Chapter M: De Calonne to M. De Lafayette (4)

Be pleased, Sir, to receive my thanks for your personal attention, and believe me to be, with the most respectful attachment and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO RICHARD HARRISON.

Philadelphia, December 5th, 1782.

Dear Sir,

I have this moment learned that a vessel will sail for Cadiz in an hour's time. I beg to recommend to your particular care the letter for Mr Carmichael, which the captain will deliver to you. It contains a cypher, and must not therefore pass through the post office.

Congress, as yet, have done nothing in your affair, though it has been particularly recommended to them, and now lies before them. One obstruction is the difficulty of appointing Consuls, till some treaty or convention between us and Spain shall authorise it.

The season of the year admits of no military operations here; and the packet of newspapers sent herewith, will give you the current news. You will find by them, that we are still in suspense with respect to the fate of Charleston, though it is generally believed, that it cannot be long ere the evacuation will be completed. The French fleet are still at Boston, though prepared to sail. Nothing astonishes us more, than the effrontery of the British publications, which affirm boldly, that great tumults have been excited in the Eastern States, on account of their reluctance to the war, when there is not the slightest foundation in fact for such an assertion. This I suppose, is calculated to give a momentary popularity to Lord Shelburne.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, December 9th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform Congress, that the Minister Plenipotentiary of France communicated to me the contents of a letter, received on Saturday from Count de Rochambeau, by which he was apprized, that the Count, in pursuance of his instructions, had ordered the troops under his command to embark, and that they were to proceed with the fleet to the Islands.

The legion, and a detachment of about six hundred men, together with the convalescents are to remain on the continent. The whole may amount to about sixteen hundred men. The Minister further informed me, that in consequence of his representations on the subject, he had received assurances, that such a force should be detached from the West Indies, as would be adequate to the protection of the trade upon this coast during the winter.

The enclosed extract of a letter from Boston, contains an account of the success of the British in relieving Gibraltar. Though it is not official it is to be feared it is too well founded.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, December 16th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress a short letter from Mr Jay, which contains important information, and explains some passages in Dr Franklin's letters. Unless the commission given to Mr Fitzherbert on the 24th of July is revoked, it will be difficult to account for Mr Oswald's being appointed to treat with the Thirteen United States, unless we suppose, either that his powers are more limited, or that the British Administration design to treat under the mediation of some neutral Prince, upon the plan proposed by the Imperial Courts, so as that the negotiations with America may be distinct from those with the other belligerent powers.

Just as I was closing this, a private letter from Mr Jay was delivered of the 4th of September, which contains the following remarkable passage. "I am preparing a map to show you the line, which Count d'Aranda proposes for our western boundary. It will not be finished in time for this conveyance. I am persuaded it is best for us to take time. My further reasons shall be explained at large in a future letter, which I shall begin as soon as my health will permit." He adds, "that Spain has issued more bills, and that the depreciation has increased." I delay reporting on the passage in Dr Franklin's letter, relative to the demands of Spain, as there is no immediate opportunity of writing to Europe, and as I am in hourly expectation of receiving something more particular on this subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Head Quarters, South Carolina, }
December 19th, 1782. }

Dear Sir,

The Southern States, so long oppressed by the weight of a destructive war, are now happily relieved by the evacuation of Charleston, and the total departure of the British troops from this country. This event, so very important to all America, took place on the 14th instant.

The fleet, with the troops on board, fell down into Rebellion Road, and on the 17th crossed the bar and went out to sea. The British regiments are said to be destined for the West Indies, and the German troops for New York. They took with them a great deal of property, and between five and six thousand negroes, the greater part of which they had once promised to deliver up.

Governor Matthews, with all the officers of government are now in town; and civil police fully established and supported.

I am, &c.

NATHANIEL GREENE.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS APPOINTED TO REPAIR TO RHODE ISLAND.

Philadelphia, December 20th, 1782.

Gentlemen,

I can only reply to your inquiries with respect to the probability of extending our loans in France, by informing you, that the general tenor of our public despatches discourages the idea, as will appear by the extracts of letters herewith sent you. To them I have added such official communications as I have received from time to time from the Minister of France.

I might add to these the result of several private conversations with him upon that subject, having frequently introduced it, to know how far we might in case of extreme necessity lean on France. He has always expressed on these occasions a strong sense of our wants, and a wish to relieve them, accompanied with an apprehension, that the heavy expense incurred by France, in creating and supporting a large marine, would render it highly imprudent to expect, that she should add anything to the liberal supplies already afforded us, and the maintenance of an army in America on our account. Of late, too, the unproductiveness of our taxes, and the uneasiness of the public creditors in the United States, has not escaped his observation. His reflections on this subject are so obvious, that I need not repeat them. I am seriously alarmed for their effect on the loans we have already opened. A private letter from Mr Jay informs me, that the paper struck by Spain has greatly depreciated, so that had we needed any further assurances on that head, we must now be fully convinced, that we have nothing to expect from that quarter.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, December 22d, 1782.

Sir,

I have just received my despatches, which consist of duplicates from Dr Franklin and the enclosed, which have not yet been submitted to Congress, together with a copy of Mr Oswald's commission.

Mr Jay has also written, but his letter is not yet decyphered. A private letter from the Marquis de Lafayette to me, (the whole of which is not yet decyphered) contains much the same account of our negotiations, with that given by Dr Franklin, and the following passage from a letter of Mr Adams to him of the 29th of September;

"We have at length the consent of the Cities, States, and Provinces, and have adjusted and agreed upon every article, word, syllable, letter, and point, in the treaty of commerce, and clerks are employed in making out fair copies for signature, which will be done this week."

By a paper of the 22d of October, I find the treaty was signed by seven deputies, one for each Province, and by Mr Adams on the 4th of October.

The Marquis also mentions, that several accounts, but none official, say, that Madras has been taken by the French troops, that landed at Port Novo, in conjunction with those of Hyder Ally. He adds, that though this account is believed, yet it is not confirmed.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

GOVERNOR MARTIN TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

North Carolina, December 23d, 1782.

Sir,

I am favored with your two letters of the 12th and 15th of September last, and your circular, in which you announce the acknowledgment of the independence of the United States by the States of Holland; an event that will greatly add to the national importance of America, not only in the councils of Europe, but through the world.

The resolution of Congress respecting damages, which the inhabitants of this State have received from the British enemy, I cannot carry into effect until I have an Act of Assembly for this purpose, to point out the particular mode in obtaining the same; the account of which, as soon as it can be procured from the different parts of the State, shall be transmitted to you, without loss of time.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ALEXANDER MARTIN.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, December 23d, 1782.

Sir,

The steps that may lead to so important an event as peace upon safe and honorable terms, are too interesting to be withheld from you; I have the honor, therefore, to enclose a copy of Mr Oswald's commission to treat with the Thirteen United States of America, which will certainly smooth the way to it, though the variety of interests to be adjusted at a general Congress (and, perhaps, too, the success of the British arms at Gibraltar) may place it further off than our wishes would otherwise lead us to imagine.

Your Excellency will see the propriety of not suffering copies of this commission to be taken for the press, and of accompanying the communication you may think proper to make of it, with such recommendations to exertion and vigilance, as prudence and the critical state of our affairs may require, since on a review of the conduct of the enemy, it will not appear extravagant to suppose, that this may be another of those artifices so often practised to deceive and put us off our guard. Though we have no official accounts, yet we have every reason to believe, that the treaty of commerce with the United Provinces was signed on the 7th of October.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO WILLIAM GREENE, GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.

Philadelphia, January 4th, 1783.

Sir,

Agreeably to the order of Congress, I have the honor to lay before your Excellency the enclosed copy of a motion made by Mr Howel, and the resolutions of Congress thereon, together with the state of the applications for foreign loans, and the results thereof.

Without troubling your Excellency with those inconsiderable and secret aids, which we received at the beginning of the controversy, I shall take the applications and the grants, that were made in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventynine, and since. To begin with

_Spain._

The 9th of September, 1779, Congress proposed to obtain a subsidy from Spain during the continuance of the war, which they offered to purchase by a very important cession. Spain having hitherto declined an alliance with the United States, no such subsidiary treaty took place.

In the same month Mr Jay was instructed to borrow five millions of dollars. After long and continued solicitations, he obtained one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and was compelled to protest bills of exchange drawn upon him by Congress, on the presumption, that Spain would certainly enable him to redeem them. This protest, which was made on the 16th of March last, was as follows;

"Mr Jay says, that when he accepted the bills hereunto annexed, he had good reason to expect to be supplied with funds necessary to pay them; that he has been disappointed in the expectation he was encouraged to entertain on this subject, and that his endeavors to obtain money, both here and elsewhere, have been unsuccessful, although the bills which remain to be paid by him, together with his other engagements, do not exceed twentyfive thousand pounds sterling, but these disappointments being unexpected, he cannot for want of time have recourse to Congress, and therefore finds himself reduced to the mortifying necessity of permitting them to be protested." These bills were redeemed after the protest, by money borrowed in France. I have reason to believe, that no money has since been obtained on account of the United States in Spain; so that the application for five millions of dollars has only been answered by the grant of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars.

_Portugal._

On the 11th of January, 1782, Mr Jay was directed, in conjunction with the Superintendent of Finance, to undertake a loan in Spain or Portugal, without limiting the amount of such loan. And Mr Jay was directed to send Mr Carmichael to aid their endeavors. This power was restricted by a subsequent resolution, directing Mr Jay not to send Mr Carmichael, unless he had some prospect of succeeding. Not having sent him, it is to be presumed he had no prospect of succeeding.

_Holland._

On the 26th of October, 1779, Mr Laurens, having been appointed a commissioner for that purpose, was directed to borrow a sum not exceeding ten millions of dollars. Mr Laurens having been captured, his place was supplied by Mr Adams, who had similar powers and instructions. He made several attempts to open a loan, but with so little success, that he never has transmitted an account of the amount, but has since informed me, that he had applied it in part of payment for a house purchased at the Hague. His salary has hitherto been paid by money drawn from France. A loan, however, has been opened with success in Holland on our account by his Most Christian Majesty, and under his special guarantee for ten millions of livres. Mr Adams informs Congress by a letter dated the 5th of July last, that he also has opened a loan in Holland on account of the United States for five millions of florins, but adds, that he does not expect to obtain that sum for a long time, that if he gets a million and a half by Christmas, it will be more than he expects.

In a letter of the 18th of August, the last I have received from Mr Adams, he says, that "when he receives the ratification of his treaty for a loan, there will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders to be paid to the orders of Congress." This is confirmed by a letter to the Marquis de Lafayette, of which he sends me an extract.

As that ratification must have been received long since, we may set the loans actually made in Holland on our credit, at

Three millions of livres, 3,000,000
Those made under the guarantee and on
the credit of France, at 10,000,000
----------
Ten millions of livres, 13,000,000

Our further prospects of borrowing are too uncertain to be stated. As this is a private loan it is reasonable to suppose, that the clamors of the public creditors here, when heard in Holland, will have some effect upon our credit there.

_France._

In France various applications were made, and several grants obtained previous to the year 1779, though they are not clearly stated, from the irregular manner in which the books of the Secret Committee, and the Committee of Foreign Affairs were formerly kept. It appears, that the whole sum obtained from France previous to the year 1780, exclusive of one million obtained on a contract for tobacco with the Farmers-General amounted to nine millions of livres. In November, 1780, Congress applied to the Court of France for an aid of twenty five millions of livres in money, exclusive of a considerable supply of arms, ammunition, and military stores, which they declared would fall short of their wants for the ensuing year without the greatest internal exertion.

They sent Mr Laurens as a Minister on this special occasion, and in this year and the year 1781, Congress received fourteen millions of livres, including the goods and military stores, without counting the loan opened for the United States in Holland, of which mention is made before.

But as this sum fell very far short of our wants, Dr Franklin was instructed on the 8th of February, 1782, to borrow twelve millions of livres. In answer to which, that Minister, writing to me on the 25th of June, after acknowledging the receipt of my letters, one of which was written on the subject of the above instruction, says, "the second (the second letter) enforces some resolutions of Congress sent me with it respecting a loan of twelve millions of livres to be demanded of France for the current year. I had already received the promise of six millions, together with the clearest and most positive assurances, that it was all the King could spare us, that we must not expect more, that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it behooved me to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find funds for the payment, since I could, certainly not be further assisted out of the royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face could I ask for another six millions? It would be saying, 'you are not to be believed, you can spare more, you are able to lend me twice the sum, if you were but willing.' If you read my letter to Mr Morris of this date, I think you will be convinced how improper any language capable of such a construction would be to such a friend."

On the 14th of September Congress were pleased to direct that four millions of dollars be borrowed in Europe, exclusive of the loan negotiating in Holland. A copy of which resolution is directed to be communicated to his Most Christian Majesty, with directions to Dr Franklin to assure his Majesty of the high sense the United States in Congress entertain of his friendship and generous exertions, their reliance on a continuance of them, and the necessity of applying on the present occasion to him. And on the 23d of September Congress resolved further, in answer to the above letter from Dr Franklin, and one of a similar nature to the Superintendent of Finance of the same date, that, notwithstanding the information contained in those letters, it is the direction of Congress, that he use his utmost endeavors to effect the loan, which, by the resolve of the 14th instant is to be negotiated.

I should observe that in the above statement of the grants made to the United States, I have not distinguished between loans and gifts, but included both in the gross sums above mentioned, though about eight millions of that granted by France has been given, without any expectation of being repaid.

It is unnecessary to draw those inferences from the above facts, which they naturally suggest. They cannot escape your Excellency's observation. I can only wish, that the low state of our credit abroad may excite us to such internal exertions as must be its best support. Those only can borrow with dignity, who give unequivocal proofs of the design to repay their debts with honor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.

Sir,

I arrived here on the 30th of last month, and had a short interview the same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brune, commander of the Romulus. There appeared at that time little apprehension, but that we might sail within a few days, but we were not very particular in our conference, as we expected so soon to see each other again; the severity of the cold, however, which commenced that night, obliged the Chevalier de Ville Brune to fall twelve miles below this place, and excluded all correspondence with him till yesterday, when I found means to get through the ice on board his ship. He then communicated to me, by direction of his Excellency the Minister of France, intelligence as to the number and force of the cruisers now actually watching the Capes of the Chesapeake.

I must acknowledge, that these appear such as to render a capture certain were we to hazard it. The Minister was pleased at the same time to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if I chose to adventure. I take the liberty of troubling you with a copy of my letter to him on that subject.

I should certainly be disposed to run very considerable risks myself to effect my passage, but I should think it an unfortunate introduction to an ally, who has already done so much for us, were I to add to his losses and disbursements, that of a valuable ship and crew. I wish that the present delay offered some, period less distant than the lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch for prey. Perhaps you may be able to put me on some more expeditious mode of passage than the one under which I am acquiescing at present. I shall be much pleased to adopt any such, which may come recommended from you, without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the meantime, any intelligence which you can be able to collect, and will be pleased to give me as to the state of our coast, will be of utility in determining whether and when we shall depart hence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

* * * * *

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.

Sir,

The Chevalier de Ville Brune was so kind as to communicate to me your Excellency's letter to him of January, together with the intelligence therein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my thanks for your orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me. If I should think a passage should be hazarded under present circumstances, according to this information, (which is the most worthy of credit of any we have received here,) it would seem, that our capture would be unavoidable were we to go out now. This then is a risk, to which I cannot think of exposing his Majesty's vessel and subjects, however I might be disposed to encounter personal hazards, from my anxiety to execute with all the promptitude in my power a service, which has been assigned to me. I shall, therefore, wait with patience the arrival of the moment, when the Chevalier de Ville Brune shall be of opinion, that the one or the other of the vessels may venture out without any greater risk, than he shall think proportioned to her proper object, independently of mine.

It has been suggested to me this evening, that perhaps their safe departure might be greatly forwarded by their falling down to York or Hampton, there to be ready at a moment's warning, to avail themselves of those favorable circumstances, which the present season sometimes offers, but of this yourself will be the proper judge.

I cannot close my letter without expressing to you my obligations to the Chevalier de Ville Brune for the particular attention he has shown to my accommodation on board his ship. The apartments he has had constructed for me are ample and commodious, and his politeness and merit as an officer are an agreeable presage of everything, which shall depend on him.

I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, &c.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

* * * * *

TO GENERAL GREENE.

Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

Receive my congratulations on the important event, you have announced in your favor by Major Burnet. The influence that the evacuation of Charleston will have on our affairs if the war continues is obvious. The southern States, by this means relieved from their burdens, will be capable of contributing largely to the general cause, and I doubt not when they have breathed a little, that they will be as willing as they are able. I feel, Sir, a personal interest in this great event from the distinguished honor it reflects upon you. In every other department our expectations have gone beyond our means of satisfying them. You have afforded the first instance of the contrary, and by creating the means have exceeded our most sanguine expectations.

We have the highest reason to conclude, that the preliminaries of a peace are signed before this. I have reason to hope that the terms of peace will comprize most of the great objects we have in view, and in some points almost exceed our expectations. The present policy of Britain is to make sacrifices to the Manes of the affection, which once subsisted between her and us. I have just put the last hand to our treaty of amity and commerce with the United Provinces by signing the ratification, which Congress have directed. I congratulate you upon this event, which adds not a little to our political importance.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.

Sir,

I have delayed answering your favor of the 7th instant, till I could obtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains. I conceive it hardly possible, while the British cruisers retain their present station, for you to elude their vigilance, in either of the ships offered to your choice. This, concurring with the late advices, from England, has induced Congress to pass the enclosed resolution. We have reason to conjecture that peace is already concluded, whether it is or not, a few days must determine.

I transmit you the speech of His Britannic Majesty, which, with what you already know of the state of our negotiations, will enable you to form your opinion on the same ground that we do.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, February 18th, 1783.

Sir,

I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 14th, which I shall lay before Congress this morning. As you have by this time received their resolution, which I had the honor to send you by the last post, and again enclose, you will be relieved in some measure from your embarrassments, though not entirely from your suspense with respect to their final determination. But that cannot be long doubtful, since the negotiations have certainly arrived at such a crisis, as either to terminate soon in a peace, or a total rupture. In the latter case, you will necessarily be obliged to proceed on your voyage, as Congress seem anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information in the negotiations; unless they are fully assured that a speedy peace will preclude them from that advantage.

I enclose a paper, which contains all that we have yet received on this interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account for our Ministers having signed before those of France. But if this letter is genuine, it serves, when compared with their instructions, to prove that the terms are acceptable to us, and not disagreeable to France.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, February 18th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to lay before Congress, the enclosed letter from Mr Jefferson, upon which I presume they will not think it necessary at present to take any other resolution than that already transmitted to him. I also enclose an extract from a letter of Mr William Lee to me, dated the 31st of March last, which merits attention, though, in the present state of our affairs, Congress may not think it advisable to pass any resolutions thereon, till they are more perfectly acquainted with the actual state of our affairs in Europe, and what alterations may be occasioned by a peace.

I have letters from Messrs De Neufville of the 27th of September and 24th of October; but as they contain little more than a pressing request to have their accounts settled, and the balance paid, I shall not trouble Congress with them, but deliver copies to the Superintendent of Finance.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to lay before Congress a letter received yesterday from Mr Dana. I must confess, I am at a loss to discover any reason for detaining that gentleman longer at a Court, where it is, as he justly observes, improbable that he can be publicly acknowledged till Britain has no longer any objections to such acknowledgment. After which a treaty can be concluded, if necessary, here or at the Hague; a commission for that purpose being sent to Mr Adams, with as much ease as at Petersburg. Congress will then judge whether it will be proper to have a Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, or whether a Resident, with consular powers, will not answer all their purposes, and save expense.

The desire which Mr Dana expresses to return, takes from me the delicacy I before felt in stating this matter so fully to Congress. I also enclose, in obedience to the commands of Congress, a list of the names, titles, salaries, and places of residence, of the officers of the United States, employed in the Department of Foreign Affairs.

I take the liberty to remind Congress that a variety of matters, which have been submitted by me, remain yet not acted upon; and that the business of the office is very much obstructed as well by this delay, as by the detention of the letters and papers which refer to them. As this has probably been occasioned by a change in the Committees, I humbly submit to Congress the propriety of directing them to be filled up.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

In compliance with the directions of Congress, contained in the enclosed resolution, I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that our last despatches, dated in October, announce a disposition in the belligerent powers to terminate the war by a general peace. The Court of London, whose sincerity was most suspected, because it was to make the greatest sacrifices, appears to have smoothed the way by the commission to Mr Oswald (which your Excellency has seen,) empowering him to treat with the Thirteen United States of America; M. de Rayneval (brother to M. Gerard) having been sent from France to sound the intentions of the British Ministry, returned perfectly satisfied of their sincerity.

A little before our despatches were closed, our Ministers had delivered their propositions to the Court of London. They consisted of three general heads, which comprised our right to the fisheries, the extent of our territories, and commercial objects. Though these propositions contained all we could ask under each of these heads, yet Mr Oswald gave our Ministers reason to conclude, that they would be granted; which I am inclined to believe they have been, in their fullest extent, from the lead which our Ministers have taken in signing Provisional Articles. France, Spain, and Holland, had made their proposals; so that the King of Great Britain was perfectly apprized of their demands before he met his Parliament; there is little room, therefore, to doubt, when these facts are compared with the speech of His Britannic Majesty, that unless some unforeseen event should arise, a general peace will be concluded before the opening of the next campaign.

I was honored with your letter of the 18th, and have delivered the one enclosed to Mr Jefferson, who is detained by order of Congress, till they receive more certain advices as to the issue of the negotiation. I should also acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 8th of January, which I found here on my return from the country. I think, with you, that the British administration will choose to take the advice of Parliament on the terms of peace, before they agree to them. Yet they have gone every length with respect to us. In this, however, they are perfectly safe, as the opposition have all along dictated that measure, so that on this quarter they are secured from their attack. More circumspection will be necessary in adjusting the articles with the other belligerent powers. To this cause, we may probably attribute the delays that this business still seems to struggle with.

Be pleased to accept my compliments, and those of my family, who join me in returning our best respects to Mrs Washington.

I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The Washington packet arrived this morning. I have not yet had leisure to read all my letters, but as an express is ready to go early tomorrow, I rather choose to rely upon your goodness to excuse a letter written in extreme haste, than to hold myself inexcusable, by not informing you of what we yet know of the state of our negotiations. None of my letters is of a later date than the 25th of December. All difficulties had then been removed with respect to us, and the preliminaries were signed; they consist of nine articles.

The _first_ acknowledges our Independence.

The _second_ describes our boundaries, which are as extensive as we could wish.

The _third_ ascertains our rights as to the fishery, and puts them upon the same footing that they were before the war.

The _fourth_ provides that all British debts shall be paid.

The _fifth_ and _sixth_ are enclosed for your perusal, as they are likely to be the least satisfactory here.

The _seventh_ stipulates that hostilities shall immediately cease, and that the British troops be withdrawn without carrying off any property, or dismantling fortifications; that records and archives shall be restored.

The _eighth_ stipulates that the navigation of the Mississippi shall be open to us and Great Britain.

The _ninth_, that all conquests made in America after the ratification shall be restored.

These preliminaries are only provisional upon the determination of a peace with France, whose negotiations have not made such progress as ours. I believe they find themselves very much embarrassed by the demands of their other allies.

The Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, says, "I cannot foresee the issue, for difficulties arise from the disposition we have shown to remove them. It would be well, Sir, to prepare Congress for every event. I do not despair; I rather hope; but all is yet uncertain."

But, Sir, whatever the event of the negotiations may be, I persuade myself the enemy will leave these States. Mr Oswald has made some propositions to our Ministers upon this subject, proposing that they might be permitted to embark without molestation, and endeavor to recover West Florida from the Spaniards. This last communication, (which you will consider as confidential,) I thought might be important to your Excellency. By attending to their conduct, you will be able to judge if they mean to pursue this system, or if it was only thrown out to deceive.

I enclose also for your perusal, extracts from the addresses, not having time to have them copied at large. They are mere echoes to the speech. Supplies were voted, without one dissenting voice.

I must pray your Excellency to send on the enclosed packets; any expense it occasions will be paid by the Governor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GENERAL GREENE.

Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

The arrival of the Washington packet affords me an opportunity of sending you the preliminary articles, agreed upon between our Ministers and those of Great Britain. In every point but one they are unexceptionable; in that one I believe our Ministers have labored to obtain all that circumstances would admit, and by the reference of the tories to their respective States, they have made a very slender provision for the restitution they stipulate.

What it imports you more to know is, that though our principal difficulties are removed, yet many remain to retard the peace. Our allies do not appear to have made much progress in their negotiations, and Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, speaks with great uncertainty of the issue of his negotiations; yet not so as to destroy our hopes of a happy conclusion; at all events, I believe that the war will be removed from us, and directed to other objects in the spring.

The British commissioners have made some propositions to ours about a convention for permitting the army to depart in peace; but as nothing was concluded, some doubts may still remain on this head; though you will find in Lord North's speech, in the enclosed paper, a passage that seems to take the evacuation for granted. As, however, I have reason to suppose, that they do not mean to rest contented with the loss of West Florida, and are apparently collecting a force for its reduction at Augustine, I should think it prudent to maintain so respectable a force in Georgia and South Carolina, as would discourage any attempts upon them in case the negotiations should prove abortive.

A treaty is now on foot between Sweden and us. The commission to his Swedish Majesty's Minister, contains an ample and an honorable recognition of our independence.

The committee charged with the arrangements for the establishment of a Minister from the United Provinces at this place, have reported to the States of Holland on his salary and appointments, so that the Diplomatic Corps here will shortly be increased.

The general news of this place, as well as what relates particularly to the arrangements made and now making for the army, you will learn from Major Burnet, who does me the favor to be the bearer of this. It will not be necessary, therefore, to lengthen this further than to declare the sincere esteem and respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, March 13th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to lay before Congress the enclosed letter from Mr Jefferson, who is waiting at this place their determination. As Major Burnet is now in town, and will be the bearer of despatches to General Greene, I take the liberty to request the earliest attention of Congress to those parts of the despatches submitted to them, that induce a belief that the enemy will turn their arms against West Florida, which the force they now have at Augustine renders probable. Congress may, perhaps, think it advisable to order that the force in the Southern States should be so respectable as to discourage a second attempt upon them in case the failure of the negotiation should occasion any change in the British Cabinet.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, March 18th, 1783.

Sir,

The important matter contained in the despatches lately received, renders me unwilling to reply to them without being well satisfied of the sentiments of Congress. But, as the subjects on which I wish to be informed, are of too delicate a nature to be rendered formal acts, I shall submit to them the drafts of my reply to the joint letter of our Ministers, now at Paris. Previous to this, it will be necessary that Congress come to some express determination upon points which arise out of the treaty, and which, if they see in the same light that I do, they will consider as the most embarrassing, as well as the most important that can claim their attention.

Congress have hitherto, in all their acts, both of a public and private nature, manifested the utmost confidence in the Court of France. In answer to every communication, they have reiterated their resolutions on that subject, and so lately as the 4th of October last, resolved unanimously, "That they will not enter into the discussion of any overtures of pacification but in _confidence_ and in _concert_ with his Most Christian Majesty;" and directed that a copy of the above resolution should not only be furnished to the Minister of France, but be sent to all the Ministers of the United States in Europe, and published to the world. Yet, Sir, it has unfortunately so happened, that the Ministers of these States have imagined they had sufficient grounds to suspect the sincerity of the Court of France, and have not only thought it prudent to agree upon and sign preliminaries with Great Britain, without communicating them, till after the signature, to the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty, but have permitted a separate article to be inserted in their treaty, which they still conceal from the Court of France.

This reduces Congress to the disagreeable necessity, either of making themselves parties to this concealment, and thereby to contradict all their former professions of confidence in their ally, made not only to that ally, but to their own citizens, and to every Court at which they had a Minister, or of revealing it at the expense of the confidence they would wish to maintain between their Ministers and the Court of France, and that, too, when those Ministers have obtained such terms from the Court of London, as does great honor to them, and at least equals our highest expectations.

I feel the more pain on this subject, because, from the manner in which this treaty is drawn, as well as from the article itself, I am inclined to believe that England had no other view in its insertion, but to be enabled to produce it as a mark of the confidence we reposed in them, and to detach us from our ally, if the nation could be brought to continue the war.

The preamble, drawn by our Ministers, contained professions of attachment to the alliance, and declared that the treaty should not be obligatory till His Britannic Majesty shall have agreed to accept the terms of a peace between France and Britain, proposed or accepted by his Most Christian Majesty, and shall be ready to conclude _with him_ such treaty. The preamble, agreed to, and, as there is reason to conclude, framed in England, is so expressed as to render it very doubtful whether our treaty does not take place the moment France and England have agreed on the terms of their treaty, though France should refuse to sign till her allies were satisfied. This construction is strongly supported in the House of Commons by the administration.

The separate article is in itself an object of no moment; the territory it cedes is of little importance, and if, as our Ministers assert, it made a part of West Florida previous to the war, it will, on the peace, be annexed to the nation that shall retain that Colony; but it is extremely well calculated to sow the seeds of distrust and jealousy between the United Stales and their allies. It demonstrates a marked preference for the English over the present possessors, and seems to invite Britain to reconquer it. Though this may promote our particular interest, it never can consist with our honor to prefer an open enemy to a nation engaged in the same cause with us, and closely connected to our ally. This article would, in my opinion, if avowed by the United States, fully justify Spain in making a separate peace without the least regard to our interest.

But this, Sir, is an inconsiderable evil, compared with those which may result from its having been concealed from the Court of Versailles. Mr Laurens informs Congress (and that too from letters of a late date from London,) "that the people of England still retain the idea of _our late Colonies_ and of _reconciliation_; _that Government gives every possible encouragement to this humor_; that it has been their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and that it is given out in London, that, _by signing the late preliminaries, they have out-manoeuvred the Court of France_; that every engine had been set at work; that every degree of craft, under the mask of returning affection, will be practised for creating jealousies between the States and their good and great ally." Mr Adams's letters of November, speak the same language. If, Sir, we suppose these gentlemen to have been well informed, how much reason have we to apprehend that this secret article will prove in the hands of Britain a most dangerous engine. They may reveal to the Court of France the jealousies our Ministers entertain, the confidence they repose in them, with such falsehoods and additions as will best serve their purposes, and, by producing this secret article, gain credit for all they advance. This line they certainly pursued with respect to France, revealing all that they learnt from the Count de Vergennes, relative to his opinion of the first commission; nor is there room to doubt, that Marbois' letter was received through the same channel. And there is no reason to believe, if (as our Ministers suppose) the Court of France had put themselves more in their power, that they would neglect such promising means of increasing the suspicions our Plenipotentiaries already entertained.

Add to this, that this article may be used in Parliament, and with the British nation at large, as a most powerful argument for continuing the war, adducing, from the resentment it discovers to Spain, and the distrusts it manifests of France, that the quadruple knot is untied.

But suppose, what may possibly be the case, that the British administration are sincere, how is the honor and good faith of the United States to be justified to their allies, and to the world, if by any of those causes which daily operate, this secret, which is now known to sixty or seventy people, should be discovered? To tell the world that we suspected France, will not suffice, unless we can show probable grounds for such suspicion. Our Ministers inform us, that when they communicated the articles of the treaty to Count de Vergennes, "he appeared _surprised_, but not _displeased_ at their being so favorable to us." Mr Laurens declares expressly, "That he sees no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy, than ought to be kept up against every negotiating Court in the world, and not half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends."

I confess, Sir, though my sentiments are of little moment that I am fully of this opinion, and that I tremble lest we should at this hour be on the edge of a precipice, the more dangerous, as we have fixed our eyes on the flattering prospect which lies beyond it. I am persuaded that, the old maxim, "Honesty is the best policy," applies with as much force to States as to individuals. In that persuasion, I venture humbly to recommend, that such measures be adopted as to manifest, that repeated professions of fidelity to their engagements, and confidence in their ally, may not appear to have been made by Congress to mask deceit. The caution, which negotiations require, and the light in which objects have appeared to our Ministers, may justify them, and perhaps entitle them to credit for attempting to serve us at every personal hazard.

But, Sir, it certainly cannot consist with the honor of these States, upon such slight grounds, to contradict their own resolutions, and forfeit the confidence of an ally, to whom it has been so much indebted, and whose aid it is at this moment supplicating for the means of carrying on another campaign.

Under these impressions, I humbly submit these resolutions, namely;

"That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to communicate the Separate Article in the Provisional Preliminary Treaty with Great Britain, to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, in such manner as will best tend to remove any unfavorable impression it may make on the Court of France, of the sincerity of these States or their Ministers.

"That the Ministers for negotiating be informed of this communication, and of the reasons which influenced Congress to make it. That they be instructed to agree, that in whatever hands West Florida may remain at the conclusion of the war, the United States will be satisfied that the line of Northern boundary be as described in the said separate, articles.

"That it is the sense of the United States in Congress, that the articles agreed upon between the Ministers of these States, and those of his Britannic Majesty, are not to take place until a peace shall have been actually signed between their Most Christian and British Majesties."

Congress will easily believe, that I offer these sentiments with the utmost diffidence; that I see many and powerful arguments that militate against them; that I feel extreme pain in advising a measure, which may hurt the feelings of Ministers, to whom we are indebted for their continued zeal and assiduity, all of whom I respect, and with one of whom I have had the closest and most intimate friendship from our earliest youth. But, Sir, it is a duty that my office requires; and I am happy in reflecting that this duty is discharged, when I have proposed what I think right, and that the better judgment of Congress is to determine.[26]

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] See further remarks by Mr Livingston on this subject in _John Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VIII. p. 215; also _Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace_, Vol. X. p. 129.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783.

Sir,

Congress a few days since directed me to transmit to your Excellency a copy of the provisional treaty for a peace between the United States and Great Britain. I should have done it at an earlier day without any particular direction, had not an order passed in Congress for furnishing the Delegates of each State with a copy, that it might be transmitted through them. In conformity to the second direction I have the honor to enclose a copy, though I have no doubt that I have been already anticipated by that forwarded by the Delegates of your State. Yet, Sir, this letter may not be entirely useless when it assures you that the conclusion of the treaty is still very uncertain. My public letters are of such a nature as not to free me from apprehensions that Britain still seeks rather to divide her enemies than to be reconciled to them. Though this suspicion may not perhaps be well founded, yet such conduct is so conformable to the general tenor of British Councils, that it is at least the part of prudence to be upon our guard against it. But whatsoever their intentions may be, the peace must still depend upon so many contingencies that no preparation for another campaign should be omitted on our part. None is neglected by our antagonists. They have voted one hundred and ten thousand seamen for the ensuing year. France continues her preparations, and will not close the war till she can obtain honorable terms for her allies. Little progress was made in their negotiations when my letters were written. Count de Vergennes has thought it prudent to advise Congress of this circumstance, that they might be prepared for every event. I communicate it to your Excellency with similar views. I doubt not you will avail yourself of this information to urge the State in which you preside, to take such measures that they may not be found unprovided in case our hopes of peace should be frustrated.

It would give me pleasure to learn the measures that have been adopted, in consequence of the requisitions made in my letters to your Excellency or your predecessors in office at different periods relative to my Department, and more particularly to receive the account so frequently called for of the damage done by the enemy in your State.[27] I have reason to think had it been furnished in time, it might have been of singular use to our Ministers, and perhaps have tended to obtain some relief for the sufferers. It may not yet come too late to be useful. Let me pray your Excellency to take measures for furnishing three authentic copies by the earliest opportunity.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES: