Chapter XVII: Part 17

This immortal Declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid before Parliament, by fiftyfive thousand of veteran troops, was not the effect of any sudden passion, or enthusiasm; but a measure which had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular assemblies and by public writings in all the States; it was a measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the States; it was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its members, transmitted to the Assemblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placard or fundamental law of any nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole people, than this; and it has been held sacred to this day by every State with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States instituted a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people; has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy; and all these departments of government have been regularly and constitutionally organised under the associated superintendency of Congress now these five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity, equal to the oldest and most established governments.

It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English, it is still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and affection with them; but these assertions are made against such evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen years, to show that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right to obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know, than any Briton whatsoever,) that they are unalterably determined to maintain their independence. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his confidence through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him; that all the power, arts, intrigues and bribes, which have been employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have been expected.

This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's interests, honor, consciences, and affections, that it will not be affected by any successes that the English may obtain, either in America or against the European powers at war, or by any alliances they can possibly form, if indeed in so unjust and desperate a cause they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity, and warranted by the fundamental laws of the Colonies and of the British constitution; by principles avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great examples of the Helvetic and Batavian confederacies and many others, and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body; principles founded in eternal justice and the laws of God and nature; to cut asunder forever all the ties which had connected them with Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United Provinces, or departing from their connexions with any of the people under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same affection, esteem, and respect for the Dutch nation in every part of the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.

When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a failure in respect that they did not send a Minister to your High Mightinesses with the first whom they sent abroad; but instructed in the nature of the connexions between Great Britain and the Republic, and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation or lay embarrassments before it. But since the British administration, uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies and the inherent rights of British subjects; have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the Crown and the Republic, declared war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they had manifested long before, all those motives, which before restrained the Congress, cease, and an opportunity presents of proposing such connexions as the United States of America have a right to form, consistent with those already formed with France and Spain, which they are under every obligation of duty, interest, and inclination to observe sacred and inviolate, and consistent with such other treaties as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.

A natural alliance may be formed between the two Republics, if ever one existed among nations. The first planters of the four northern States, found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their migration. They have ever entertained, and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, and especially of that religious liberty they found here, though they had sought them in vain in England.

The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey, were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their religion, language, customs, manners, and character; and America in general, until her relations were formed with the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose history and the great characters it exhibits in the various arts of peace, as well as achievements in war by sea and land, have been particularly studied, admired, and imitated in every State.

A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it may be said with truth, that there are no two nations whose worship, doctrine, and discipline, are more alike, than those of the two Republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight, an alliance would be perfectly natural.

A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered as another circumstance, which renders alliances natural; and although the constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there is yet analogy enough between them to make a connexion easy in this respect.

In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this hour are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant spirit, which is secretly fermenting there, than from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any other.

The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history of one seems but a transcript from that of the other; so that every Dutchman instructed in the subject must pronounce the American revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest actions of his immortal ancestors; actions which have been approved and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.

But the circumstance, which, perhaps in this age, has stronger influence than any other in the formation of friendships between nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce, of the whole system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too perfect masters for me to say anything, that is not familiarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connexion with her desirable to America. And on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, navigation, and commerce, the vast demand and consumption of the manufactures of Europe, of the merchandises from the Baltic, and from the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connexion with the United States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible of this, that, notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonies. There is now an opportunity offered to both to shake off this shackle for ever. If any consideration whatever could have prevailed with the English to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would have been an apprehension of an alliance between the two Republics; and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige them to a peace than such a connexion once completely formed.

It is needless to point out particularly what advantages might be derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies, from a trade opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the Continent of America, or what profits might be made by the East India Company, by carrying their effects directly to the American market; how much even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more, for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of that commerce; how much the national navigation would be benefitted, by building and purchasing ships there; how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much advantage to both countries to have their ports mutually opened to their men-of-war and privateers, and their prizes.

If, therefore, analogy of religion, government, original manners, and the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground and an invitation to political connexions, the subscriber flatters himself, that in all these particulars the union is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.

It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American cause, (and where is one to be found that is not) should make haste to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late Marine Treaty, concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain, who never will adopt it nor submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America? Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen, and magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that enormous Empire, which has long been governed wholly by the feeling of its own power; at least without a proportional attention to justice, humanity, or decency? When it is obvious and certain, that the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British government, on one hand; and that the powers of Europe ought not, and could not, with safety consent to it, if they were, on the other; why should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long in possession of sovereignty, by right and in fact, it might be closed?

The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especially those, which are parties to the late Marine Treaty; nor can an apprehension, that the independence of America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any objection. This jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would happen. The freight and ensurance in voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and the price of labor in America so dear, that tar, pitch, turpentine, and ship-timber can never be transported to Europe at so cheap a rate as it has been and will be afforded by countries round the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles can be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg, or Archangel, cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will therefore be for ages a market for most of these articles of the Baltic trade.

Nor is there more, solidity in another supposition, propagated by the English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests, that other colonies will follow the example of the United States. Those powers, which have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of the government of colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of governing themselves. And without such manifest injustice and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded deeply in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations, and understandings of the people, and without some violent change from without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain happiness for very precarious benefits.

It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolised by any; a system which was afterwards approved by the King, and made the foundation of the treaties with his Majesty, a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some powers declaring against them, which is not expected; is not the only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations? If this idea is just, it follows, that it is the interest of every State in Europe to acknowledge American independence immediately. If such benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a proportional blessing to every part of the old.

The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice, and moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire credit to everything, which their said Minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.

All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person or persons to treat on the subject of this mission, by

JOHN ADAMS.

Leyden, April 19th, 1781.

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MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.

Leyden, April 19th, 1781.

To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of the Low Countries.

The subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene Highness, that the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a deep sense of your wisdom and magnanimity, and being desirous of cultivating the friendship of your Highness and of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished themselves by an inviolable attachment to freedom and the rights of nations, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over whom you preside as Stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to give entire credit to everything which their said Minister shall deliver on their part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal of Congress, he is desirous of the honor of delivering whenever and in whatever manner your Highness shall judge proper to receive it. He has the further honor of informing your Highness, that the said United States have honored him with full powers to form a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the States-General, and also with letters of credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; in consequence of which he has done himself the honor to present a Memorial, a copy of which is here annexed.

The subscriber in the discharge of these trusts considers himself rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the formation of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the good and faithful allies of this nation, and have done nothing to forfeit its esteem. On the contrary, they are confident they have a better title to it, as they adhered steadfastly through every trial to those principles which formed and supported the connexion, principles which founded and have supported this Republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them.

The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus accredited to a nation, which has made such memorable exertions in favor of the rights of men, and to a Prince, whose illustrious line of ancestors and predecessors have so often supported in Holland and England those liberties for which the United States of America now contend; and it will be the completion of his wishes if he should be so happy as to recommend the cause of his country to the favorable attention of your Most Serene Highness and of this people.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's letter of the 21st, and will send you the list of the bills, and of the times of their becoming due, according to your desire, as soon as I can make it out. I will examine M. de Neufville's bill, and if it is good accept it.

From the time I received from Congress their orders to borrow money here, I have constantly in my letters requested that no drafts might be made upon me, until there was news from me, that I had money to discharge them, and this request I shall repeat. But the cry of the army for clothes, induces Congress to venture upon measures, which appear hazardous to us. However, by the intelligence I have, they had grounds to expect that the drafts hitherto made would be honored.

I sometimes think, however, paradoxical as it may seem, that one set of bills protested, would immediately procure Congress a large loan. No bills are in better credit than these. There is an appetite here for American trade, as ravenous as that of a shark for his prey; and if they saw a prospect of having their trade broken up, they would do much to save it.

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I some time ago received from Congress, full powers to conclude with the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, concerning a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; and that I have very lately received a letter of credence, as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange. Being thus fixed to this country for the present, I have taken a house in Amsterdam, on the Keizersgragt, near the Spiegel street, for the convenience of our countrymen, who have occasion to visit me, and of the merchants, who have bills upon me, until their High Mightinesses shall have taken the necessary time to deliberate upon it, and determine to acknowledge the independence of the United States, enter into a treaty with them, and receive me at the Hague. If this should happen, I hope we shall obtain a credit here; but we never shall before.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Leyden, May 1st, 1781.

Sir,

By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance between France and America, the Most Christian King and the United States agree, to invite or admit other powers, who may receive injuries from England, to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under such conditions as shall be freely agreed to, and settled between all the parties.

It will be readily acknowledged, that this Republic has received injuries from England; and it is not improbable, that several other maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in the same predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit to invite this nation at present to accede to that alliance, according to the article, must be submitted to his wisdom.

It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency shall have received his Majesty's commands, and shall judge it proper to take any measures, either for admitting or inviting this Republic to accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United States, to do whatever is necessary and proper for them to do upon the occasion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, May 3d, 1781.

Sir,

On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to his Excellency, Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, that having something of importance to communicate to him, I proposed to do myself the honor to wait on him the next morning at half past eight, if that time should be agreeable to him; but if any other hour was more convenient, I requested his Excellency to mention it. The answer, which was not in writing, was, that half past eight should be the time.

Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was politely received. I informed him that I had asked his permission to make him this visit, in order to inform him, that I had received from my Sovereign, the United States of America, full powers to treat with the States-General, and a letter of credence, as a Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince; and that it was my intention to communicate those powers and letters to their High Mightinesses, and to his Most Serene Highness on Friday next, the 4th of May.

His Excellency said he would acquaint the States-General and his Highness with it; that, in his private opinion, he thought favorably of it, but that he must wait the orders of his masters; that it was a matter somewhat delicate for the Republic. I replied, as to the delicacy of it in the present state of open war between England and Holland, I hoped that it would not be any obstacle; that I thought it the interest of the Republic, as well as that of America. His Excellency rejoined, "one thing is certain, we have a common enemy."

As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew enough of the delicate situation, and of the reputed sentiments of this officer, to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into any very particular conversation at this time upon public affairs, I here arose to take my leave. His Excellency asked me if I had any good news from America? I answered, none very late. He then said, he should be very glad to form an acquaintance with me. I answered, this would be very flattering to me, and thus took my leave.

Tomorrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the States-General, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the Congress account of General Morgan's glorious victory over Tarleton.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter containing a copy of my Memorial to the States-General, &c. His Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the President and Secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not customary for foreign Ministers to communicate anything to the Pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the French Ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only copies, which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not receive them, that I must go to the President; but said he, "it is proper for me to apprise you, that the President will make a difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from you, because the State you say you represent, is not yet acknowledged to be a sovereign State by the Sovereign of this nation; the President will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several Provinces for the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty."

I thanked his Excellency for this information and departed. I then waited on the President of their High Mightinesses for the week, the Baron Linde de Hemmen, a deputy of the Province of Guelderland, to whom I communicated, that I had lately received from my sovereign, the United States of America in Congress assembled, a commission with full powers and instructions to treat with the States-General concerning a treaty of amity and commerce; that I had also received a letter of credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and I prayed him to lay before their High Mightinesses either the originals, or a Memorial, in which I had done myself the honor to state all these and to enclose copies.

The President said that he could not undertake to receive from me either the originals, or any Memorial, because America was not yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of this country; but that he would make report to their High Mightinesses of all that I had said to him, and that it would become the subject of deliberation in the several Provinces; that he thought it a matter of great importance to the Republic. I answered, that I was glad to hear him say that he thought it important; that I thought it was the interest of the two Republics to become connected. I thanked him for his politeness and retired, after having apprised him that I thought in the present circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print my application to their High Mightinesses. I had prepared copies of my Memorial, &c. for the Secretary, M. Fagel; but as the President had refused to receive the originals, I thought it would be inconsistent for the Secretary to receive copies, so I omitted the visit to his office.

I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the Secretary of the Prince, with a letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness, containing a Memorial, informing him of my credentials to his Court, and copies of the Memorial to their High Mightinesses. The Secretary received me politely, look the letter, and promised to deliver it to the Stadtholder. He asked me where I lodged; I answered, at the Parliament of England, a public house of that name.

Returning to my lodgings, I heard about two hours afterwards, that the Prince had been to the assembly of the States-General for about half an hour; and in about another hour, the servant of the house where I lodged, announced to me the Baron de Ray. I went down to the door to receive him, and invited him into my room. He entered, and said that he was charged on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me, and to inform me, that as the independence of my country was not yet acknowledged by the Sovereign of his, he could not receive any letter from me, and therefore requested that I would receive it back, which I did respectfully. The Secretary then politely said he was very much obliged to me for having given him an opportunity to see my person, and took his leave.

The President made report to their High Mightinesses, as soon as they assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded; whereupon the Deputies of each of the Seven Provinces demanded copies of the record to be transmitted to the respective Regencies for their deliberation and decision; or in the technical language of this country, it was taken _ad referendum_ on the same day.

The next morning I waited on the French Ambassador, the Duc de la Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I had taken. He said he still persisted in his opinion, that the time was not the most favorable, but as the measure was taken, I might depend upon it he would, as an individual, support and promote it to the utmost of his power.

It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and motives which I had for choosing the present time in preference to a later; but I think I can demonstrate, that every moment's delay would have been attended with danger and inconvenience. All Europe is in a crisis, and this ingredient thrown in at this time will have more effect than at any other. At a future time I may enlarge upon this subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of yours of the 29th of April, and according to your desire I have enclosed a list of the bills accepted, with the times of their becoming due, and shall draw for the money to discharge them only as they become payable, and through the house of Fizeaux & Grand.

I sincerely congratulate you upon the noble aid obtained from the French Court, for the current service of the year. Aids like this for two or three years, while the United States are arranging their finances, will be a most essential service to the common cause, and will lay a foundation of confidence and affection between France and the United States, which may last forever, and be worth ten times the sum of money. It is in the power of America to tax all Europe whenever she pleases, by laying duties upon her exports enough to pay the interest of money enough to answer all their purposes. England received into her Exchequer four hundred thousand pounds sterling in duties upon the single article of tobacco, imported from Virginia annually. What should hinder the government of Virginia from laying on the same, or a greater duty, on the exportation? Europe would still purchase Virginia tobacco, if there were eight pounds per hogshead duty to be paid. Virginia alone, therefore, could in this way easily pay the interest of money enough to carry on the whole war for the thirteen States for many years. The same reasoning is applicable to every article of export.

Yesterday were presented to me fifty bills of exchange for eleven hundred guilders each, drawn by Congress upon me on the 27th day of January, 1781, at six months sight. And on the same day other bills from No. 37 to No. 76 inclusively, drawn on me on the same 27th day of January, 1781, for five hundred and fifty guilders each, payable at six months sight, were presented to me. I asked time to write to your Excellency, to know if these bills and the others, drawn at the same time, can be discharged by you. If they cannot, it will be wrong to accept them, for I have no prospect at all of getting the money here, unless the States-General, who have taken the independence of America _ad referendum_, should determine to acknowledge it.

About the same time that their High Mightinesses took the acknowledgment of the independence of the United States _ad referendum_, M. Van Berckel demanded a declaration of his innocence, or a trial. Whether the two affairs will aid or counteract each other I cannot tell.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies of the memorials, which I had the honor to present on the 4th instant to the President of their High Mightinesses, and to the Secretary of his Most Serene Highness.[16] The former has been published in English, French, and Dutch, and has been favorably received by the public; but the public voice has not that influence upon government in any part of Europe that it has in every part of America, and therefore I cannot expect that any immediate effect will be produced upon the States-General. They will probably wait until they can sound the disposition of the Northern Powers, Russia particularly; and if they should not join in the war, their High Mightinesses will probably be willing to be admitted to accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America.

[16] These memorials are dated on the 19th of April. See above, p.
493.

The Dutch fleet of about ten-sail of vessels from the Texel and the Maese has sailed. The news from the southern States of America of continual fighting, in which our countrymen have done themselves great honor; the capture of half the convoy under Hotham, by the Chevalier de la Motte Piquet, and the destruction made at Gibraltar by the Spaniards, have raised the spirits of this nation from that unmanly gloom and despondency, into which they were thrown by the capture of St Eustatia, Demerara, and Essequibo. But after all, this country at present, is divided in sentiments; it is an Alexandrine, that "like a wounded snake drags its slow length along."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

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END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.

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Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.

Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been transcribed as four hyphens ( ---- ).