holland and in Russia, one must be very short sighted not to see, that in fine, and at present, the independence of America is consummated. The maritime code confirms the rest. France and the other maritime powers, whose interest it is, that America should never return to the domination of England, will take care to comprehend her in the code; but I forewarn the Administration, that this code will soon be in force; that if they do not speedily make arrangements with Holland, there will be soon held at the Hague a Congress, to the effect to give the sanction of maritime Europe to the law which establishes, that free ships shall make free goods."

I cannot say that his Lordship is perfectly fair in this speech, nor that he has been much wiser than the Minister. The true cause why the Minister suffered France to make the peace between Russia and the Turk, and between Austria and Prussia, was the American war. While they pursued that phantom, all their men, all their ships, and all their money were necessary, and the whole not enough; so that they had not the power to lend troops, ships, or guineas to the Emperor, the King of Prussia, the Grand Seignior, nor the Empress of Russia. If they had been wise, made peace with America, acknowledged her equal station with the powers of the earth, and conciliated as much as they then might have done, her affection and her commerce, they might have preserved their importance in Europe at the peace of Teschen and the other peace. But my Lord Shelburne should have remembered, that he was at that time as much against acknowledging American independence, and as much for prosecuting the war against America as the Ministers; so that it does not appear, that his wisdom was so much greater than theirs. I am glad, however, that his Lordship is convinced, and I hope some time or other the Minister will be; but they have all called us rebels, till they have turned their own heads. This word rebellion makes Englishmen mad; they still continue to use it, and by this means as well as many others, to nourish and cherish the most rancorous and malignant passions in their own bosoms against us, and they will continue to do so a long time to come.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 12th, 1780.

Sir,

The following is given in the public papers; as a copy of the bill proposed by Governor Pownal, on the 24th of May, for putting Great Britain in a situation for making peace with America.

"In order to remove all doubts or disabilities, which may prevent, obstruct, or delay the happy work of peace, may it please your Majesty, that it may be declared and enacted, and it is hereby declared and enacted, &c. &c.

"That his Majesty is empowered to make a convention or truce, or to conclude a peace with the inhabitants of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Delaware Counties, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, in North America, convened in Congress, or in any other Assembly or Assemblies, or with any person or persons authorised to act for, and in behalf of the same, in such form and manner as he, by virtue of the prerogative of his Crown hath power to do in all other cases, and on such terms and conditions, as in the course of events shall become convenient and necessary for the honor and welfare of his Majesty and his people. And in order thereto, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the passing of this act, it shall, and may be lawful, for his Majesty to appoint such person or persons (subjects of Great Britain) as his Majesty in his wisdom shall think fit, and fully to authorise and empower the same to treat, consult, and agree with the said Americans, or with any part of them, or with any person or persons acting for and in their behalf to the said purpose of convention, truce, or peace. And be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of this act, it shall, and may be lawful, for his Majesty to grant safe conduct to any such person or persons whatsoever, as his Majesty shall see cause and judge proper to receive on the ground of treaty for such convention, truce, or peace, in like manner as he is by divers ancient statutes empowered to do in the cases therein specified."

On the 19th of May, at a meeting of the wholesale merchants of Dublin, and several merchants of the out-ports, convened by the committee of merchants, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to.

"_Resolved_, That this kingdom cannot possibly derive any material advantages from a free trade with the British Islands in the West Indies, without securing a market here for raw sugar; that being the capital article here of the produce of those Islands, and the principal return to be obtained for any manufactures of Ireland, which may be exported to the British Colonies.

"_Resolved_, That a market here for our raw sugar, can only be secured in a tolerable degree, by laying an additional duty on refined sugar, of sixteen shillings and seven pence half penny per hundred weight, being three times the additional duty to which the raw material is intended to be subjected.

"_Resolved_, That we view with the utmost concern and astonishment, a measure likely to be adopted, not only destructive of the sugar refinery of this kingdom, but, consequently, frustrating the professed benefits held out to Ireland on laying open to her the Colony trade.

"_Resolved_, That we verily believe this to be the insidious intention of those in Great Britain who have suggested the measure.

"_Resolved_, That we cannot but hold in the utmost contempt and detestation, every Irishman of whatever rank or station, who, from private and selfish considerations, shall prove base enough to be subservient to the insidious purpose of those, who aim at baffling and defeating the commercial interests of this too long oppressed and unkindly treated country.

"_Resolved_, That if we find the commercial interests of our country deserted, where we have and ought to expect guardianship, whether from ignorance of the subject, misrepresentations received and too easily listened to, or any other cause, it will then be incumbent on us, as the only remedy for self preservation, to enter along with our fellow-citizens and countrymen, of whose general concurrence on such a necessary occasion we entertain no doubt, into such an effectual association against the importation and use of the manufactures of this kingdom, as may secure to the industry of Irishmen, the benefits at least of their own consumption.

"_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to transmit copies of these resolutions to the merchants of the principal trading towns in this kingdom, and that the said committee do consist of Mr Hartley, &c.

"_Resolved_, That the committee be empowered to convene a general meeting when they shall think fit."

On the 15th of May, Mr. Martin, in the House of Commons of Ireland, after having laid open in great detail, the increase which had crept in by degrees upon the civil establishment of Ireland, proposed that a committee should be appointed, and especially instructed to examine into this alarming augmentation, and to propose a plan of economy, by means of which they might lighten the burden of the civil establishment of Ireland of the useless weight, which overloaded it; but he withdrew his motion on account of the shortness of the time and the assurance that was given him, that this object should be one of the first attended to next session.

On the 17th, the House in a committee of ways and means, resolved upon a duty of five shillings and tenpence per hundred weight to be laid on refined sugar, imported from England.

On the 18th, they were about to confirm the resolution, when an opposition arose, and Mr Yelverton spoke with so much energy, that the next day, the 19th, the House resolved upon a duty of twelve shillings, to the great detriment of the refiners of sugar at London. Mr Yelverton's oratory was neither more nor less, than that he would head the people, the only argument which carries any decisive weight in that House, and this very seldom fails.

Nothing which is now, or will soon be interesting to the commerce and navigation of the United States, is improper for me to send to Congress.

The port Vendres, situated in Roussillon, twenty leagues from Barcelona and four from Roses, upon the coast of the Mediterranean, having been a long time filled up and abandoned, the King has ordered the reparation of it, and it is now in a condition to receive not only merchant vessels of any size, but frigates, and will very soon be fit for ships of the line. This port, the position of which forms the centre of the coast of the Mediterranean, receives by its right all that comes out of the Straits, and by its left what comes from the Levant and the coast of Italy, at the passage of the Gulf of Lyon; and it presents to all the commercial nations, not only a center of union, the most advantageous for reciprocal commerce, but at the same time a mart, and an asylum so much the more safe, as this port is sheltered from all the winds by the mountains, which surround it, and as vessels are there as quiet as in a canal, and as it is not yet known but to those who within a year past have taken refuge in bad weather, and have owed their safety to it, several having perished for want of knowing it, they have given two points by which to know it, by painting white the fort St Elme, and the tower of Massane, placed upon the highest mountain of the Pyrenees, which are seen at the distance of fifteen or twenty leagues at sea, and they have placed at the entrance of the port a lighthouse, which throws its light more than five leagues in the night. Roussillon, moreover, can furnish by itself wines of the first quality, oils, iron, silks, and wools, almost as beautiful as those of Spain, and many other productions.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 16th 1780.

Sir,

I have lately obtained a sight of a number of pamphlets, published in London, which are given out as written by Mr Galloway, but there are many circumstances in them which convince me they are written in concert by the refugees. I see many traces, which appear unequivocal, of the hand of Governor Hutchinson in some of them. I have read them with pleasure and surprise, because it seems to me, that if their professed intention had been to convince America, that it is both her interest and duty to support her sovereignty and her alliance, they could not have taken a method so effectual.

"Such treaties" says he, (that is an offensive and defensive alliance between France and America) "will naturally coincide with their several views and interests, as soon as American Independence shall be acknowledged by the powers of Europe. America will naturally wish, while she is rising from her infant state into opulence and power, to cover her dominions under the protection of France, and France will find new resources of strength in American commerce, armies and naval force.

"The recovery of America from the disasters and distresses of war will be rapid and sudden. Very unlike an old country whose population is full, and whose cultivation, commerce and strength, have arrived at their height, the multiplication of her numbers, and the increase of her power will surpass all expectation. If her sudden growth has already exceeded the most sanguine ideas, it is certain, that the increase of her strength, when supported and assisted by France, and pushed forward by the powerful motives arising from her separate interest, her own preservation, and the prospect of her own arising glory and importance among nations, will far outrun any idea we have had of her late population. Nor will it be the interest of America to check the ambition of France, while confined to Europe. Her distance, and the safety arising from it, will render her regardless of the fate of nations on this side of the Atlantic, as soon as her own strength shall be established. The prosperity or ruin of kingdoms, from whose power she can have nothing to fear, and whose assistance she can never want, will be matters of equal indifference. She can wish for no other connexion with Europe than that of commerce, and this will be better secured in the hands of an ally than in those with whom she holds _no_ other connexion. (The word _no_ is an evident error in the press.) So that it will be of little concern to her whether Great Britain, Spain, Holland, Germany, or Russia, shall be ruled by one or more monarchs. The new States are and will continue the allies of France, our natural enemy, unless reduced, and although at this time by far the greater part of the people wish and hope for an union with this country, and are ready to unite with us in reducing the power of their tyrants, in the moment the least encouragement shall be given for that purpose, which the infatuated policy of every commander has hitherto withheld, yet should they be disappointed in their hope, it will compel them to unite with the enemies of this kingdom.

"The mode of carrying on the war, more cruel to friends than to foes, added to the inhumanity and treachery of this country, in not exerting its powers for their relief, will not fail to create permanent enmity and resentment, and the obligations of gratitude to the nation, which shall save them from our ravages, will stamp impressions never to be effaced. Advantage will be taken of these dispositions by the policy of France, to establish treaties of alliance and commerce with them, which will be founded on two great principles, their own mutual interest and the subduing the power of Great Britain; and if she should be permitted to trade with them at all, it will only be to share with other nations in the worthless remains, after their own and the purposes of their allies are served."

Here Congress will see the extreme ignorance or deception of the writer, in affirming, that the "far greater part of the people wish and hope for a union with Great Britain, and are ready to unite in reducing," &c. But notwithstanding the bad faith of the writer, we see that such is the force of truth, that he cannot adduce an argument to persuade the English to continue the war, without producing at the same time a much stronger argument to persuade the Americans to adhere to the last to their sovereignty and their alliances. Of this nature are all his other arguments.

"With the Independence of America," says he, "we must give up our fisheries on the Bank of Newfoundland, and in the American seas." Supposing this to be true, which it is in part, but not in the whole, if Great Britain loses her fisheries, does not America gain them? Are they not an object then to America, as important and desirable as to Great Britain? Has not America then at least as strong and pressing a motive to fight for them as Great Britain? The question then is reduced to another, which has the best prospect of contending for them successfully? America, favored by all the world, or Great Britain thwarted and opposed by all the world. And to whom did God and nature give them? The English lay great stress upon the gifts of God and nature, as they call the advantage of their insular situation, to justify their injustice and hostilities against all the maritime powers of the world. Why should the Americans hold the blessings of Providence in a lower estimation, which they can enjoy, without doing injury to any nation or individual whatsoever?

"With American independence, we must give up thirtyfive thousand American seamen, and twentyeight thousand more bred and maintained in those excellent nurseries the fisheries. Our valuable trade, carried on from thence with the Roman Catholic States, will be in the hands of America. These nurseries and this trade will ever remain the natural right of the people who inhabit that country. A trade so profitable, and a nursery of seamen so excellent and so necessary for the support of her naval force, will never be given up, or even divided by America with any power whatsoever."

If Great Britain loses sixtythree thousand seamen by our independence, and I believe she will not lose much less, I mean in the course of a few years, will not America gain them? Are sixtythree thousand seamen a feebler bulwark for America than Great Britain? Are they weaker instruments of wealth and strength, of power and glory, in the hands of Americans, than in those of the English; at the command of Congress than at the command of the King of England? Are they not then as strong a temptation to us to continue the war, as to them? The question then recurs again, which has the fairest prospect of success? America, which grows stronger every year, or England, which grows weaker?

"The British islands," he adds, "in the West Indies must fall of course. The same power that can compel Great Britain to yield up America, will compel her to give up the West Indies. They are evidently the immediate objects of France."

The true political consequence from this is to stop short, make peace, and save the British islands while you can; once taken, it will be more difficult to get them back. The whole returns again to the question, are you able to keep peace at home and in Ireland, and the East Indies, to settle matters with the maritime powers, and go on with the war long enough to beat France and Spain, make them renounce the war, and after that reduce the United States of America to submission? Will your soldiers, your seamen, and your revenues hold out till this is done, and after it shall be done, be sufficient to keep up a force sufficient to keep down France, Spain, and America?

"France," he subjoins, "expects from the independence of America, and the acquisition of the West India Islands, the sovereignty of the British seas, if not of Great Britain itself."

Is not this the strongest of all arguments for putting an end to the war? Now you may make peace, and keep the West India Islands, and secure the neutrality at least of America for the future; and in this case you may at least maintain your own sovereignty, and the freedom of the British seas. France at present claims no more than freedom on any seas. If you make peace at present, you may have more of American trade in future than France, and derive more support to your navy than she will to her marine from that country, and consequently may preserve your liberty upon all seas; but by pushing the war you will weaken yourselves and strengthen France and Spain to such a degree, that they will have in the end such a superiority as may endanger your liberty. But if Great Britain is to lose the West India Islands, and the sovereignty of the seas, by the independence of America, surely France, Spain, or America, or all three together are to gain them. And are not these advantages as tempting to these powers as to England, and as urgent motives to pursue the war?

So that we come again to the old question, which is likely to hold it out longest? The immense inexhaustible resources of France, Spain, and America together, or the ruined, exhausted, or distracted kingdom of Great Britain. The writer goes on. "France has long struggled to rival us in our manufactures in vain; this will enable her to do it with effect." If England were to make peace now, it is very doubtful whether France would be able to rival her in manufactures, those I mean which are most wanted in America, of wool and iron. But if she continues the war, France will be very likely to rival her, to effect, as it is certain she is taking measures for the purpose and the longer the war continues, the more opportunity she will have of pursuing those measures to effect.

"We receive," says he, "from the West India Islands, certain commodities absolutely necessary to carry on our manufactures to any advantage and extent, and which we can procure from no other country. We must take the remains from France or America, after they have supplied themselves and fulfilled their contracts with their allies, at their own prices, and loaded with the expense of foreign transportation, if we are permitted to trade for them at all." Is it possible to demonstrate the necessity of making peace, now while we may, more clearly? We may now preserve the West India Islands, but continuing the war we lose them infallibly.

"But this is not all we shall lose with the West Indies," says the writer. "We must add to our loss of seamen sustained by the independence of America, at least twenty thousand more, who have been bred and maintained in the trade from Great Britain to the West Indies, and in the West India trade among themselves, and with other parts, amounting in the whole to upwards of eighty thousand; a loss, which cannot fail to affect the sensibility of every man who loves this country, and knows that its safety can only be secured by its navy."

Is not this full proof of the necessity of making peace? These seamen may now be saved, with the islands whose commerce supports them. But if we continue the war, will France and Spain be less zealous to conquer your islands? Because, by this means they will certainly take away from you, and divide among themselves, twenty thousand seamen. Taking these islands from you, and annexing them to France and Spain, will in fact increase the trade of France, Spain, the United Provinces of the Low Countries, the United States of America, and Denmark; and the twenty thousand seamen will be divided in some proportion among all these powers. The Dutch and the Americans will have the carriage of a good deal of this trade, in consequence of their dismemberment from you, and annexion to France and Spain; do you expect to save these things by continuing the war? Or that these powers will be less zealous to continue it, by your holding out to them such temptations?

"Will not Great Britain lose much of her independence in the present state of Europe," continues the writer, "while she is obliged to other countries for her naval stores? In the time of Queen Anne, we paid at Stockholm three pounds per barrel for pitch and tar, to the extortionate Swede; and such was the small demand of those countries for the manufactures of this, that the balance of trade was greatly in their favor. The gold which we obtained in our other commerce, was continually pouring into their laps. But we have reduced that balance, by our importation of large quantities of those supplies from America."

But what is there to hinder Great Britain from importing pitch, tar, and turpentine from America, after her independence? She may be obliged to give a somewhat higher price, because France, Spain, Holland, and all other nations will import them too. But will this higher price induce America to give up her independence? Will the prospect which is opened to the other maritime powers of drawing these supplies from America, in exchange for their productions, make them less zealous to support American independence? Will the increase of the demand upon the northern powers for these articles, in consequence of the destruction of the British monopoly in America, make these powers less inclined to American independency? The British monopoly and British bounties, it was in fact, which reduced the price of these articles in the northern markets. The ceasing of that monopoly and those bounties, will rather raise the price in the Baltic, because those States in America in which pitch and tar chiefly grow, have so many articles of more profitable cultivation, that without bounties it is not probable that trade will flourish to a degree, to reduce the prices in the north of Europe. Should a war take place between us and the northern powers, where are we to procure our naval stores? inquires the pamphleteer.