Chapter VI: Part 6

"That in putting in use all the constitutional means, whatever be the public or private character with which we may be clothed, whether we are magistrates, jurors, or simple individuals, we will maintain and propagate these principles, and we will adhere invariably to the great and important objects of our instructions, those of establishing the independence of the Parliament of Ireland, and of obtaining a modification of Poyning's law.

"That all the plans of reformation, which may be proposed, are necessarily vain and of no effect, while the influence of the Crown, arising from the profusion with which the people bestow their grants, and from the imprudent prodigality of Ministers, shall not be diminished; and that we ought constantly to employ our efforts to obtain a system of retrenchment and economy, to the end the better to diminish the means of corruption.

"That the independent electors of Ireland, are particularly called upon to make their efforts to procure for the nation more virtuous representatives, more equality in the representation of the people in Parliament, and to study the most effectual measures to obtain these desirable ends. We think that the said electors cannot better succeed, than by refusing with firmness to vote for any man, provided either with places or pensions, or who shall have acted in any manner contrary to the inherent rights or manifest sentiments of the people; and by giving for instructions to their representatives to make all their exertions to obtain an augmentation in the number of members, who represent the counties, the populous cities, and the independent towns.

"That we pledge ourselves to each other, and all to our country, by all which men know that is sacred, to take the foregoing resolutions for the rule of our conduct, and that at all opportunities, and by all constitutional means, we will support the spirit and principles of them. In testimony of this solemn declaration, we have all signed the said resolutions.

"_Resolved unanimously_, That the said resolutions thus signed by the members of the committee, shall be deposited in the coffee-house, at the Royal Exchange, there to receive the signatures of the citizens."

_Continuation of said Report._

"We, members of the committee, &c. propose further to our fellow-citizens the following resolutions.

"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner to Henry Grattan, for the motion, excellently well conceived, which he has made in Parliament the 19th of April last, tending to a declaration, that his most excellent Majesty the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, are the only power to which it belongs to make laws capable of binding this kingdom.

"That thanks also be presented to the ninetyeight members, which supported this great constitutional assertion; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner, to Barry Yelverton, for the patriotic motion which he made in Parliament the 25th of last April, to the end to introduce regulations concerning the manner in which bills are transmitted from this kingdom to England. The object of this motion being to hinder the unconstitutional interposition of the privy council, in obtaining the modification so much desired of Poyning's law.

"That thanks be given also to the one hundred and six members who seconded this manly effort; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks be presented to our worthy representatives, Doctor William Clement and Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Baronet, on account of the uniformity of their conduct in Parliament, and particularly for the zeal with which they have supported the two important motions aforesaid; conforming themselves in this to the late instructions, which they have received from us, and seconding the general wish of this kingdom; passed unanimously.

"That our sincere thanks, and full of gratitude, be presented in the most respectful manner to the noble Lords who have opposed, and to those who had the courage to protest against the last paragraph of the address, which the House of Peers presented to the throne, the 2d of March, last. The said paragraph containing insinuations, which were neither founded upon facts nor authorised by actions, implying reproaches, which the people of Ireland have not merited, and contained in these words; 'that they would use all possible endeavors to discourage and disappoint all endeavors, which ill advised men may employ to the end to excite ill founded fears in the minds of the people of his Majesty, or to divert their attention from those advantages relative to commerce, which have been granted to us in so great an extent;' passed with three negatives.

"That we earnestly request our magistrates not to give, in any manner nor on any occasion, any effect to any law, which does not proceed from, or has not received the sanction of the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland. That while they conduct themselves thus, they shall receive from us the most constant and the most firm support, to the end to annihilate the ill founded hope, which may have been conceived, of subjecting Ireland in any case to a foreign legislation; passed unanimously.

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that the two great and favorite objects of the people, viz. a declaration of its rights and a modification of Poyning's law, having been suspended in Parliament in a manner so unexpected, it appears at this time of absolute necessity to form a committee of correspondence, to the end to co-operate with such other committees of the same nature as may be formed in the kingdom, in the measures the most proper to give extension and safety to the advantages relative to commerce, which we have at last obtained; to restore still further our rights and liberties, and to preserve the constitution of Ireland free and independent; passed with one negative."

The committee of correspondence was named upon the spot, and formed of fifteen members.

Thus a new epoch is formed in the politics of Ireland; hitherto they had left the supreme direction of affairs in the hands of Parliament. The people have now taken it into their own hands. The committee of Dublin, by communicating with other committees through the kingdom, will be able to conduct the body of the kingdom, and unite the various parts of it in certain principles, which will by degrees work themselves into a system, and complete the independence of Irish legislation. This will depend, however, upon the continuance of the war; for if England should be wise enough to make peace, of which there is little probability, the spirit of Ireland will evaporate, and their beautiful edifice dissolve, like the fabric of a vision.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 2d, 1780.

Sir,

We are informed from the Hague, of the 28th of May, that the merchants of the Republic have presented two petitions, one to their High Mightinesses, and the other to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. The tenor of the first is as follows.

"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces.

"The undersigned, merchants, assurers, and owners of vessels, and freighters, established in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that it is with sentiments of the most sensible gratitude, that the Commerce has been informed of the affectionate resolution taken by your High Mightinesses to equip a number of vessels of war to the end to protect the free navigation of the subjects of this State. But as the petitioners were ignorant, that the activity of the progress of the said equipment has to this time been retarded, both by the sickness, which prevails among the crews of the vessels ready to put to sea, and by the want of experienced seamen, necessary to the equipment of vessels put into commission, and by other causes; while in this interval the most favorable season for navigation slips away, many ships loaded with merchandises dare not set sail from the ports of this country, for want of the necessary protection; while they cannot find means here, nor elsewhere, of insuring but a small portion of those vessels and their cargoes, and that, even at enormous premiums, such as have never before been demanded, being from twenty to thirty per cent, which occasions an interruption and an inactivity to their navigation so excessive as well as to their commerce, that their total ruin must necessarily result from it; all the commissions for merchandises passing elsewhere, without a hope of being able ever to see them return here, which an unfortunate experience has already many times proved. For these causes, the petitioners humbly pray, that it may please your High Mightinesses, to grant and effectuate as soon as possible the protection necessary; as the commercial interest on their part are ready to co-operate effectually, to complete the crews, and to submit to all prompt and convenient measures, which, according to the exigence of the case, and the urgent circumstances your High Mightinesses, according to your enlightened wisdom, shall judge to be the most proper for the preservation of the commerce and the navigation of your subjects."

The second petition is as follows.

"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland.

"The subscribing merchants, assurers, owners of ships, and freighters, all living in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that the petitioners pressed by the urgent necessity, and to the end to ward off the total ruin of commerce and navigation, without which neither they nor the greater part of the inhabitants of the Republic can subsist, have addressed themselves to your High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces, to solicit a prompt protection, by the way of petition, of which the petitioners have the honor to annex a copy.

"Nevertheless, although the petitioners have every reason to flatter themselves, that an arrangement equally ready and efficacious, will soon fulfil their wishes; nevertheless, the better to complete their views, and for the preservation of commerce and navigation, the soul and the nerve of the prosperity of the Republic, and to the end to prevent its inaction, as well as the total ruin of the petitioners, which would infallibly follow, they think that it would be very necessary, that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to second in this the petitioners, as in your high wisdom you shall judge expedient and convenient."

I have before sent a copy of what was published for the answer of the Court of Madrid to the Russian Declaration. But, as that Court has now published an authentic copy, which is a little different from that, although more clear and better, I beg leave to trouble Congress with a translation of it.

"The King has been informed of the fashion of thinking of the Empress of Russia, in regard to the powers, both belligerent and neuter, by a Memorial, which M. Stephen de Zinowioff, Minister of that sovereign, has presented on the 15th of this month, to the Count de Florida Blanca, first Secretary of State. The King considers this act of the Empress, as an effect of the just confidence, which his Majesty has merited on his part; and it is to him so much the more agreeable, as the principles adopted by this sovereign are those which have ever governed the King, and which his Majesty endeavored, by all possible means, although without effect, to induce England to observe, during the time that Spain herself was neuter. These principles are those of justice, of equity, and of moderation; these same principles in fine, Russia, and all the powers have acknowledged in the resolutions of his Majesty; and it is only by the conduct, which the English navy has established, both in the last and present war, (a conduct, which subverts the rules the most constantly observed in regard to neutral powers) that his Majesty has seen himself under the necessity of imitating it; because the English not respecting the neutral flag, when it had on board the effects of an enemy, although they were not contraband, and this flag not defending itself against these violences, they could not, with justice, hinder Spain from using equal reprisals, to secure herself from the enormous prejudice, which would result from an inequality in this respect.

"The neutral powers, on their side, have also given occasion to the inconveniences, which they have suffered, by having served themselves with double papers, and other artifices, to the end to prevent the capture of their vessels. From this have followed the numerous captures and detentions, as well as the consequences, which have resulted from them; although in truth, these have not been so prejudicial as has been pretended. On the contrary, we know, that some of these detentions have turned to the advantage of the owners of the cargoes; the provisions, of which they were composed, having been sold in the port where the ships were tried, at a price higher than the price current at the place of their destination.

"The King, nevertheless, not content with these proofs of his justification, manifested to the eyes of all Europe, would at this day have the glory of being the first to give the example of respecting the neutral flag of all the Courts, which have consented, or which shall consent, to defend it, until his Majesty shall see the part, which the English navy shall take, and until he shall discover, by experience, whether this navy will restrain itself or not, as well as the English privateers. And to this end to make it appear to all the powers how ready Spain is to observe, now she is at war, the same rules, which she desired while she was neuter, his Majesty conforms himself to the other points contained in the declaration of Russia, it being well understood, that what concerns the place blockaded, of Gibraltar, the danger of entering into that subsists in the manner in which this point is ascertained by the fourth article of the said declaration, by the means of the number of vessels stationed there to form the blockade; a danger, however, which the neutral vessels may avoid, by conforming to the rules of precaution established in the declaration of his Majesty, of the 13th of March last, which has been communicated to the Court of Petersburg by the means of its Minister.

"Aranjuez, the 18th of April, 1780.

DE FLORIDA BLANCA."

* * * * *

There are two articles worth translating from the foreign gazettes, if it were only as specimens of the art, which is employed to keep the enemy in uncertainty about the designs of this Court, and the destinations of their fleets, whether successfully or not.

The first is, Amsterdam, 29th of May. A letter from Toulon, of the 8th of this month, contains the following details. "Orders have arrived here from Court, to send out into the Road, as soon as may be, the ships of the line, the Zélé and the Marseillois; but as the destination of these two ships is kept extremely secret, we exhaust ourselves in conjectures concerning the object of the operations, which they are ordered to execute. Some will have it, that they have orders to go and join the squadron of Don Solano, which sailed from Cadiz the 28th of last month, which it is pretended is bound to Brest. Others presume, that they have no other commission, than to go and cruise in the neighborhood of Mahon, to keep in the privateers, which frequently come out from thence, and which give extreme trouble to the navigation of the ports of the Mediterranean; in fine, there are some who believe that these vessels are to co-operate in an important enterprise, which is to be attempted in that sea. However this may be, as we know that a number of vessels have been taken up upon freight, on account of the King, and that they may easily embark in our port eleven or twelve thousand men; as moreover, it is more than probable that on the one hand, the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar being sufficiently guarded by the Spaniards, so that there will not be occasion for a strong squadron to protect the transport vessels, which may be employed in an expedition against Mahon; and that on the other hand, the English being sufficiently occupied on diverse sides, may not be able easily to send to the relief of this island, we conclude from the combination of these different circumstances, that it may very well happen, that they may attempt this conquest, the success of which does not appear in effect to present any very insurmountable difficulties, and which would procure, after all, an advantage sufficiently important to the good of our commerce in general to merit that at least we should make the essay."

The other article is in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 30th of May, and from Paris the 23d of May, 1780.

"We are of opinion here, that M. de Ternay is ordered to conduct the division of M. de Rochambeau to Canada, and that with so much the more foundation, as we see everywhere what M. de Sartine has published of the despatches of the Count de Guichen, that the arrival of his squadron in the seas of the Antilles, was sufficient to give us there a decided superiority. We cannot, moreover, but applaud the prudence of M. de Guichen and M. de Bouillé, in not sacrificing, perhaps in vain, a great many lives, to expel the English from the island of St Lucia, these two Generals having, without doubt, designs more important, and the success of which appears to them more certain, which naturally raises conjectures, that M. de Guichen proposed very soon to put to sea. However this may be, there are, nevertheless, other people who presume, that if the Count de Rochambeau does not go directly to Canada, he may very well go and disembark at Rhode Island, where he may make a place of arms, in order to go from thence, and join himself to General Washington, and attack New York together, while it is unfurnished with a strong garrison."

In this manner it is, that some person or other is employed to give scope to the speculations and conjectures of the public, while the Courts of Europe flatter themselves, that their real Councils are kept secret. There is reason, however, to believe that, in fact, the Councils of all the Courts of Europe are penetrated by their enemies. The Councils of Congress, in many striking and important instances, although necessarily confided to such numbers, have been much more inviolably kept, without the aid of hired paragraph writers to disguise them. Our character and interest depend upon improving this fidelity, as well as upon discountenancing both by manners and authority, that base art so prevalent in Europe, that of political lying.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 2d, 1780.

Sir,

When a Minister of an ancient nation, which has been renowned for its wisdom and virtue, as well as power, rises in a popular assembly, which is the most conspicuous theatre in Europe, and declares, as it were, in the face of all the world, and with an air of reflection, of deliberation, and of solemnity, that such and such are his own opinions, concerning the truth of facts, and the probability of future events, one cannot call in question his good faith, although we may know his information to be false, and his judgment erroneous.

Lord George Germain, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 6th of May, declared, that "he flattered himself the completion of the chief wish of his heart, peace with America, on what he thought good and honorable terms for Great Britain, was not far off. He verily believed, and his belief was not merely speculative, but founded on recent information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His Lordship described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time, and stated, that the greatest majority of the people there were ready and desirous to return to their allegiance, but that they were prevented by the tyranny of those, who had got the power of government into their own hands. He did not believe the Congress would ever treat for peace, but from the condition of affairs in America, from the depreciation of their paper currency, from the poverty and distress of the country, from the great debt it groaned under, from the dissatisfaction, which all ranks of people expressed at the alliance with France, from the little benefit America had derived from that alliance; from all these considerations he did believe, that the people of America and the Assemblies of America would soon come to terms."

There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, "good and honorable terms for Great Britain;" but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his Lordship meant either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain, or at least to make a peace with her, separate from France. Whether the Americans ever will agree to such terms or not, being a question concerning a future event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any other way, but by probable arguments. There is one argument, which his Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some weight. It is this, that in order to return to their allegiance to the King of England, or make a peace with him, separate from France, they must involve themselves in a certain war with France and Spain, at least, and indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and Portugal, for every one of these powers appear to be as decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There is not an American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman, but knows this, or will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be destitute of that common share of reason, which God has given to men, to exchange the friendship of all the nations of the world for their enmity, merely for the sake of returning to a connexion with Great Britain, which could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread as the greatest evil that could befal them, from the unheard of tyrannies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself if he was an American, whether he would wish to run under the broken fragments of an empire, that is dashed in pieces, like a china vase, and commence a fresh war against a combination of all the nations of the world, who discover a degree of esteem and regard for America.

If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents them, will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold, and make it perpetual, by exposing the cause of a ruined empire, and going to war with half a dozen that are not ruined?

If we believe the testimonies of witnesses, who come from all parts of America, we shall be convinced, that his Lordship deceives himself. Every man from that country, who knows the principles and opinions of the people, declares, that they are, with an unanimity, that is unexampled in any other revolution, firmly determined to maintain their sovereignty and their alliances, and that there is nobody there who utters a wish of returning to the government of Great Britain, or even of making a separate peace.

But if his Lordship was a candid inquirer after truth, and had a mind sufficiently enlightened to discover the means, that are in the power of all men, of obtaining it, he might have seen his error. There are certain marks, by which the opinions, principles, inclinations, and wishes of a people, may be discovered with infallible certainty, without recurring to witnesses, or to far fetched arguments.

The press, the towns, the juries, and the Assemblies, are four sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true sentiments of the people of America may be drawn. There is not in any nation of the world so unlimited a freedom of the press as is now established in every State of America, both by law and practice. Every man in Europe, who reads their newspapers, must see it. There is nothing that the people dislike, that they do not attack. They attack officers of every rank in the militia, and in the army; they attack judges, governors, and magistrates, of every denomination. They attack Assemblies, and Councils, members of Congress, and Congress itself, whenever they dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every newspaper upon the Continent, whether one paragraph, one wish, or hint of returning to the government of Great Britain, or of making a separate peace, has ever appeared.

The towns in many parts of America are small districts of territory, on an average perhaps six miles square. By the ancient laws of the country, which are still in force, any seven inhabitants of one of these towns have a right to demand of the magistrates a public assembly of all. There are necessarily several of these town meetings every year, and generally a great number of them. In these assemblies, every man, high and low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day laborer, as well as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right to vote, and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose measures, to instruct their representatives in the Legislature, &c. This right was constantly and frequently used under the former government, and is now much more frequently used under the new. The world has seen some hundreds of sets of instructions to representatives under the former government, wherein they enjoined an open opposition to judges, governors, acts of Parliament, King, Lords, and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one of these towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing, or uttering a wish to return to the government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this a demonstration of the sentiments of the people?

Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the sentiments of the people were conveyed to the public. Both Grand Juries and Petit Juries, have expressed themselves in language sufficiently bold and free, against acts of Parliament, and the conduct of Great Britain. But has any one ever uttered a word against Congress, or the Assemblies, or the judges, under their new governments? or a wish to return to the obedience of England? Not one. But it is said, the paper money embarrasses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them dissolve their union? To violate their alliances? Would the paper money embarrass Congress less if they had a war to maintain against France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the embarrassment be much greater? Does the paper money prevent the increase and the population of the States? No. Does the war prevent it? No. Both the population and the property of the States have increased every year, since this war began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot prevent it. On the contrary, has the wealth and population of Great Britain increased? Has her commerce increased? Has the political weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased? Let a melancholy Briton tell.

His Lordship talks about the misery of the people in America. Let him look at home, and then say, where is misery! where the hideous prospect of an internal civil war is added to a war with all the world. The truth is, that agriculture and manufactures, not of luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so much increased by this war, that it is much to be doubted, whether they ever fed or clothed themselves more easily or more comfortably. But, besides this, the immense depredations they have made upon the British trade, have introduced vast quantities of British merchandises of every sort. And in spite of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is opening and extending with various countries every year, and Britain herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more; a recent proof of which, is the permission to import American tobacco into the kingdom from any part of the world in neutral bottoms.

The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest for this debt? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed to perpetuity, to pay this interest? Is the whole equal in proportion to their abilities to the debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the war against France and Spain be shorter, less expensive, or less bloody, than the war against England? By returning to England, would not their debt be ten times more burdensome? This debt is as nothing to America, once give her peace, let the Americans trade freely with one another, and with all other nations, and this debt would be but a feather. Let them come under Great Britain again, and have the communication between one Colony and another obstructed, as heretofore, and their trade confined to Great Britain, as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier millstone about their necks, than that of England is about theirs.

A general repugnance to the alliance with France, is mentioned. A greater mistake was never made. On the contrary, every step of Congress, every proceeding of every Assembly upon the continent, every prayer that is made in the pulpit, and every speculation in the newspapers, demonstrates the high sense they have of the importance of this alliance. It is said, that this alliance has been of little utility. Has it not employed the British army? has it not cut out work enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual twenty millions? has it not prevented these from being employed against America? has it not given scope to American privateers? has it not protected the American trade? has it not hurt that of Great Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal, at least to a neutrality? at least has it not contributed much to these vast advantages to America? has it not taken away from Great Britain the dominion of the sea, so far as to allow liberty of navigation to others? It is true, the alliance might have been of more utility to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces to America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and England too will soon see more of the effects of this alliance. Let Britain tremble at the consequences of her own folly and her own crime.

His Lordship says, that the people would return to their allegiance, if they were not restrained by the tyranny of those who have got the powers of government. These are the Assemblies, Senates, Governors, and Congress. Now what power have any of these, but what the people please to allow them? By what engine is this tyranny exercised? Is it by the militia? In order to judge of this, let us consider the constitution of the militia. The militia, is in fact the whole people, for by the laws of every State, every man from sixteen to sixty years of age, belongs to the militia, is obliged to be armed, to train and march upon occasion, or find a substitute. The officers are chosen by the men, except the General officers, who are appointed by the Assemblies. It is this very militia which forms the body of voters, who annually choose the members of the Assembly, and the senators, and governors. Is it possible these men should tyrannise over men upon whom they are so entirely dependent? As well might it be reproached to his Lordship and his colleagues in administration, that they tyrannised over their royal master, who can displace them at his pleasure. The Assemblies thus annually chosen by the people, or militia, annually choose the delegates in Congress, and have power to recall them at pleasure. Will the militia then obey either Assemblies or Congress in the execution of tyrannical orders, or any orders that are not generally agreeable to them? The thing speaks for itself. Is it the Continental army then, that is the instrument of their own servitude and that of their country? Every officer holds his commission at the pleasure of Congress. But his Lordship and his colleagues often represent the Continental army as so small and feeble, as to be unable to make head against the British troops, and it is true that they are constantly employed in that service, and it is true that they are nothing in comparison with the militia. What would become of them then, if the militia or any considerable number of them were to join the British troops?

There has never been any part of the Continental army in more than three or four of the thirteen States at a time, watching the motions of the British army and confining them to the protection of their men-of-war. What has there been then in the remaining nine or ten States for an instrument of tyranny? This is too ridiculous to need many words.

His Lordship concludes, with a distinction, if possible, less grounded than his assertions. He says, that Congress will never treat, but that the people and the Assemblies will. Where does his Lordship find the ground of his difference between the Congress and the Assemblies? Are not the members of Congress made of the same clay? Are they not themselves members of the Assemblies? Are they not the creatures of the Assemblies? Are they not annually created? Are they not dependent every moment upon the Assemblies for their existence? Have not the Assemblies a right to recall them when they please, and appoint others by law and the constitution? Have not the Assemblies a right to instruct them how to act? If they do not obey these instructions, cannot the Assemblies displace them and appoint others who will be more obedient? If the Assemblies desired a reconciliation with England, would not they appoint a Congress who desired it too? If the people desired it, could not they appoint Assemblies who would soon make a Congress suitable for their purpose? But I have been too long; his Lordship betrays such misinformation of facts, such an inattention to those obvious marks of the feelings of a people, as are infallible indications of their designs, and such a want of knowledge of the laws and constitution of the United States, as excite astonishment in an impartial examiner, and a real commiseration for the unhappy nation, who are devoted to destruction from his errors and delusions.[4]

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

[4] _Barriers between Great Britain and the United States of America
to a Reconciliation, Alliance, or even Peace._

1. The malice, revenge, pride, obstinacy, and absurdity of the King
and royal family.

2. The guilt and danger of the Ministry, danger to their lives and
present safety, as well as of ruin to their fortunes, characters, and
reputations.

3. The ambition and avarice of the Ministry, whose chiefs have the
same hunger for the loaves and fishes as the Ministers; as little
attention to, and affection for the public as they; and, therefore,
dare not displease the King, and so give up their hopes of his favor,
by adopting any principles, or espousing any system, that could lead
to reconciliation, or to peace.

4. The general prevalence of profligacy.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 4th, 1780.

Sir,

We learn from the Hague, the 30th of May, that their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have resolved since the offer of the Commerce, to take for the equipment of the vessels of war put into commission a certain portion of the crews of merchant ships.

As I wish to inform Congress at some time or other of all the conspicuous characters in Europe, who have penetrated enough of the system of events, that compose the present great epoch, and have had sufficient firmness to resist the unnatural efforts and solicitations, which Great Britain has made to disturb it, I think it is proper to take notice, that the Count de Panin, who has been very ill of a chronical disorder, was on the 2d of May much better, and made his appearance at the Court of St Petersburg. This Minister, I fancy, will have great merit with posterity, for the part he has acted for several years in the politics of Europe.

Extract of a letter from Cadiz, 2d of May. "The convoy under the escort of Messrs de Thomasco and de Solano, continued in sight all day, the 28th of April; the 29th it went off with a fair wind, which continues to this time. We expect the division of Toulon in fifteen days. Then Don Gaston will go out with a squadron of twelve ships, and all the French vessels, which may be collected in Cadiz. If the thirteen vessels, which are ready at Ferrol, join this commander, his fleet will be very respectable, and will not fear that the enemy should oppose his junction with that of Brest."

_Toulon, 10th of May._ "The order, which the King's ships, the Zélé and the Marseillois, of seventyfour guns, have received unexpectedly to sail, gives place to several conjectures. The most probable is, that they are to join the division of French vessels, which are in the bay of Cadiz; and that after they shall be united, they will go in concert with a Spanish squadron to Brest, to form a part of the fleet destined to cruise in the English Channel. There have been taken up in our port, several merchant vessels on account of the King, to the end to go and carry to Cadiz the provisions of the French division, commanded by the Chevalier Beausset. It is confirmed, that the Experiment, commanded by M. de Martelly Chautard, is arrived at Marseilles, to escort from thence in concert with the frigate the Graciente, and the cutter the Naiade, a considerable convoy of vessels, bound for the islands in America."

_Brest, 15th of May._ "The convoy, which was coming here from Bordeaux, to form the second division of the expedition under the command of Messrs de Ternay and de Rochambeau, escaped the gale of wind by taking shelter in L'Orient. The Magnanime, which was coming here from Rochfort, having lost an anchor, was obliged to return thither."

_Paris, 25th of May._ "Letters from Cadiz, dated the 5th of this month, announce the departure of the French squadron, which was in the Road, under the command of M. de Beausset. It was furnished with provisions for six months, and before it put to sea it took in more, for six weeks; it was to have sailed the 6th. We are absolutely ignorant of the object of his expedition. M. Beausset has despatches, which he is not to open until he arrives at a certain latitude. This squadron, composed of five ships of the line, and loaded with provisions for seven and a half months, is it bound to the Indies? We do not believe that it is. But to combine with M. de Ternay at a certain latitude? Some persons presume so. Others maintain, that this squadron is to make part of the fleet of observation in the Channel, and that the circumstance of seven and a half months' provision is a falsity, which ought not to be believed."

They write from Rochfort, that the Invincible, a new ship, of one hundred and four guns, is actually in the Road. The command of this vessel has been given to M. de la Cary. The following article shows, that some foreign merchants are enterprising a trade towards America.

_Ostend, 23d of May._ "The ship, the City of Brussels, Captain Peter Voughen, of five hundred tons, belonging to merchants of Brussels, who had loaded her for St Eustatia, has had the misfortune to strike, the 20th of this month, in going out of the basin. In spite of the alacrity with which they labor to get her afloat, and repair the damage she has sustained on the occasion, we think she cannot again be put in a condition to proceed to her destination."

_Leyden, 30th of May, 1780._ "The convoy of troops, which has arrived so apropos, at Barbadoes, and from thence to St Lucia, at the very instant that the Count de Guichen conducted to the Antilles a considerable reinforcement for the French troops, is that which sailed from Portsmouth the 27th, and from Plymouth the 30th of January, under convoy of the Intrepid, of sixtyfour guns, with some frigates, and which was dispersed upon the coast of Ireland. An officer of the sixtyeighth regiment, (one of the four regiments embarked upon this convoy,) writes from Antigua, the 19th of March. 'We have been arrived here two days; we sailed from Plymouth the 30th of January, in concert with the eightyseventh, ninetieth, and ninetyfirst regiments, under convoy of the Intrepid, of sixtyfour guns. The next day we were separated from the convoy by a great storm, which lasted six days, and we saw nothing more of any vessel. Having no orders concerning our destination, as we were not to receive them till we had doubled Cape Lizard, we were in great pain concerning the part we should take. Commanding eighty soldiers on board this vessel, it fell to me to direct their route. I ordered the master to conduct us to the first of our West India Islands, which we could gain, and in consequence we arrived here safe and sound. God knows what is become of the rest of the convoy; I hope that it will join us soon.'"

The following article I add, from the Mercury of France, of the 3d of June. I cannot answer for the truth of it, nor do I know that it is false.

"They write from London the 11th of May, that a courier despatched from the Hague, by Sir Joseph Yorke, had arrived with the following news. In consequence of the permission granted by the States-General for the passage of the recruits from Brunswick, Hesse, Hanau, &c. in the pay of Great Britain, through the territory of the Republic, and for their embarkation in one of their ports, one ship of war and transports have sailed from England, to take on board these recruits destined for the army in Canada. But scarcely were the troops and their baggage embarked, when there arrived an order of the States-General to stop their departure. They attribute this conduct of the States-General to the formal demand, which they have made upon Great Britain, of the restitution of the Dutch vessels taken by Commodore Fielding. In consequence, the transports and recruits would remain in Holland, until entire satisfaction should be given to the States-General upon this object."

_Brussels, 30th of May._ "The arrival of extraordinary couriers continually from Versailles and Madrid to Lisbon, gives rise to conjectures, that the good intelligence, which reigns between this Court and that of London, may very well change in part, and that at least his Most Faithful Majesty is not far from adopting the system of Holland and the Northern powers, the effect of which must be the maintenance of the liberty of the navigation and of the commerce of their respective subjects, against the continual depredations of privateers."

_Paris, 30th of May._ "We learn by letters from Ferrol, that the Intendant of the Marine in that port had received orders to send out without delay, eight ships of the line and four frigates, and to deliver them packets, which are sent him, not to be opened but in a certain latitude. They write from Brest, that they continue to work at the armament of the vessels intended for the fleet; there are several of them already in the Road. The Actif of seventyfour guns came in on the 17th. They expected in that port the fleet from Bordeaux, loaded with stores, provisions, and wine. Their arrival is necessary to equip completely the squadron destined to transport a second division of troops of four or five thousand men. The convoy, which sailed from St Malo on Good Friday, was still at Cherbourg. It is so much the more valuable, as it consists partly of cast cannons, and other pieces of artillery, brought in wagons from the arsenals, for the descent which was to have been made last year. The English who know its value, do not lose sight of it, as they say. And it is said, if they were not restrained by a calculation of the expense, they would bombard Cherbourg, if they could not come at the vessels in port to burn them. It is believed that a few ships of the line may soon go out of Brest, to give chase to the English and scatter them from Cherbourg.

_London, 20th of May._ "The despatches, which the Court has received from its Ministers in the Northern Courts, confirm the plan of confederation of the powers of this part of Europe to protect the commerce of their subjects against the attacks of the belligerent powers, and we cannot dissemble that more moderation on our part would have hindered this event, which is about to strike the last blow to our maritime supremacy, and snatch from us forever the empire of the seas, which are about to become again free as they ought to be."

_Cadiz, 5th of May._ "The fleet which sailed from this port the 28th of last month, has been met in the latitude of Lagos, by a vessel which arrived yesterday. Since that time, the progress of it has not been retarded. The wind is changed, and is favorable. It is composed of twelve ships of the line, five frigates, seven privateers armed by the trade, sixtyfour transport vessels, with twelve thousand land forces, artillery, and warlike stores, and fiftynine merchant vessels, three of which are French and three American. There remain in this port fifteen ships of the line, whereof ten are ready to go to sea, the five others will be immediately. There are eight at Corunna, five frigates and one cutter, in condition to sail at the first orders. The convoy which sailed from Brest on the 14th is arrived there with the frigate, the Leocadia. We have seen come to anchor in this bay, the flag of truce, the Sartine, which brings from the Indies M. de Bellecombe, formerly governor of Pondicherry, and the other officers. This vessel being off St Vincent, had the misfortune to meet the squadron of Commodore Johnstone. He made the signals of a flag of truce, and seeking to fly, when in contempt of the law of nations, Commodore Johnstone who was in the Romney, sent him two broadsides, which killed and wounded twentyfive persons on board the Sartine. The Captain and two officers are in the number of the slain. They expected so little such an attack, that the people were all upon the tillace, and one bullet fell dead at the feet of M. de Bellecombe. Johnstone, knowing his error, or at least pretending to have been mistaken, ceased firing, and wrote a letter of excuse. One would think he should not come off so easily, and that his nation should not even content herself to disavow his conduct.

"M. de Beausset set sail yesterday with his five vessels; he goes to cruise in the latitude of Lisbon, and he may very well combine himself with the seven vessels, which were to go out of Ferrol. It is believed he will return here as soon as the squadron of Toulon shall arrive."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, June 5th, 1780.

Sir,

The fleets of Graves and Walsingham are real objects of humor. All Europe was amused with Walsingham's squadron, and assured that it was to sail as long ago as last January or February. There has scarcely a newspaper appeared in Europe since that time but has had some article respecting it, all tending to show that it was ready, or nearly ready, to sail. This is in order to keep up the spirits of friends, and at the same time play upon the fears of enemies. The last Courier de l'Europe has the following article.

_Torbay, 20th of May._ "Although the wind had been favorable for ten days past, Walsingham's fleet could not have taken advantage of them, the Commodore having received, on the 10th, orders from the Admiralty to wait for the rest of the transports bound to Quebec, and the East India ships, which now lie at Portsmouth. He will escort them without altering his course as far as Madeira."

_Plymouth, 9th of May._ "The squadron of Admiral Graves, sailed from hence this morning, is destined for Jamaica. It consists of four ships of the line, two frigates, and transports, having on board three thousand land forces. This fleet is the reinforcement which the armament, which was in preparation at Jamaica for an expedition, waited for the sixth of April last, when the packet boat sailed. The passage of such a fleet cannot take less than two months; so that it cannot arrive at Jamaica until the end of July. Never was there such confusion and timidity, and irresolution and unsteadiness in the naval and maritime affairs of England. Witness the following paragraph."

_Portsmouth, 22d of May._ "The following vessels of war had come to sail with their respective convoys, but they have returned here again. The Endymion, of fortyfour guns, Captain Cartaret; the Beaver's prize of sixteen, Captain Drummond, and the Zephyr, of fourteen, Captain Inglis, for the coast of Guinea. The frigate Aurora for Plymouth, the sloops Swallow and Wasp.

_May 25th._ "It is said, the regiment of Colonel Rainsford passed through London to go to Portsmouth, destined to Jamaica. It will be escorted out of the Channel by the Grand Fleet, then it will make a common course up to a certain latitude, with the fleet destined for the East Indies."

_Petersburg, 9th of May._ "Our fleet, destined to maintain the neutrality at sea, is ready to sail from Cronstadt. They say, that after having passed the Sound, it will clear off all cruisers whatsoever, not only in the Baltic Sea, but those which are in the neighborhood of Norway, as far as Archangel. The report prevails, even that we shall equip immediately a second squadron, destined to reinforce the first."

_Hague, 31st of May._ "The corn merchants living in Amsterdam, presented last Friday two petitions, the first of which is of the following tenor.

"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords the States-General of the United Provinces.

"The subscribing merchants, trading chiefly in grain, at the Exchange of the Corn Merchants of the city of Amsterdam, respectfully make known, that the scarcity of grain among foreigners having been the cause that they have been charged, for sometime, and from all parts with very considerable commissions for sending off theirs, which cannot but give a new activity to this important branch of commerce; the difficulties, which in the present situation of affairs embarrass navigation, have raised the price of freight to such a degree, that several masters of ships have entirely refused to navigate towards the south, considering that they could not expose themselves to execute the commissions of the said merchants in grain, without running the risk of being seized and taken, which became extremely prejudicial to the corn, which is liable to take hurt and to corrupt; from whence it must necessarily result, that for want of sales the petitioners see themselves on one hand deprived of a reasonable profit, and on the other find themselves forced to keep their grain in their magazines for a longer space of time, while, moreover, the importation by the Baltic, which diminishes by this means considerably, cannot fail also to give to this branch of commerce, so interesting for the Republic, a most sensible blow, to the great prejudice of the petitioners, as well as to the agriculture of these provinces, the advantage of which increases in proportion to the augmentation of the export of corn.

"For these causes, the petitioners address themselves in all humanity to your High Mightinesses, respectfully praying, that according to your known wisdom and foresight, it may please your High Mightinesses to grant them a remedy, and grant them a protection as prompt as convenient to commerce and to the navigation of the petitioners, to the end, that their vessels loaded with corn may, without any impediment, make sail toward all places that are free. The petitioners, on their part, will be zealous to second vigorously all the measures, which in this respect your High Mightinesses may judge convenient and necessary."

The second of the petitions contains as follows.

"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of the Province of Holland and of West Friesland,