Chapter M: De Calonne to M. De Lafayette (5)

[27] Proper alterations were made to this paragraph in the letter to the Governor of Connecticut, as he had already sent the accounts herein mentioned.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 21st, 1783. }

Sir,

I enclose for the inspection of Congress a letter received by the Washington from Mr Barclay. I take this opportunity to remind Congress, that I had the honor of laying before them, on the 23d day of December, a letter from the same gentleman, which contained objections to the convention for the appointment of Consuls, proposed to be entered into between France and the United States, reasons for sending him a new commission, constituting him Consul General in France, with Count de Vergennes' objection to the one he now holds; also a request of blank commissions for privateers and letters of marque. This letter was committed to a special committee. I have not yet been informed, whether they have reported; nor have I been honored with the commands of Congress relative to these objects.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

You will by this express receive the agreeable intelligence of _a general peace_, upon which I most sincerely congratulate you and the army. Harmony, a regard for justice and fidelity to our engagements, are all that now remains to render us a happy people. The vessel that brought these despatches was sent out by the Count d'Estaing to recall the French cruisers. As the Minister tells me he will forward the orders and passports to your Excellency, I will not detain the messenger till I have mine copied. This should in my opinion be immediately sent either by Congress or your Excellency to Sir Guy Carleton.

A private letter to me mentions, that the Bahama Islands are also ceded to the British. Holland seems to have come worst off, and France by getting little for herself has laid in a store of reputation, which will be worth more than much territory. I must request your Excellency to send on the enclosed letters by express to the Governor.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

_P. S._ I have thought proper to send Mr Lewis Morris to New York, to inform General Carleton of the happy re-union of the powers at war, and also of a resolution of Congress of this day, directing their Agent of Marine to take proper measures to stop all further hostilities by sea.

* * * * *

TO SIR GUY CARLETON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S
FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA.

Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 24th, 1783. }

Sir,

I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a vessel arrived here last night from Cadiz, despatched by order of Count d'Estaing to recall the cruisers of his Most Christian Majesty, and to prevent the further effusion of blood at sea. A copy of the order is enclosed, having been certified by the Chevalier de la Luzerne to be a true copy. Though this may not be considered by your Excellency as official, yet your humanity will induce you to think it sufficiently authentic to justify your taking immediate measures to stop the further effusion of blood, on which principle Congress have been pleased to pass the enclosed resolution.

The vessel which brought these orders did not sail with express design to come to the port of Philadelphia, and has, therefore, brought no official letters, so that I have it not in my power to afford you any further information as to the terms of a general peace, than what are contained in the enclosed extract transmitted to me by the Marquis de Lafayette; with this further addition, that the Bahama Islands are restored to Great Britain.

Mr Morris, one of my Secretaries, will have the honor to deliver this to your Excellency, and may be intrusted with any despatches which you may choose to deliver him, that may contain further information than we have yet received on an event so interesting to us and to humanity as the return of peace.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY.

Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 24th, 1783. }

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose for your perusal the copy of a letter, which I have just written to his Excellency General Carleton. If the subject of it should relate more to you than to his Department, I am satisfied that you will find equal pleasure in adopting such measures as humanity dictates, and mutually concur with the United States in the best means of extending, as early as possible, the blessings of peace to the subjects or citizens of the nations at war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

New York, March 26th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your letter of the 24th instant, enclosing a resolution of Congress of the same date, taken in consequence of the arrival of the cutter, Triomphe, commanded by Lieutenant du Quesne, with, orders of the 10th of February last, given at Cadiz by Vice Admiral d'Estaing, for him to put to sea and cruize on such stations as he shall judge most likely to meet with ships of his nation, and inform them of the happy reconciliation of the belligerent powers, and to order all their ships of war to cease hostilities against those of Great Britain; the Preliminary Articles of a general peace being signed the 20th of January. You thereupon are pleased to express your expectation that I would think this information thus conveyed, "sufficiently authentic to justify my taking immediate measures to stop the further effusion of blood."

For my own part, I have hitherto abstained from all hostilities, and this conduct I meant to continue so far as our own security would permit; but how great soever my desire is to put an entire stop to the calamities of war, and whatever respect this information may deserve, yet I do not find myself thereby justified in recommending measures that might give facility to the fleets and armies menacing any part of the King's possessions, to carry their hostilities into execution.

To adopt a measure of this importance, it is necessary I should receive orders from home, which I may reasonably expect every hour, as a cruiser sent out on other purposes is already arrived at Philadelphia; and I assure you, Sir, I only wait the official certainty of this great event, to assume the language, and the spirit too, of the most perfect conciliation and peace.

I perceive, Sir, by the resolution enclosed in your letter, that Congress have thought fit to consider this information as authentic, and, thereupon, have taken one considerable step towards carrying the terms of peace into immediate execution.

Another, not less important, I presume, has been taken, or is taking. With the cessation of hostilities, I perceive, is connected in the seventh Article of the provisional treaty an engagement, that "all prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty;" of this event, therefore, I hope likewise speedily to receive the very necessary and welcome notice, as I shall find the highest satisfaction in seeing released on all sides, men upon whom the evils and calamities of war have more peculiarly fallen.

I am, Sir, &c.

GUY CARLETON.

* * * * *

ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

New York, March 27th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your letter, enclosing me the resolve of Congress, with a copy of a letter to his Excellency, Sir Guy Carleton, but, as I have as yet received no official accounts from England, I must wait till you, on your side, relieve our prisoners, before I give that general relief to you, I so much wish. There can be no reason for detaining our prisoners one moment, as Congress must suppose the peace signed. I shall take every precaution in my power consistent with my duty, to stop any further mischief upon the seas, but should recommend the preventing any vessels sailing, as I have not yet received sufficient authority to enable me to withdraw my cruisers.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT DIGBY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, March 28th, 1783.

Sir,

There remains in my hands the sum of thirtyeight thousand three hundred and thirtytwo livres, equal on exchange at par to about seven thousand three hundred and ten dollars, arising from the excess on the payment of the salaries of the Ministers of the United States in Europe, occasioned by the course of exchange during the last year, which Congress have been pleased to direct that I should pass to the account of the United States. In this I have not calculated six hundred and eightyeight livres excess upon M. Dumas's account, being too inconsiderable to make a deduction worth attention.

Desirous of settling all my accounts on the 1st of April, previous to my leaving the department, I pray Congress to pass some order relative to the disposition of the money, so that I may discharge myself of it. As Congress may be led to suppose, from a passage in Mr Laurens's letter, that I have charged a commission on this transaction, I take the liberty to inform them, that though this is an extra service attended with some trouble and risk, I once had it in view, if our Ministers compelled me to be their agent, to charge a commission while the exchange was in their favor, yet not having then done it, I cannot think it would be reasonable to deduct a commission from the reduced sum that is now paid them.

I have honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, April 4th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, in answer to your letter of the 13th of March, "that they consider the object of your appointment as so far advanced, as to render it unnecessary for you to pursue your voyage; and that Congress are well satisfied with the readiness you have shown in undertaking a service, which from the present situation of affairs, they apprehend can be dispensed with."

I have caused your account to be settled to the 1st of April, and hope to be able to send you the warrant for the amount tomorrow. If you please, I will apply for such further sum as you may think proper to charge for the time that may be necessary to carry you home, as I think that within the spirit of the resolution of Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

WILLIAM PACA TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

In Council, Annapolis, April 4th, 1783.

Sir,

We have been honored with your favor of the 18th ultimo.

The requisitions made in your former letters have been regularly laid before the Legislature of this State, (Maryland) and we are very sorry to find that the early attention which their importance merited has not been paid to them.

The Assembly at their last session, passed an act directing persons to be appointed in each county to ascertain upon oath the damages done by the enemy within their respective counties, and to report the same to this Board. As soon as we are furnished with their returns, you may rest assured, Sir, that no time shall be lost in transmitting to you, properly authenticated, the information you have been solicitous to obtain.

With great regard and respect, &c.

WILLIAM PACA.

* * * * *

SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

New York, April 6th, 1783.

Sir,

A packet from England arrived at this port last night, by which I have despatches from Mr Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, communicating official intelligence, that Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed at Paris, on the 20th of January last, and that the ratifications have been since exchanged at the same place.

The King, Sir, has been pleased, in consequence of these events, to order a Proclamation to be published, declaring a cessation of arms,[28] as well by sea as land, and his Majesty's pleasure signified, that I should cause the same to be published in all places under my command, in order, that His Majesty's subjects may pay immediate and due obedience thereto, and such Proclamation I shall accordingly cause to be made on Tuesday next, the 8th instant.

In consequence thereof, and in conformity to the Articles of peace, all our prisoners of war are to be set at liberty and restored, with all convenient despatch; entertaining no doubt, but that similar measures will be taken on the part of the United States of America. In like manner no doubt can be entertained, but that Congress, in conformity to the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, will lose no time in earnestly recommending to the Legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution of confiscated estates, and to reconsider and revise all laws of confiscation, that they may be rendered perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which on the return of the blessings of peace should universally prevail.

And I am further to inform you, Sir, that an instrument of accession to the suspension of hostilities, by the States General of the United Provinces, having been received in England, a cessation of arms with those States has been thereupon included in the Proclamation.

Upon this great occasion, Sir, I am to offer my strongest assurances, that during the short period of my command here, I shall be ready and earnest to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will, which between the United States of America, and the King of Great Britain, and the subjects and the citizens of both countries, will I trust always remain.

I am, with much consideration, Sir, &c.

GUY CARLETON.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] See this Proclamation in the _Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace_, Vol. X. p. 124.

* * * * *

ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Lion, off New York, April 6th, 1783.

Sir,

I have this moment received the enclosed Proclamation from his Majesty's Secretary of State, and shall immediately despatch one of the sloops of war to withdraw all my cruisers upon the coast, and shall also release all the prisoners as quickly as I can dispose of them in the most convenient way to themselves.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT DIGBY.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Foreign Affairs, April 10th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor of laying before Congress two letters, received yesterday by express from New York, the one from General Carleton and the other from Rear Admiral Digby. Both covered copies of his Britannic Majesty's Proclamation for a cessation of hostilities. I presume Congress will consider this advice as sufficiently authentic to justify the discharge of their prisoners, who are now a useless expense, though not so much so as to render it proper to proceed to the measures directed by the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, till that treaty is officially communicated and ratifications exchanged.

I am at a loss to determine when hostilities are of right to cease between the United States and Great Britain. If, as the Proclamation asserts, the times therein mentioned were agreed between the Ministers of the several powers at war, to take effect upon their respective ratifications, then hostilities have not yet ceased between us and Great Britain, except so far as the King of Great Britain has thought proper to shorten the term by his special act. If no such ratification was necessary on our part, then hostilities ceased immediately after ratifications were exchanged between France and England. If the same term has been fixed for the cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and the United States, as that agreed upon between France and Great Britain, then it becomes a question, what is meant by "_as far as the Western Islands_?" If it refers to the latitude, then all prizes made after the 3d of March, on the greater part of our coast, must be restored. As much property may depend upon the decision of these questions, I presume Congress will do no act, which shall lead to a determination of it, till we receive further advices from our own Ministers.

I shall be pardoned when I take the liberty to request, that the enclosed letters may not find their way into the papers, unless Congress shall determine, that this publication may answer some useful purposes.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, April 10th, 1783.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose the draft of a Proclamation for the suspension of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain, and the resolution for the discharge of prisoners, together with one for referring a part of Mr Adams's letters, which is all that it is necessary to report upon the letters referred to me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GENERAL GREENE.

Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I am now to congratulate you on the return of peace, and a cessation from your labor. I some time since sent you the Provisional Treaty between Great Britain and the United States. On Wednesday last, Sir Guy Carleton sent me the enclosed Proclamation of his Britannic Majesty, and informed me, that he had directed a similar Proclamation to issue at New York, and proposed to discharge all our prisoners. I had a letter from Admiral Digby to the same effect; the next day I received advices of the agreement of the cessation of hostilities, from our Ministers. Congress, in consequence of these advices, yesterday issued the enclosed Proclamation.

I reported to them on the propriety of releasing their prisoners. The report is to be considered today, and I doubt not that it will be agreed to. The British Parliament appear to be extremely dissatisfied at the terms of peace; a majority, headed by Lord North, has been obtained against the Administration, so that I think Lord Shelburne has little prospect of continuing in the Administration; but this is of no consequence to us, unless we are bound to like an Administration that has served us against their will. As doubts may arise with respect to the restitution of prizes taken after the epoch fixed by the Proclamation, it may not be improper for me to mention to you, that we conceive, that hostilities ceased in those parts of the Atlantic Ocean, which lay in the same _latitude_ with the Canaries, on the 3d of March.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO SIR GUY CARLETON.

Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.

Sir,

I received your letter of the 6th instant, informing me of the arrival of a Packet, by which you have official intelligence, that the Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed at Paris on the 20th of January last; that the ratifications have been since exchanged, and that his Britannic Majesty has ordered a cessation of arms to be proclaimed, as well by sea as by land; and that you propose, agreeably to his orders, to issue a similar Proclamation, and to set at liberty your prisoners of war.

This interesting intelligence was communicated to the United States in Congress, who, though they had yet received no official accounts, would immediately have made it the basis of pacific measures, without entertaining doubts of its authenticity, or yielding to suspicions which would tend to prolong the calamities of war; but while these measures were under consideration, they received from their Ministers official advices of the agreement between them and the Court of Great Britain relative to a cessation of hostilities, on which they have founded the enclosed Proclamation.[29] They have likewise under consideration measures for the discharge of their prisoners; these measures will be carried into effect as soon as possible after they are determined on.

It cannot be doubted, Sir, as you justly observe, that Congress will embrace the earliest opportunity to perform the stipulations contained in the fifth, as well as every other of the Provisional Articles, immediately after the same shall have been ratified. In the meanwhile, it must be obvious to your Excellency that a recommendation to restore to the loyalists the estates they have forfeited, will come with less weight before Legislatures composed of men, whose property is still withheld from them by the continuance of his Britannic Majesty's fleets and armies in this country, than it will do when peace and the full enjoyment of their rights shall have worn down those asperities, which have grown out of eight years' war. This reflection will, I doubt not, induce you to give every facility in your power to the execution of the seventh Article of the Provisional Treaty, and to fix as early a day for the evacuation of New York, and its dependencies, as may consist with your orders.

I give the fullest credit, Sir, to your assurances, that you are ready to cultivate the spirit of harmony and good will between the subjects and citizens of his Britannic Majesty and these States, since I find them warranted by the humanity which has uniformly distinguished your command in America. But, Sir, time only, with liberality in those that govern in both countries, can entirely efface the remembrance of what has passed, and produce that perfect good will, which I sincerely concur with you in wishing to cultivate.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] See this Proclamation in the _Correspondence of the Commissioners for Peace_, Vol. X. p. 133.

* * * * *

TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY.

Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.

Sir,

I received your letter, enclosing a Proclamation for the suspension of hostilities, and informing me of your design to recall your cruisers and release your prisoners. In return, Sir, I have the pleasure to enclose a Proclamation by the United States of America for a suspension of hostilities. Congress have the measures necessary for the return of their prisoners under consideration; I shall acquaint you with those they adopt.

The resolution transmitted in my last, has already informed you, that the humanity of Congress induced them, on the first intimation of the cessation of hostilities, to recall their cruisers. It is to be hoped, Sir, that no difficulties will arise on either side as to the restitution of such vessels as may have been taken after the epoch mentioned in the Proclamations of his Britannic Majesty and the United States. For though this may be of no great moment when considered in a national light, yet it becomes important, from the number of captures made on this coast within the latitude of the Canaries, since the 3d of March last, as well as from the presages, which the first steps may furnish, of the respect that will in future be paid to the stipulations in the treaty.

The gentleman, who delivered me your letter, will inform you, that it came open to my hands from a mistake in the direction. I am so fully persuaded, Sir, that I do not deceive myself, when I impute this rather to mistake, than to the principle followed, in some instances, in an early period of the late war, that I should not have noticed it now but to prevent, in future, the inconveniences, with which it has been in this instance attended.

I am, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I congratulate your Excellency most sincerely upon the cessation of hostilities, which you will learn from the enclosed Proclamation. You will doubtless have heard directly from General Carleton on the subject, so that it will not be necessary to trouble you with the substance of his letter to me.

Congress will this day, upon my report, take into consideration the propriety of discharging the prisoners, and the manner in which it is to be done. Sir Guy Carleton presses hard in his letter for the execution of the fifth of the Preliminary Articles. I have replied, that it cannot be executed till the treaty is ratified; and in the mean time endeavored to convince him, that the recommendation of Congress will be received with much more respect, when the persons, who compose our Legislatures, have returned to their respective homes, and the asperities occasioned by the war shall be a little worn down by the enjoyment of peace. It is a very capital omission in our treaty, that no time has been fixed for the evacuation of New York.

It were to be wished, that General Carleton's intentions on this head could be sounded by your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, April 12th, 1783.

Sir,

Permit me to offer you my congratulations on the important event announced by the United States, in Congress, in the enclosed Proclamation for the cessation of hostilities; an event, which is not only pleasing, as it relieves us from the accumulated distresses of war in the bowels of our country, but as it affords the fairest and most flattering prospects of its future greatness and prosperity. I need not, I am persuaded, Sir, use any arguments to urge your Excellency and the State over which you preside, to the most scrupulous attention to the execution of every stipulation in our treaty, which may depend on you or them. A national character is now to be acquired. I venture to hope, that it will be worthy of the struggles by which we became a nation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

New York, April 14th, 1783.

Sir,

As I observe in the seventh article of the Provisional Treaty it is agreed, after stipulating that "all prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty," that "his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the United States, and from every port, place, and harbor within the same, &c.;" and as embarkations of persons and property are on the point of being made, I am to request that Congress would be pleased to empower any person or persons, on behalf of the United States, to be present at New York, and to assist such persons as shall be appointed by me to inspect and superintend all embarkations, which the evacuation of this place may require; and they will be pleased to represent to me every infraction of the letter or spirit of the treaty, that redress may be immediately ordered.

I am, Sir, &c.

GUY CARLETON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, April 21st, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose a letter, just received from Mr Dana. I am much surprised to find that such considerable sums as he mentions are necessary on the signature of a treaty with Russia, since I cannot learn that money is demanded of right on similar occasions by any civilized nation in Europe; though it is usual among them to present gratifications to the Ministers on both sides, which being for the most part of equal value, the account is balanced. As I do not conceive, that we are under the least necessity of buying a treaty with Russia, I think it would be well for Mr Dana, (if he should not have been misinformed) to declare to the Court of St Petersburg, that the Ministers of the United States are restrained from receiving presents, that to make them in such circumstance, would be either to arrogate a superiority to which they were not entitled, or to acknowledge that they were so far the inferior of those with whom they treated, as to be compelled to purchase a connexion, which should be founded in equality and mutual advantage. That he therefore found himself compelled in the one case, by respect for the Empress, in the other by a regard to the United States, rather to break off the treaty, than to take a step which might be supposed to derogate from either. After all, I apprehend, that Mr Dana has not received his information on this subject through the best channel, and that he must have mistaken a particular case for a general custom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Head Quarters, April 22d, 1783.

Sir,

I have been honored with your two favors, dated the 12th and 15th instant.

In consequence of the resolutions of Congress on the 15th instant, and the express declarations of the Secretary at War, respecting the sense and expectations of Congress, arrangements have been agreed upon between him and me, for an immediate liberation of all land prisoners; and I have yesterday given this information to Sir Guy Carleton. The particulars of the arrangement, with the opinion given the British Commander in Chief, you will obtain through the Minister at War.

In order to obtain the sense of Sir Guy Carleton upon the matters, contained in the resolution of the 15th, I have proposed a personal interview with him at an early day. The result of this meeting, if acceded to, will probably lead us to a decision upon some questions, which are more doubtful, and that with greater decision and despatch, than could otherwise be procured.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Head Quarters, May 13th, 1783.

Sir,

Your favor of the 3d came to hand by the last post. Before this time you will have seen the report I made to Congress of the interview with Sir Guy Carleton. I am very sorry its result proved so indecisive. That this arises from the cause you mention I am not fully persuaded. I believe a want of information from his Court, which had been for some time without any administration, has been a great embarrassment to him.

The civil jurisdiction of West Chester County Sir Guy Carleton appeared very willing, in his conversation, to relinquish to the State; but what reply he will make to the Governor, when he comes to reduce it to writing, I know not. Long Island he seemed to think could not be so easily delivered up. It would be attended with many inconveniences, and he mentioned particularly the facility it would give to desertions, and the necessity of holding it for the accommodation of those people, who must eventually be obliged to leave the country. Staten Island was also necessary for his convenience.

I have had no reply from Sir Guy since his return to New York, nor, I presume, has Governor Clinton heard anything from him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

TO THE CHAIRMAN OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, May 19th, 1783.

Sir,

The inquiries that the committee were pleased to do me the honor to make this morning, relative to my continuing to exercise the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs, were extremely embarrassing to me, because, on the one hand, I find it impossible to continue in the office on the present establishment, without material injury to my private affairs, and, on the other, to propose the terms on which I would stay would be to overrate my own importance, and to suppose that others could not be had upon such conditions as Congress have been pleased to consider as sufficient. Having given my whole time, and a considerable part of my property to the public during the war, I see, with pleasure, that the affairs of the United States are not now in such a situation as to render the contributions of an individual necessary. It is my wish to endeavor to repair the injuries my estate has sustained by the ravages of the enemy, and my own neglect, by the offices I have held.

From my former letter, Congress will be able to judge how far my expenses in the office exceed the salary. But as it by no means follows, that another by greater economy and humbler, but, perhaps, more just ideas of the importance of this office, could not live at less expense, I do not think that mine should be any reason to induce Congress to make other changes, than such as they shall of themselves deem necessary. And in this view, I requested the committee, that called upon me last winter, to keep the matter of emoluments entirely out of sight in their report, as I then considered my stay only as a temporary inconvenience.

At present, Sir, I must choose between the office I have been honored with from Congress and an important State office. If I continue in the first, I must suppose it the business of years, and lose sight of all other objects in my own State, where I have something to hope from my connexions and the favor of my countrymen, and where I possess an estate, the value of which depends in a great measure upon my attention to it. Under these circumstances, I flatter myself that the committee will not think me blamable, when I assure them, that though I am willing to give my time and services to the public if they should be deemed necessary, yet I cannot in justice to myself or my family, add to this gift that of such a portion of my property as I find absolutely necessary to support the office I hold.

Permit me, Gentlemen, to add, that having no wishes upon this subject, I am sincerely desirous that personal considerations may not enter into the arrangements that Congress make thereon. I feel myself extremely honored by the attention they have shown me in directing you to confer with me on this subject; and I reflect with great pleasure on the reasons I have had to be satisfied with their conduct towards me since I have been honored with the office.

I am, Gentlemen, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO JOSEPH NOURSE.

Philadelphia, May 26th, 1783.

Sir,

In compliance with your request, I have collected from the papers in my office the following account of the moneys received by loans, or otherwise, from Holland, France, and Spain.

The first loan that was opened in Holland on our account with success, was opened by His Most Christian Majesty, and under his special guarantee, for ten millions of livres. Since that, another loan was contracted by Mr Adams with private banking houses, to the amount of five millions of florins.

These houses, in a letter directed to me of the 16th of August last, write that they had at that time in cash by them, one million four hundred and eightyfour thousand florins, of which the interest ran as follows;

1,314,000 florins, from the 1st of June,

170,000 florins, from the 1st of July.

They add, that they had already paid to the order of Mr Adams, in favor of sundry individuals, the sum of two thousand nine hundred and two florins, and that that Minister had hinted to them, that it would be necessary to pay some drafts of Mr Laurens's when arrived, and a few other unavoidable expenses, which would amount to about two hundred thousand florins. By a letter of the 18th of November last, they have acknowledged the receipt of the contract duly ratified, so that the money they had on hand has been since that time at the disposal of Congress.

The moneys received from France before the year 1780, cannot be very accurately stated, for the want of order in the books kept by the Committee of Foreign Affairs. By the best estimate I have been able to make, the amount of such moneys appears to be about nine millions of livres, exclusive of one million received from the Farmers-General on a particular contract. To this, must be added the grants obtained by Colonel Laurens, which, _including_ military stores, amount to fourteen millions of livres. So that the whole of the money received from France, amounts to about four and twenty millions tournois. I should observe, that I have not here made any distinction between loans and gifts, though about eight millions of the above sum have been granted by France without any expectation of being repaid.

From Spain we have only received one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, which were granted to Mr Jay in the beginning of the year 1780.

I have not mentioned the engagement, which France has lately entered into to supply the United States with six millions of livres, as you may find everything that relates to it in the appendix to the address of Congress to the States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, June 2d, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor to submit to Congress a letter from M. Dumas, with several papers relative to a negotiation, which appears to have been commenced by the States of Holland with our Ministers. As this subject may be very important in its consequences, it is to be presumed, that they would wish to have the direction of Congress. I would therefore take the liberty to suggest, that these papers be committed to a special committee.

As my stay in town will not admit of my executing the commission, which M. Van Berckel requires, I must pray Congress also to give some direction therein.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT MORRIS,

SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE.

During the first years of the Revolution the financial concerns of Congress were managed by a Committee, under the general supervision of that body. Disorder and confusion were the gradual results of such a system. It was at length resolved to put this Department into the hands of a responsible individual, and ROBERT MORRIS was unanimously chosen _Superintendent of Finance_, on the 20th of February, 1781. Various reasons prevented his engaging in the duties of the office till the May following.

The high expectations of Congress, and of the country, were fully answered by the ability and success with which Mr Morris administered the affairs of this new Department. Funds were provided, and public credit restored. He remained in office till November 1st, 1784.

Nothing can afford a stronger proof of his zeal, assiduity, and unwearied labor, than the correspondence which he has left respecting the transactions of his office. The letters here published are a selection only from the large mass, which has been preserved. They pertain chiefly to the foreign relations of the United States, either as effected by European loans, or by the agency of the internal resources of the country. In fact, all the financial operations of Congress were more or less connected with their Foreign Affairs since loans from abroad were necessary, and these could be produced only on the strength of public credit and the means of sustaining it at home.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

ORGANIZATION OF THE FINANCE DEPARTMENT.

In Congress, February 7th, 1781.

Congress resumed the consideration of the plan for the arrangement of the civil executive departments of the United States; and thereupon,

Resolved, That there be a Superintendent of Finance, a Secretary at War, and a Secretary of Marine;

That it shall be the duty of the Superintendent of Finance, to examine into the state of the public debts, the public expenditures, and the public revenue; to digest and report plans for improving and regulating the finances, and for establishing order and economy in the expenditure of the public money; to direct the execution of all plans, which shall be adopted by Congress respecting revenue and expenditure; to superintend and control the settlement of all public accounts; to direct and control all persons employed in procuring supplies for the public service, and in the expenditure of public money; to obtain accounts of all the issues of the specific supplies furnished by the several States; to compel the payment of all moneys due to the United States, and in his official character, or in such manner as the laws of the respective States shall direct, to prosecute in behalf of the United States, for all delinquencies respecting the public revenue and expenditures; to report to Congress the officers who shall be necessary for assisting him in the various branches of his Department.

_In Congress, February 20th._ Congress proceeded to the election of a Superintendent of Finance; and the ballots being taken, Robert Morris was unanimously elected.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, March 13th, 1781.

Sir,

I had the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 21st of last month, enclosing the Act of Congress of the 20th, whereby I am appointed, by a unanimous election of that honorable body, to the important office of SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE. Perfectly sensible of the honor done me by this strong mark of confidence from the sovereign authority of the United States, I feel myself bound to make the acknowledgments due, by pursuing a conduct formed to answer the expectations of Congress, and promote the public welfare. Were my abilities equal to my desire of serving America, I should have given an immediate determination after this appointment was made; but conscious of my own deficiencies, time for consideration was absolutely necessary. Little, however of that time, which has elapsed have I been able to devote to this object, as the business before the Legislature of Pennsylvania wherein I have the honor of a seat, has demanded and continues to demand my constant attendance.

So far as the station of Superintendent of Finance, or indeed any other public station or office, applies to myself I should without the least hesitation have declined an acceptance; for after upwards of twenty years assiduous application to business as a merchant, I find myself at that period when my mind, body, and inclination combine to seek for relaxation and ease. Providence had so far smiled on my endeavors as to enable me to prepare for the indulgence of these feelings, in such a manner as would be least injurious to the interest of my family. If, therefore, I accept this appointment, a sacrifice of that case, of much social and domestic enjoyment, and of every material interest, must be the inevitable consequence; and as my ambition was entirely gratified by my present situation and character in life, no motive of that kind can stimulate me to the acceptance.

Putting myself out of the question, the sole motive is the public good; and this motive I confess comes home to my feelings. The contest we are engaged in appeared to me, in the first instance, just and necessary; therefore, I took an active part in it. As it became _dangerous_, I thought it the more _glorious_, and was stimulated to the greatest exertions in my power, when the affairs of America were at the worst. Sensible of the want of arrangement in our monied affairs, the same considerations impel me to this undertaking, which I would embark in without hesitation, could I believe myself equal thereto; but fearing this may not be the case, it becomes indispensably necessary to make such stipulations, as may give ease to my feelings, aid my exertions, and tend to procure ample support to my conduct in office, so long as it is founded in and guided by a regard to the public prosperity.

In the first place then, I am to inform Congress, that the preparatory steps I had taken to procure to myself relaxation from business, with least injury to the interests of my family, were by engaging in certain commercial establishments with persons, in whom I had perfect confidence as to their integrity, honor, and abilities. These establishments I am bound in honor and by contracts to support to the extent agreed on. If, therefore, it be in the idea of Congress, that the office of Superintendent of Finance is incompatible with commercial concerns and connexions, the point is settled; for I cannot on any consideration consent to violate engagements or depart from those principles of honor, which it is my pride to be governed by. If, on the contrary, Congress have elected me to this office under the expectation, that my mercantile connexions and engagements were to continue, an express declaration of their sentiments should appear on the minutes, that no doubt may arise or reflections be cast on this score hereafter.

I also think it indispensably necessary, that the appointment of all persons who are to act in my office, under the same roof, or in immediate connexion with, should be made by myself; Congress first agreeing, that such secretaries, clerks, or officers, so to be appointed are necessary, and fixing the salaries for each. I conceive, that it will be impossible to execute the duties of this office with effect, unless the absolute power of dismissing from office or employment all persons whatever, that are concerned in the official expenditure of public moneys, be committed to the Superintendent of Finance. For unless this power can be exercised without control, I have little hopes of efficacy in the business of reformation, which is probably the most essential part of the duty.

These being the only positive stipulations that occur to me at this time, the determination of Congress thereon will enable me to determine whether to accept or decline the appointment. I must, however, observe that the act of Congress of the 7th of February, describing the duties of the Superintendent of Finance, requires the execution of many things, for which adequate powers are not provided, and it cannot be expected, that your officer can in such case be responsible. These however may be the subjects of future discussions.

With sentiments of the highest respect, for you and Congress, I have the honor to subscribe myself, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.

ROBERT MORRIS.[30]

FOOTNOTES:

[30] During the whole period in which Mr Morris held the office of Superintendent of Finance, he kept a _Diary_, in which he entered daily the principal transactions of his department. The following is an extract from the Diary.

"On the 21st of February I received a letter from the President of Congress, enclosing the resolves of the 20th, whereby I was unanimously elected the Superintendent of Finance of the United States. This appointment was unsought, unsolicited, and dangerous to accept, as it was evidently contrary to my private interest, and if accepted must deprive me of those enjoyments, social and domestic, which my time of life required, and to which my circumstances entitled me; and a vigorous execution of the duties must inevitably expose me to the resentment of disappointed and designing men, and to the calumny and detraction of the envious and malicious. I was therefore determined not to engage in so arduous an undertaking. But the solicitations of my friends, acquaintance, and fellow citizens, a full conviction of the necessity, that some person should commence the work of reformation in our public affairs, by an attempt to introduce system and economy, and the persuasion, that a refusal on my part, would probably deter others from attempting this work, so absolutely necessary to the safety of our country; these considerations, after much reflection and consultation with friends, induced me to write a letter to the President of Congress, dated the 13th of March, 1781."

* * * * *

PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS.

_March 20th._ A letter of the 13th instant from Robert Morris was taken into consideration, and it was

_Resolved_, that the United States in Congress assembled do not require him to dissolve the commercial connexions referred to in the said letter.

_March 21st._ The consideration of the letter of the 13th instant, from Robert Morris being resumed, a motion was made, and it was

_Resolved_, that the Superintendent of Finance be, and he is hereby empowered to appoint and remove at his pleasure, his assistants in his peculiar office or chamber of business in immediate connexion with him; it being first determined by the United States in Congress assembled, that such assistants so to be appointed are necessary, and what the salary of each shall be.

_Ordered_, that the remainder of Mr Morris's letter be referred to a committee of three. The members appointed were Messrs Houston, Burke, and Wolcott.

* * * * *

TO THOMAS BURKE, WILLIAM HOUSTON, AND OLIVER WOLCOTT, COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS.

Date Uncertain.

Gentlemen,

When I had the honor of a visit from you on the subject of my interview with Congress, it was agreed that I should make out and deliver you a list of the several officers concerned in the expenditure of public money, over whom I judged it necessary for the Superintendent of Finance to have the uncontrolled power of dismission. But on reflection I found it was not in my power to render such a list, because I do not know the several degrees of officers now in employment, and even if I did, such a list would not answer the end, because others may hereafter be created, who should also be subjected to the power of the Financier, and it would be very troublesome for Congress on every such appointment to pass a resolution for the purpose. There will also be appointments made occasionally by the Commander in Chief, the Heads of Department, and by other officers, in which the expenditure of public moneys will be involved, and of course such appointments must also be subject to the same authority. For these reasons, it seems proper that the power of the Minister of Finance, with respect to the control and dismission from office of all persons concerned in the expenditure of public property, should be defined in one Act of Congress, vesting him with that authority.

To me it appears absolutely necessary, that this power should be vested in the Financier to enable him to remedy and prevent public abuses; and the _extent_ should be measured by the _necessity_ and the _use_. As to myself, I am far from desiring power for the sake of power. Indeed I think it is generally more dangerous to the possessor than to the objects of it. Consequently I cannot have a wish to extend it beyond the necessity and utility mentioned.

The whole business of finance may be described in two short but comprehensive sentences, if I have proper notions on the subject. _It is to raise the public revenues, by such modes as may be most easy and most equal to the people; and to expend them in the most frugal, fair, and honest manner._ In our case the first part must ever be the business of Congress, and the Legislatures of the respective States; because the powers of taxation cannot be delegated. The second I take to be the most essential part of the duty of the Superintendent of Finance. He must ever have it in view to reduce the expenditures as nearly as possible to what in justice and in reason they ought to be; and to do this, he must be vested with power to dismiss from employment those officers he shall find unnecessary, unequal to their stations, inattentive to their duty, or dishonest in the exercise of it.

In a monarchy this power need not be officially vested in a Minister, because he can have constant intercourse with the Sovereign, and by that means he is in the daily exercise of it. Where the sovereignty is vested in a public body of men, such an intercourse is impracticable; and I am persuaded that a Minister who would venture to execute the duties of his office with vigor, without possessing uncontrolled the power of dismission, would in a few months put it out of his power to proceed in his business, and Congress would have full employment to hear and determine between him and suspended officers. On the contrary, if a dismissed officer can have no appeal but to the laws of the land, Congress will not be troubled, business may be conducted with decision, and the very knowledge that such a power exists, will have a tendency to prevent the frequent exercise of it, after the first reforms are effected.