Chapter XII: Mother-Kin and Mother Goddesses (8)

19 A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 39 _sq._; G. Maspero,
_Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 176; E. A.
Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 140, 262; _id._,
_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 70-75, 80-82. On Osiris
as king of the dead see Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 79.

20 Miss Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904),
pp. 8, 17, 18.

21 On Osiris as judge of the dead see A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der
alten Ägypter_, pp. 131 _sqq._; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient
Egyptians_, pp. 248 _sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des
Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i. 187 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge,
_The Book of the Dead_2 (London, 1909), i. pp. liii. _sqq._; _id._,
_The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 141 _sqq._; _id._, _Osiris and the
Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 305 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische
Religion_,2 pp. 116 _sqq._

_ 22 The Book of the Dead_, ch. cxxv. (vol. ii. pp. 355 _sqq._ of
Budge’s translation; P. Pierret, _Le Livre des Morts_, Paris, 1882,
pp. 369 _sqq._); R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia_,
pp. 788 _sqq._; A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp.
132-134; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 249 _sqq._;
G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,
i. 188-191; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 117-121; E. A.
Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 337 _sqq._;
J. H. Breasted, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient
Egypt_, pp. 297 _sqq._

23 A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 p. 121. Compare A. Wiedemann,
_Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp. 134 _sq._; _id._, _Religion of
the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 253.

24 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 254; E. A.
Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 305 _sqq._;
G. Maspero, _op. cit._ i. 194 _sq._; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische
Religion_,2 pp. 121 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the
Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 97 _sq._, 100 _sqq._; E. Lefébure, “Le
Paradis Egyptien,” _Sphinx_, iii. (Upsala, 1900) pp. 191 _sqq._

M12 The fate of the wicked.

25 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 249. Compare
A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 117, 121; E. A. Wallis
Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 317, 328.

M13 In the resurrection of Osiris the Egyptians saw a pledge of their
own immortality.

26 G. Maspero, “Le rituel du sacrifice funéraire,” _Études de
Mythologie et d’Archéologie Égyptiennes_ (Paris, 1893-1912), i. 291
_sq._

27 G. Maspero, _op. cit._ pp. 300-316. Compare A. Wiedemann, _Die
Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp. 123 _sqq._; _id._, _Religion of the
Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 234 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Book of
the Dead_2 (London, 1909), i. pp. iiii. _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of
the Egyptians_, ii. 126, 140 _sq._; _id._, _Osiris and the Egyptian
Resurrection_, i. 66 _sqq._, 101 _sq._, 176, 305, 399 _sq._; A.
Moret, _Du Caractère religieux de la Royauté Pharaonique_ (Paris,
1902), p. 312; _id._, _Kings and Gods of Egypt_ (New York and
London, 1912), pp. 91 _sqq._; _id._, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris,
1913), pp. 37 _sqq._ “In one of the ceremonies of the ‘Opening of
the Mouth’ the deceased was temporarily placed in a bull’s skin,
which was probably that of one of the bulls which were offered up
during the celebration of the service. From this skin the deceased
obtained further power, and his emergence from it was the visible
symbol of his resurrection and of his entrance into everlasting life
with all the strength of Osiris and Horus” (E. A. Wallis Budge,
_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 400).

M14 Every dead Egyptian identified with Osiris.

28 A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 416; J.
H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 149 _sq._;
Margaret A. Murray, _The Osireion at Abydos_ (London, 1904), p. 31.
Under the earlier dynasties only kings appear to have been
identified with Osiris.

29 A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 40.

30 A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 111-113. However, in later
times the body with which the dead came to life was believed to be a
spiritual, not a material body; it was called _sāhu_. See E. A.
Wallis Budge, _The Book of the Dead_,2 i. pp. lvii. _sqq._; _id._,
_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 123 _sq._

M15 Combat between Set and Horus, the brother and the son of Osiris, for
the crown of Egypt.

31 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 19 and 55; A. Erman, _Aegypten und
aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, p. 368; _id._, _Die ägyptische
Religion_,2 pp. 41 _sq._; A. Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten
Ägypter_, p. 114; _id._, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp.
214 _sq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient
Classique_, i. 176-178; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian
Resurrection_, i. 62 _sq._, 64, 89 _sqq._, 309 _sqq._

M16 The legend of their contest may be a reminiscence of dynastic
struggles.

_ 32 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 290 _sqq._

M17 Osiris represented as a king in tradition and art. The tomb of
Osiris at Abydos.

33 A. Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 217. For
details see E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian
Resurrection_, i. 30 _sqq._

34 J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908),
p. 61; _id._, _Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient
Egypt_, p. 38; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian
Resurrection_, i. 37, 67, 81, 210, 212, 214, 290, ii. 1, 2, 8-13,
82-85; A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 pp. 21, 23, 110; A.
Wiedemann, _Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, p. 289; Ed. Meyer,
_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 70, 96, 97. It appears to be
now generally held that the original seat of the worship of Osiris
was at Busiris, but that at Abydos the god found a second home,
which in time eclipsed the old one in glory. According to Professors
Ed. Meyer and A. Erman, the god whom Osiris displaced at Abydos was
Anubis.

35 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 20; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches
Leben im Altertum_, p. 417; J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient
Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 148 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des
Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 209; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the
Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 68 _sq._, ii. 3.

M18 The tombs of the old kings at Abydos. The tomb of King Khent
identified with the tomb of Osiris. The sculptured effigy of Osiris.
The hawk the crest of the earliest dynasties.

36 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 125.

37 J. H. Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 43, 50 _sq._
The excavations were begun by E. Amélineau and continued by W. M.
Flinders Petrie (Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p.
119). See E. Amélineau, _Le Tombeau d’Osiris_ (Paris, 1899); W. M.
Flinders Petrie, _The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties_, Part
ii. (London, 1901). The excavations of the former have been
criticized by Sir Gaston Maspero (_Études de Mythologie et
d’Archéologie Égyptiennes_, vi. (Paris, 1912) pp. 153-182).

38 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 124; E. A.
Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 8. The
place is now known by the Arabic name of Umm al-Ka’âb or “Mother of
Pots” on account of the large quantity of pottery that has been
found there.

39 Ed. Meyer, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 125, 127,
128, 129, 209. The king’s Horus name has sometimes been read Zer,
but according to Professor Meyer (_op. cit._ p. 128) and Dr. Budge
(_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 83) the true reading is
Khent (Chent). The king’s personal name was perhaps Ka (Ed. Meyer,
_op. cit._ p. 128).

40 E. Amélineau, _Le Tombeau d’Osiris_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 107-115; W.
M. Flinders Petrie, _The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties_,
Part ii. (London, 1901) pp. 8 _sq._, 16-19, with the frontispiece
and plates lx. lxi.; G. Maspero, _Études de Mythologie et
d’Archéologie Égyptiennes_ (Paris, 1893-1912), vi. 167-173; J. H.
Breasted, _History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 50
_sq._, 148; E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian
Resurrection_, ii. 8-10, 13, 83-85. The tomb, with its interesting
contents, was discovered and excavated by Monsieur E. Amélineau. The
masses, almost the mountains, of broken pottery, under which the
tomb was found to be buried, are probably remains of the vessels in
which pious pilgrims presented their offerings at the shrine. See E.
Amélineau, _op. cit._ pp. 85 _sq._; J. H. Breasted, _op. cit._ pp.
51, 148. The high White Crown, worn by Osiris, was the symbol of the
king’s dominion over Upper Egypt; the flat Red Crown, with a high
backpiece and a projecting spiral, was the symbol of his dominion
over Lower Egypt. On the monuments the king is sometimes represented
wearing a combination of the White and the Red Crown to symbolize
his sovereignty over both the South and the North. White was the
distinctive colour of Upper, as red was of Lower, Egypt. The
treasury of Upper Egypt was called “the White House”; the treasury
of Lower Egypt was called “the Red House.” See Ed. Meyer,
_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 103 _sq._; J. H. Breasted,
_History of the Ancient Egyptians_ (London, 1908), pp. 34 _sq._, 36,
41.

41 A. Moret, _Mystères Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), pp. 159-162, with
plate iii. Compare Victor Loret, “L’Égypte au temps du totémisme,”
_Conférences faites au Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque de Vulgarisation_,
xix. (Paris, 1906) pp. 179-186. Both these writers regard the hawk
as the totem of the royal clan. This view is rejected by Prof. Ed.
Meyer, who, however, holds that Horus, whose emblem was the hawk,
was the oldest national god of Egypt (_Geschichte des Altertums_,2
i. 2. pp. 102-106). He prefers to suppose that the hawk, or rather
the falcon, was the emblem of a god of light because the bird flies
high in the sky (_op. cit._ p. 73; according to him the bird is not
the sparrow-hawk but the falcon, ib. p. 75). A similar view is
adopted by Professor A. Wiedemann (_Religion of the Ancient
Egyptians_, p. 26). Compare A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2
pp. 10, 11. The native Egyptian name of Hawk-town was Nechen, in
Greek it was Hieraconpolis (Ed. Meyer, _op. cit._ p. 103). Hawks
were worshipped by the inhabitants (Strabo, xvii. 1. 47, p. 817).

42 According to the legend the four sons of Horus were set by Anubis to
protect the burial of Osiris. They washed his dead body, they
mourned over him, and they opened his cold lips with their fingers.
But they disappeared, for Isis had caused them to grow out of a
lotus flower in a pool of water. In that position they are sometimes
represented in Egyptian art before the seated effigy of Osiris. See
A. Erman, _Die ägyptische Religion_,2 p. 43; E. A. Wallis Budge,
_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 40, 41, 327.

M19 The association of Osiris with Byblus.

43 See above, pp. 9 _sq._

44 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 16
_sq._

45 Cyril of Alexandria, _In Isaiam_, lib. ii. Tomus iii. (Migne’s
_Patrologia Graeca_, lxx. 441).

M20 The date of a festival sometimes furnishes a clue to the nature of
the god.
M21 The year of the Egyptian calendar a vague or movable one.

46 As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der
mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), i.
93 _sqq._; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 368 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die
Chronologie der Aegypter_, i. (Berlin, 1849) pp. 125 _sqq._; H.
Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_ (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman,
_Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 468 _sq._; G.
Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_, i.
207-210; Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der
königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 2 _sqq._;
_id._, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der
königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 3 _sqq._;
_id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._;
F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_, i. (Leipsic, 1906) pp. 150 _sqq._

47 Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann’s note; Geminus, _Elementa
Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898);
Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10.

48 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, pp. 106 _sqq._, ed. C. Manitius.

M22 Thus the official calendar was divorced from the natural calendar,
which is marked by the course of the seasons.

49 Diodorus Siculus, i. 50. 2; Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. According
to H. Brugsch (_Die Ägyptologie_, pp. 349 _sq._), the Egyptians
would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the
fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more
evidence that they were acquainted with a four years’ period,
corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, _Chronologie der
Aegypter_, i. 149 _sqq._

50 Geminus, _Elementa Astronomiae_, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius. The
same writer further (p. 108) describes as a popular Greek error the
opinion that the Egyptian festival of Isis coincided with the winter
solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by
an interval of a full month, though they had coincided a hundred and
twenty years before the time he was writing.

_ 51 Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea_, p. 409, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt,
in his edition of Martianus Capella (Leipsic, 1866).

M23 Attempt of Ptolemy III. to reform the Egyptian calendar by
intercalation.

52 Copies of the decree in hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek have been
found inscribed on stones in Egypt. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil
d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), pp. 415 _sqq._, No. 551;
W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_ (Leipsic,
1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 91 _sqq._, No. 56; J. P. Mahaffy, _The
Empire of the Ptolemies_ (London, 1895), pp. 205 _sqq._, 226 _sqq._
The star mentioned in the decree is the Dog-star (Sirius). See
below, pp. 34 _sqq._

53 W. Dittenberger, _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i.
pp. 140 _sqq._, No. 90, with note 25 of the editor.

M24 Institution of the fixed Alexandrian year by the Romans.

54 On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen
und technischen Chronologie_, i. 140 _sqq._ That admirable
chronologer argued (pp. 153-161) that the innovation was introduced
not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 B.C., but in 30 B.C., the
year in which Augustus defeated Mark Antony under the walls of
Alexandria and captured the city. However, the question seems to be
still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen und
technischen Chronologie_, i. 226 _sqq._, who thinks it probable that
the change was made in 26 B.C. For the purposes of this study the
precise date of the introduction of the Alexandrian year is not
material.

55 In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called “the year of the
Ionians,” while the old movable year is styled “the year of the
Egyptians.” Documents have been found which are dated by the day and
the month of both years. See H. Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_, pp. 354
_sq._

56 L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 149-152. Macrobius thought that the
Egyptians had always employed a solar year of 365-¼ days (_Saturn._
i. 12. 2, i. 14. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled
that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen
months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days
each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year.
These supplementary days (_nemontemi_) were deemed unlucky: nothing
was done on them: they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born
on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, _Histoire
générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D.
Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 50, 164; F. S. Clavigero,
_History of Mexico_ (London, 1807), i. 290. Unlike the Egyptian
calendar, however, the Mexican appears to have been regularly
corrected by intercalation so as to bring it into harmony with the
solar year. But as to the mode of intercalation our authorities
differ. According to the positive statement of Sahagun, one of the
earliest and best authorities, the Mexicans corrected the deficiency
of their year by intercalating one day in every fourth year, which
is precisely the correction adopted in the Alexandrian and the
Julian calendar. See B. de Sahagun, _op. cit._ pp. 286 _sq._, where
he expressly asserts the falsehood of the view that the bissextile
year was unknown to the Mexicans. This weighty statement is
confirmed by the practice of the Indians of Yucatan. Like the
Aztecs, they reckoned a year to consist of 360 days divided into 18
months of 20 days each, with 5 days added so as to make a total of
365 days, but every fourth year they intercalated a day so as to
make a total of 366 days. See Diego de Landa, _Relation des choses
de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864), pp. 202 _sqq._ On the other hand the
historian Clavigero, who lived in the eighteenth century, but used
earlier authorities, tells us that the Mexicans “did not interpose a
day every four years, but thirteen days (making use here even of
this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the
same regulation of time” (_History of Mexico_, Second Edition,
London, 1807, vol. i. p. 293). However, the view that the Mexicans
corrected their year by intercalation is rejected by Professor E.
Seler. See his “Mexican Chronology,” in _Bulletin 28_ of the Bureau
of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 13 _sqq._; and on the
other side Miss Zelia Nuttall, “The Periodical Adjustments of the
Ancient Mexican Calendar,” _American Anthropologist_, N.S. vi.
(1904) pp. 486-500.

M25 In Egypt the operations of husbandry are dependent on the annual
rise and fall of the Nile.

57 Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiedemann’s note; Diodorus Siculus, i.
14-1, i. 17. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57 _sq._, xviii. 60; Sir J.
Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_
(London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 _sq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten
und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 577 _sqq._; A. de Candolle,
_Origin of Cultivated Plants_ (London, 1884), pp. 354 _sq._, 369,
381; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient
Classique_, i. 66.

58 Herodotus, ii. 14; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36; Strabo, xvii. 1. 3, pp.
786-788; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 167-170; Seneca, _Natur.
Quaest._ iv. 2. 1-10; E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern
Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 _sq._, 495 _sqq._; A.
Erman, _op. cit._ pp. 21-25; G. Maspero, _op. cit._ i. 22 _sqq._
However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in
Lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. 14).

59 G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient Classique_,
i. 22-26; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_,
p. 23. According to Lane (_op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._) the Nile rises in
Egypt about the summer solstice (June 21) and reaches its greatest
height by the autumnal equinox (September 22). This agrees exactly
with the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says
(ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hundred days from
the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ v. 57, xviii. 167;
Seneca, _Nat. Quaest._ iv. 2. 1. According to Prof. Ginzel the Nile
does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (_Handbuch der
mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 154). For ancient
descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97;
Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 8 _sq._; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788;
Aelian, _De natura animalium_, x. 43; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12;
Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ iv. 2. 8 and 11.

M26 Irrigation, sowing, and harvest in Egypt.

60 Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Egyptians_ (London, 1878), ii. 365 _sq._; E. W. Lane, _Manners and
Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498
_sqq._; G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l’Orient
Classique_, i. 23 _sq._, 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24)
that the dams are commonly cut between the first and sixteenth of
July, but apparently he means August.

61 Sir J. D. Wilkinson, _op. cit._ ii. 398 _sq._; Prof. W. M. Flinders
Petrie, cited above, vol. i. p. 231, note 3. According to Pliny
(_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 60) barley was reaped in Egypt in the sixth
month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus Siculus,
on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after
four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to Lower, and Diodorus to
Upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 169) that
the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping
began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly
applies better to Lower than to Upper Egypt.

M27 The events of the agricultural year were probably celebrated with
religious rites.
M28 Mourning for Osiris at midsummer when the Nile begins to rise.

62 Pausanias, x. 32. 18.

63 E. A. Wallis Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, ii. 278.

64 N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, _De Bare’e-sprekende Toradjas van
Midden-Celebes_ (Batavia, 1912), i. 273. The more civilized Indians
of tropical America, who practised agriculture and had developed a
barbaric art, appear to have commonly represented the rain-god in
human form with tears streaming down from his eyes. See T. A. Joyce,
“The Weeping God,” _Essays and Studies presented to William
Ridgeway_ (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 365-374.

65 This we learn from inscriptions at Silsilis. See A. Moret, _Mystères
Égyptiens_ (Paris, 1913), p. 180.

66 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley
and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 _sq._

M29 Sirius regarded as the star of Isis. The rising of Sirius marked the
beginning of the sacred Egyptian year. The observation of the
gradual displacement of Sirius in the calendar led to the
determination of the true length of the solar year.

67 L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_, i. 124 _sqq._; R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der
Aegypter_, i. 168 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _Handbuch der mathematischen
und technischen Chronologie_, i. 190 _sq._; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge
zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss.
Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 _sq._;
_id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 28 _sq._, 99 _sqq._ The
coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is
mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 21 _sq._) and Aelian (_De natura
animalium_, x. 45). In later times, as a consequence of the
precession of the equinoxes, the rising of Sirius gradually diverged
from the summer solstice, falling later and later in the solar year.
In the sixteenth and fifteenth century B.C. Sirius rose seventeen
days after the summer solstice, and at the date of the Canopic
decree (238 B.C.) it rose a whole month after the first swelling of
the Nile. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 130; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._
i. 190; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” pp. 11
_sq._ According to Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10), Sirius
regularly rose in Egypt on the twentieth of July (Julian calendar);
and this was true of latitude 30° in Egypt (the latitude nearly of
Heliopolis and Memphis) for about three thousand years of Egyptian
history. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 128-130. But the date of the
rising of the star is not the same throughout Egypt; it varies with
the latitude, and the variation within the limits of Egypt amounts
to seven days or more. Roughly speaking, Sirius rises nearly a whole
day earlier for each degree of latitude you go south. Thus, whereas
near Alexandria in the north Sirius does not rise till the
twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the
sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, _op. cit._ i. 168 _sq._; F. K.
Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 182 _sq._ Now it is to be remembered that the
rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is observed
earlier and earlier the further south you go. The coincident
variation of the two phenomena could hardly fail to confirm the
Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural connexion
between them.

68 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 21, 22, 38,
61; Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 24; Scholiast on Apollonius
Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 _sq._, in W.
Dittenberger’s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, vol. i. p.
102, No. 56 (lines 28 _sq._ in Ch. Michel’s _Recueil d’Inscriptions
Grecques_, p. 417, No. 551); R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia
Egizia_, pp. 825 _sq._ On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the
heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of
Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient
Egyptians_, London, 1878, iii. 102).

69 Porphyry and the Canopic decree, _ll.cc._; Censorinus, _De die
natali_, xviii. 10, xxi. 10. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene,
the modern Assuan, Isis is called “the mistress of the beginning of
the year,” the goddess “who revolves about the world, near to the
constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to
the west perpetually” (R. V. Lanzone, _op. cit._ p. 826). According
to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of
the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of
July. See Ed. Meyer, “Ägyptische Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der
königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1904, pp. 22 _sqq._;
_id._, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der
königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907, pp. 7 _sqq._;
_id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98 _sqq._

_ 70 Eudoxi ars astronomica, qualis in charta Aegyptiaca superest_, ed.
F. Blass (Kiliae, 1887), p. 14, οἱ δὲ ἀσ[τρο]λ[ό]γοι καὶ οἱ
ἱερογραμμ[ατεῖς] χ[ρῶν]ται ταῖς κατὰ σελή[ν]ἠ[ν] ἡμ[έ]ραις καὶ
ἄγουσι πανδημ[ι]κὰς ἕ[ορ]τας τινὰς μὲν ὡς ἐνομί[σθ]ἠ τὰ δὲ
καταχυτήρια καὶ κυνὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ σεληναῖα κατὰ θεό[ν],
ἀναλεγόμενοι τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. This statement of Eudoxus
or of one of his pupils is important, since it definitely proves
that, besides the shifting festivals of the shifting official year,
the Egyptians celebrated other festivals, which were dated by direct
observation of natural phenomena, namely, the annual inundation, the
rise of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The same distinction of
the fixed from the movable festivals is indicated in one of the
Hibeh papyri, but the passage is unfortunately mutilated. See _The
Hibeh Papyri_, part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt
(London, 1906), pp. 145, 151 (pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W.
Wyse). The annual festival in honour of Ptolemy and Berenice was
fixed on the day of the rising of Sirius. See the Canopic decree, in
W. Dittenberger’s _Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae_, No. 56
(vol. i. pp. 102 _sq._).

The rise of Sirius was carefully observed by the islanders of Ceos,
in the Aegean. They watched for it with arms in their hands and
sacrificed on the mountains to the star, drawing from its aspect
omens of the salubrity or unhealthiness of the coming year. The
sacrifice was believed to secure the advent of the cool North winds
(the Etesian winds as the Greeks call them), which regularly begin
to blow about this time of the year, and mitigate the oppressive
heat of summer in the Aegean. See Apollonius Rhodius, _Argon._ ii.
516-527, with the notes of the Scholiast on vv. 498, 526;
Theophrastus, _De ventis_, ii. 14; Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._
vi. 3. 29, p. 753, ed. Potter; Nonnus, _Dionys._ v. 269-279;
Hyginus, _Astronomica_, ii. 4; Cicero, _De divinatione_, i. 57. 130;
M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 6-8; C.
Neumann und J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_
(Breslau, 1885), pp. 96 _sqq._ On the top of Mount Pelion in
Thessaly there was a sanctuary of Zeus, where sacrifices were
offered at the rising of Sirius, in the height of the summer, by men
of rank, who were chosen by the priest and wore fresh sheep-skins.
See [Dicaearchus,] “Descriptio Graeciae,” _Geographi Graeci
Minores_, ed. C. Müller, i. 107; _Historicorum Graecorum Fragmenta_,
ed. C. Müller, ii. 262.

71 Above, pp. 24 _sq._

72 We know from Censorinus (_De die natali_, xxi. 10) that the first of
Thoth coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius on July 20
(Julian calendar) in the year 139 A.D. Hence reckoning backwards by
Sothic periods of 1460 solar years we may infer that Sirius rose on
July 20th (Julian calendar) in the years 1321 B.C., 2781 B.C., and
4241 B.C.; and accordingly that the civil or vague Egyptian year of
365 days was instituted in one of these years. In favour of
supposing that it was instituted either in 2781 B.C. or 4241 B.C.,
it may be said that in both these years the rising of Sirius nearly
coincided with the summer solstice and the rising of the Nile;
whereas in the year 1321 B.C. the summer solstice, and with it the
rising of the Nile, fell nineteen days before the rising of Sirius
and the first of Thoth. Now when we consider the close causal
connexion which the Egyptians traced between the rising of Sirius
and the rising of the Nile, it seems probable that they started the
new calendar on the first of Thoth in a year in which the two
natural phenomena coincided rather than in one in which they
diverged from each other by nineteen days. Prof. Ed. Meyer decides
in favour of the year 4241 B.C. as the date of the introduction of
the Egyptian calendar on the ground that the calendar was already
well known in the Old Kingdom. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 125
_sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 192 _sqq._; Ed. Meyer,
“Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” _Abhandlungen der königl.
Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften_, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11
_sq._; _id._, _Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. pp. 28 _sqq._, 98
_sqq._ When the fixed Alexandrian year was introduced in 30 B.C.
(see above, pp. 27 _sq._) the first of Thoth fell on August 29,
which accordingly was thenceforth reckoned the first day of the year
in the Alexandrian calendar. See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 153 _sqq._
The period of 1460 solar or 1461 movable Egyptian years was
variously called a Sothic period (Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ i.
21. 136, p. 401 ed. Potter), a Canicular year (from _Canicula_, “the
Dog-star,” that is, Sirius), a heliacal year, and a year of God
(Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 10). But there is no evidence
or probability that the period was recognized by the Egyptian
astronomers who instituted the movable year of 365 days. Rather, as
Ideler pointed out (_op. cit._ i. 132), it must have been a later
discovery based on continued observations of the heliacal rising of
Sirius and of its gradual displacement through the whole length of
the official calendar. Brugsch, indeed, went so far as to suppose
that the period was a discovery of astronomers of the second century
A.D., to which they were led by the coincidence of the first of
Thoth with the heliacal rising of Sirius in 139 A.D. (_Die
Ägyptologie_, p. 357). But the discovery, based as it is on a very
simple calculation (365 × 4 = 1460), could hardly fail to be made as
soon as astronomers estimated the length of the solar year at 365-¼
days, and that they did so at least as early as 238 B.C. is proved
conclusively by the Canopic decree. See above, pp. 25 _sq._, 27. As
to the Sothic period see further R. Lepsius, _Die Chronologie der
Aegypter_, i. 165 _sqq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i. 187 _sqq._

For the convenience of the reader I subjoin a table of the Egyptian
months, with their dates, as these fell, (1) in a year when the
first of Thoth coincided with July 20 of the Julian calendar, and
(2) in the fixed Alexandrian year.

Egyptian Months, Sothic Year beginning July 20, Alexandrian Year.
1 Thoth, 20 July, 29 August
1 Phaophi, 19 August, 28 September
1 Atbyr, 18 September, 28 October
1 Khoiak, 18 October, 27 November
1 Tybi, 17 November, 27 December
1 Mechir, 17 December, 26 January
1 Phamenoth, 16 January, 25 February
1 Pharmuthi, 15 February, 27 March
1 Pachon, 17 March, 26 April
1 Payni, 16 April, 26 May
1 Epiphi, 16 May, 25 June
1 Mesori, 15 June, 25 July
1 Supplementary, 15 July, 24 August

See L. Ideler, _op. cit._ i. 143 _sq._; F. K. Ginzel, _op. cit._ i.
200.

73 The Canopic decree (above, p. 27) suffices to prove that the
Egyptian astronomers, long before Caesar’s time, were well
acquainted with the approximately exact length of the solar year,
although they did not use their knowledge to correct the calendar
except for a short time in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes. With
regard to Caesar’s debt to the Egyptian astronomers see Dio Cassius,
xliii. 26; Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 14. 3, i. 16. 39; L. Ideler,
_Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 166
_sqq._

M30 Ceremonies observed in Egypt at the cutting of the dams early in
August. The Bride of the Nile. Sacrifices offered by savages at the
cutting of dams.

74 E. W. Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (Paisley
and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 499 _sq._

75 Bruno Gutmann, “Feldbausitten und Wachstumsbräuche der Wadschagga,”
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xlv. (1913) pp. 484 _sq._

76 Hon. K. R. Dundas, “Notes on the tribes inhabiting the Baringo
District, East Africa Protectorate,” _Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute_, xl. (1910) p. 54.

M31 Modern Egyptian ceremony at the cutting of the dams.

77 E. W. Lane, _op. cit._ pp. 500-504; Sir Auckland Colvin, _The Making
of Modern Egypt_ (London, 1906), pp. 278 _sq._ According to the
latter writer, a dressed dummy was thrown into the river at each
cutting of the dam.

78 Seneca, _Naturales Quaestiones_, iv. 2. 7. The cutting of the dams
is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 3), and the festival on
that occasion (τὰ καταχυτήρια) is noticed by Eudoxus (or one of his
pupils) in a passage which has already been quoted. See above, p.
35, note 2.

79 Sir Auckland Colvin, _l.c._

M32 The sowing of the seed in November. Plutarch on the mournful
character of the rites of sowing. The sadness of autumn.

80 Τῆς Ἀχαίας. Plutarch derives the name from ἄχος, “pain,” “grief.”
But the etymology is uncertain. It has lately been proposed to
derive the epithet from ὀχή, “nourishment.” See M. P. Nilsson,
_Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), p. 326. As to the vaults
(μέγαρα) of Demeter see Pausanias, ix. 8. 1; Scholiast on Lucian,
_Dial. Meretr._ ii. pp. 275 _sq._, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906).

81 In antiquity the Pleiades set at dawn about the end of October or
early in November. See L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und
technischen Chronologie_, i. 242; Aug. Mommsen, _Chronologie_
(Leipsic, 1883), pp. 16, 27; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen
und Römer,” in Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft_, i.1 (Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 558, 585.

82 Τὰς παρουσίας τῶν ἀναγκαίων καί ἀποκρύψεις.

83 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69-71. With the sleep of the Phrygian
gods we may compare the sleep of Vishnu. The toils and anxieties of
the Indian farmer “are continuous, and his only period of
comparative rest is in the heavy rain time, when, as he says, the
god Vishnu goes to sleep, and does not wake till October is well
advanced and the time has come to begin cutting and crushing the
sugar-cane and boiling down the juice” (W. Crooke, _Natives of
Northern India_, London, 1907, p. 159).

M33 Plutarch’s view that the worship of the fruits of the earth sprang
from a verbal misunderstanding.

84 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 77.

M34 His theory is an inversion of the truth: for fetishism is the
antecedent, not the corruption, of theism. Lamentations of the
savage for the animals and plants which he kills and eats.
M35 Respect shown by savages for the fruits and the animals which they
eat.

_ 85 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 204 _sqq._

86 C. Hill Tout, “Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlum Indians of
British Columbia,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv.
(1905) pp. 140 _sq._

M36 Thus the lamentations of the sower become intelligible.

87 Psalm cxxvi. 5 _sq._ Firmicus Maternus asks the Egyptians (_De
errore profanarum religionum_, ii. 7), “_Cur plangitis fruges terrae
et crescentia lugetis semina?_”

M37 Lamentations of the Egyptian corn-reapers.

88 As to the Egyptian modes of reaping and threshing see Sir J.
Gardiner Wilkinson, _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_
(London, 1878), ii. 419 _sqq._; A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches
Leben im Altertum_, pp. 572 _sqq._

89 Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.

90 Herodotus, ii. 79; Julius Pollux, iv. 54; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7;
Athenaeus, xiv. 11 _sq._, pp. 618-620. As to these songs see
_Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 214 _sqq._

91 H. Brugsch, _Adonisklage und Linoslied_ (Berlin, 1852), p. 24,
corrected by A. Wiedemann, _Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 336. As to
the lamentations for Osiris see above, p. 12.

M38 Similar ceremonies observed by the Cherokee Indians in the
cultivation of the corn. The Old Woman of the corn and the laments
for her death.

92 J. Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), pp. 423 _sq._ I do
not know what precisely the writer means by “the last working of the
crop” and “the first working of the corn.”

_ 93 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 180 _sqq._

94 A. C. Hollis, _The Nandi_ (Oxford, 1909), p. 46.

M39 Lamentations of Indians at cutting sacred wood.

95 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 25.

M40 Arab ceremony of burying “the old man” at harvest.

96 A. Jaussen, “Coutumes Arabes,” _Revue Biblique_, 1er avril 1903, p.
258; _id._, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris 1908), pp.
252 _sq._

M41 With the adoption of the Alexandrian year in 30 B.C. the Egyptian
festivals ceased to rotate through the natural year.

97 Thus with regard to the Egyptian month of Athyr he tells us that the
sun was then in the sign of the Scorpion (_Isis et Osiris_, 13),
that Athyr corresponded to the Athenian month Pyanepsion and the
Boeotian month Damatrius (_op. cit._ 69), that it was the month of
sowing (_ib._), that in it the Nile sank, the earth was laid bare by
the retreat of the inundation, the leaves fell, and the nights grew
longer than the days (_op. cit._ 39). These indications agree on the
whole with the date of Athyr in the Alexandrian calendar, namely
October 28-November 26. Again, he says (_op. cit._ 43) that the
festival of the beginning of spring was held at the new moon of the
month Phamenoth, which, in the Alexandrian calendar, corresponded to
February 24-March 26. Further, he tells us that a festival was
celebrated on the 23rd of Phaophi after the autumn equinox (_op.
cit._ 52), and in the Alexandrian calendar Phaophi began on
September 28, a few days after the autumn equinox. Once more, he
observes that another festival was held after the spring equinox
(_op. cit._ 65), which implies the use of a fixed solar year. See G.
Parthey in his edition of Plutarch’s _Isis et Osiris_ (Berlin,
1850), pp. 165-169.

98 H. Brugsch, _Die Ägyptologie_, p. 355.

M42 The sufferings of Osiris displayed as a mystery at Sais. The
illumination of houses throughout Egypt on the night of the festival
suggests that the rite was a Feast of All Souls.

99 Herodotus, ii. 170.

100 Herodotus, ii. 129-132.

101 Herodotus, ii. 41, with Prof. A. Wiedemann’s note (_Herodots zweites
Buch_, pp. 187 _sqq._); Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 4; Aelian, _De
natura animalium_, x. 27; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 19 and 39.
According to Prof. Wiedemann “the Egyptian name of the cow of Isis
was _ḥes-t_, and this is one of the rare cases in which the name of
the sacred animal agrees with that of the deity.” _Hest_ was the
usual Egyptian form of the name which the Greeks and Romans
represented as Isis. See R. V. Lanzone, _Dizionario di Mitologia
Egizia_, pp. 813 _sqq._

102 In this form she is represented on a relief at Philae pouring a
libation in honour of the soul of Osiris. See E. A. Wallis Budge,
_Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, i. 8. She is similarly
portrayed in a bronze statuette, which is now in the Louvre. See G.
Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art dans l’Antiquité_, i.
(Paris, 1882) p. 60, fig. 40.

103 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 52. The interpretation is accepted by
Prof. A. Wiedemann (_Herodots zweites Buch_, p. 482).

104 Herodotus, ii. 62. In one of the Hibeh papyri (No. 27, lines
165-167) mention is made of the festival and of the lights which
were burned throughout the district. See _The Hibeh Papyri_, part
i., ed. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), p. 149
(pointed out to me by Mr. W. Wyse). In the papyrus the festival is
said to have been held in honour of Athena (_i.e._ Neith), the great
goddess of Sais, who was there identified with Isis. See A.
Wiedemann, _Die Religion der alten Ägypter_, pp. 77 _sq._; _id._,
_Religion of the Ancient Egyptians_, pp. 140 _sq._

105 In the period of the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians of Siut used to
light lamps for the dead on the last day and the first day of the
year. See A. Erman, “Zehn Vorträge aus dem mittleren Reich,”
_Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde_, xx. (1882)
p. 164; _id._, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp.
434 _sq._

M43 Annual festival of the dead among the Esquimaux. The lighting of the
lamps for the dead. Annual festivals of the dead among the Indians
of California. Annual festivals of the dead among the Choctaws and
Pueblo Indians.

106 E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp.
363 _sqq._

107 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 328, 355,
356, 384.

108 Kostromitonow, “Bemerkungen über die Indianer in Ober-Kalifornien,”
in K. F. v. Baer and Gr. v. Helmersen’s _Beiträge zur Kenntniss des
russischen Reiches_, i. (St. Petersburg, 1839) pp. 88 _sq._ The
natives of the western islands of Torres Straits used to hold a
great death-dance at which disguised men personated the ghosts of
the lately deceased, mimicking their characteristic gait and
gestures. Women and children were supposed to take these mummers for
real ghosts. See A. C. Haddon, in _Reports of the Cambridge
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904)
pp. 252-256; _The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the
Dead_, i. 176 _sqq._

109 S. Powers, _Tribes of California_, pp. 437 _sq._

110 Bossu, _Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales_ (Paris, 1768), ii.
95 _sq._

111 T. G. S. Ten Broeck, in H. R. Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes of the
United States_ (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 78. The Pueblo village
to which the writer particularly refers is Laguna.

M44 Annual festival of the dead among the Miztecs of Mexico.

112 Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique
et de l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 23 _sq._; H. H.
Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876),
ii. 623. Similar customs are still practised by the Indians of a
great part of Mexico and Central America (Brasseur de Bourbourg,
_op. cit._ iii. 24, note 1).

113 “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan àson évêque,” _Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 179.

M45 Annual festival of the dead in Sumba.

114 S. Roos, “Bijdrage tot de kennis van taal, land en volk op het
eiland Soemba,” _Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 63-65.

M46 Annual festival of the dead in Kiriwina. Festival of the dead among
the Sea Dyaks of Borneo.

115 Rev. S. B. Fellows, quoted by George Brown, D.D., _Melanesians and
Polynesians_ (London, 1910), p. 237.

116 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_
(London, 1911), pp. 216-218. For another and briefer account of this
festival see _The Scapegoat_, p. 154.

M47 Annual festival of the dead among the Nagas of Manipur.

117 Rev. Wm. Pettigrew, “Kathi Kasham, the ‘Soul Departure’ feast as
practised by the Tangkkul Nagas, Manipur, Assam,” _Journal and
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, N.S. vol. v. 1909
(Calcutta, 1910), pp. 37-46; T. C. Hodson, _The Naga Tribes of
Manipur_ (London, 1911), pp. 153-158.

M48 Annual festival of the dead among the Oraons of Bengal.

118 Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,” _Memoirs
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906),
p. 136. Compare Rev. F. Hahn, “Some Notes on the Religion and
Superstition of the Orāōs,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal_, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) pp. 12 _sq._ According to
the latter writer the pots containing the relics of the dead are
buried, not in the sand of the river, but in a pit, generally
covered with huge stones, which is dug for the purpose in some field
or grove.

M49 Annual festival of the dead in Bilaspore.

119 E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 18. According
to Mr. W. Crooke, the Hindoo Feast of Lamps (_Diwálî_) seems to have
been based on “the idea that on this night the spirits of the dead
revisit their homes, which are cleaned and lighted for their
reception.” See W. Crooke, _The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of
Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 295 _sq._

M50 Annual festival of the dead among the Bghais and Hkamies.

120 Rev. F. Mason, D.D., “Physical Character of the Karens,” _Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, 1866, Part ii. pp. 29 _sq._ Lights
are not mentioned by the writer, but the festival being nocturnal we
may assume that they are used for the convenience of the living as
well as of the dead. In other respects the ceremonies are typical.

121 R. F. St. Andrew St. John, “A Short Account of the Hill Tribes of
North Aracan,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, ii.
(1873) p. 238. At this festival the dead are apparently not supposed
to return to the houses.

M51 Annual festival of the dead in Cambodia.

122 E. Aymonier, _Notice sur le Cambodge_ (Paris, 1875), p. 59; A.
Leclère, _Le Buddhisme au Cambodge_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 374-376. The
departure of the souls is described only by the latter writer.
Compare E. Aymonier, “Notes sur les coutumes et croyances
superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,” _Cochinchine Française, Excursions
et Reconnaissances_, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 205 _sq._

123 Mariny, _Relation nouvelle et curieuse des royaumes de Tunquin et de
Lao_ (Paris, 1666), pp. 251-253.

M52 Annual festival of the dead in Annam.

124 Le R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So’n,”
_Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient_, ii. (Hanoi, 1902)
pp. 376-379; P. d’Enjoy, “Du droit successoral en Annam,” etc.,
_Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris_, Ve Série, iv.
(1903) pp. 500-502; E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp.
372-375.

M53 Annual festival of friendless ghosts in Annam.

125 E. Diguet, _Les Annamites_ (Paris, 1906), pp. 254 _sq._; Paul Giran,
_Magie et Religion Annamites_ (Paris, 1912), pp. 258 _sq._ According
to the latter writer the offerings to the vagrant souls are made on
the first and last days of the month, while sacrifices of a more
domestic character are performed on the fifteenth.

M54 Annual festivals of the dead in Cochinchina, Siam and Japan.

126 L. E. Louvet, _La Cochinchine religieuse_ (Paris, 1885), pp.
149-151.

_ 127 The Scapegoat_, pp. 149 _sqq._

M55 Annual festivals of the dead among the Chewsurs and Armenians.

128 C. v. Hahn, “Religiöse Anschauungen und Totengedächtnisfeier der
Chewsuren,” _Globus_, lxxvi. (1899) pp. 211 _sq._

129 M. Abeghian, _Der armenische Volksglaube_ (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 23
_sq._

M56 Annual festivals of the dead in Africa.

130 Fred. E. Forbes, _Dahomey and the Dahomans_ (London, 1851), ii. 73.
Compare John Duncan, _Travels in Western Africa_ (London, 1847), i.
125 _sq._; A. B. Ellis, _The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave
Coast_ (London, 1890), p. 108. The Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold
Coast and Ashantee celebrate an annual festival of eight days in
honour of the dead. It falls towards the end of August. The
offerings are presented to the departed at their graves. See A. B.
Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_ (London, 1887),
pp. 227 _sq._; E. Perregaux, _Chez les Achanti_ (Neuchâtel, 1908),
pp. 136, 138. According to the latter writer the festival is
celebrated at the time of the yam harvest.

131 W. Munzinger, _Ostafrikanische Studien_ (Schaffhausen, 1864), p.
473.

_ 132 The Scapegoat_, pp. 136 _sq._

M57 Annual festivals of the dead among peoples of the Aryan stock.
Annual festival of the dead (the Fravashis) among the old Iranians.
Annual festival of the dead among the Persians.

133 On the worship of the dead, and especially of ancestors, among Aryan
peoples, see W. Caland, _Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der
indo-germanischen Völker_ (Amsterdam, 1888); O. Schrader,
_Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901),
pp. 21 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._ “Aryan Religion,” in Dr. J. Hastings’s
_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 16
_sqq._

134 As to the Iranian calendar see W. Geiger, _Altiranische Kultur im
Altertum_ (Erlangen, 1882), pp. 314 _sqq._; as to the Iranian
worship of the sainted dead (the Fravashis) see _id._ pp. 286 _sqq._
As to the annual festival of the dead (Hamaspathmaedaya) see W.
Caland, _Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen
Völker_ (Amsterdam, 1888), pp. 64 _sq._; N. Söderblom, _Les
Fravashis_ (Paris, 1899), pp. 4 _sqq._; J. H. Moulton, _Early
Zoroastrianism_ (London, 1913), pp. 256 _sqq._ All these writers
agree that the Fravashis of the _Zend-Avesta_ were originally the
souls of the dead. See also James Darmesteter, _Zend-Avesta_, Part
ii. (Oxford, 1883) p. 179: “The Fravashi is the inner power in every
being that maintains it and makes it grow and subsist. Originally
the Fravashis were the same as the _Pitris_ of the Hindus or the
_Manes_ of the Latins, that is to say, the everlasting and deified
souls of the dead; but in course of time they gained a wider domain,
and not only men, but gods and even physical objects, like the sky
and the earth, etc., had each a Fravashi.” Compare _id._, _Ormazd et
Ahriman_ (Paris, 1877), pp. 130 _sqq._; N. Söderblom, _La Vie Future
d’après Le Mazdéisme_ (Paris, 1901), pp. 7 _sqq._ A different view
of the original nature of the Fravashis was taken by C. P. Tiele,
according to whom they were essentially guardian spirits. See C. P.
Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Altertum_ (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii.
256 _sqq._

_ 135 The Zend-Avesta_, translated by James Darmesteter, Part ii.
(Oxford, 1883) pp. 192 _sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
xxiii.).

136 Albiruni, _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_, translated and edited
by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p. 210. In the _Dinkard_, a
Pahlavi work which seems to have been composed in the first half of
the ninth century A.D., the festival is spoken of as “those ten days
which are the end of the winter and termination of the year, because
the five Gathic days, among them, are for that purpose.” By “the
five Gathic days” the writer means the five supplementary days added
at the end of the twelfth month to complete the year of 365 days.
See _Pahlavi Texts_ translated by E. W. West, Part iv. (Oxford,
1892) p. 17 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxxvii.).

M58 Feast of All Souls in Brittany and other parts of France.

137 A. le Braz, _La Légende de la Morten Basse-Bretagne_ (Paris, 1893),
pp. 280-287. Compare J. Lecœur, _Esquisses du Bocage Normand_
(Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 283 _sqq._

138 L. F. Sauvé, _Le folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), pp. 295
_sq._

139 J. L. M. Noguès, _Les mœurs d’autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis_
(Saintes, 1891), p. 76. As to the observance of All Souls’ Day in
other parts of France see A. Meyrac, _Traditions, coutumes, légendes
et contes des Ardennes_ (Charleville, 1890), pp. 22-24; Ch.
Beauquier, _Les mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), pp. 123-125.

M59 Feast of All Souls in Belgium.

140 Above, p. 52.

141 W. Crooke, _The Natives of Northern India_ (London, 1907), p. 219.

142 Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Calendrier Belge_ (Brussels, 1861-1862), ii.
236-240; _id._, _Das festliche Jahr_ (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 229 _sq._

M60 Feast of All Souls in Lechrain.

143 Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855),
pp. 198-200.

M61 Soul-cakes and All Souls’ Day in Southern Germany.

144 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Das festliche Jahr_
(Leipsic, 1863), p. 330. As to these cakes (called “souls”) in
Swabia see E. Meyer, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus
Schwaben_ (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 452, § 174; Anton Birlinger,
_Volksthümliches aus Schwaben_ (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862),
ii. 167 _sq._ The cakes are baked of white flour, and are of a
longish rounded shape with two small tips at each end.

145 Adalbert Kuhn, _Mythologische Studien_, ii. (Gütersloh, 1912) pp. 41
_sq._, citing F. Schönwerth, _Aus der Oberpfalz_, i. 283.

M62 Feast of All Souls in Bohemia.

146 O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_
(Prague, N.D.), pp. 493-495.

147 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_
(Prague, 1905), p. 97.

M63 Feast of All Souls in Moravia.

148 Willibald Müller, _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_
(Vienna and Olmütz, 1893), p. 330.

M64 Feast of All Souls in the Tyrol and Baden.