Chapter XII: Mother-Kin and Mother Goddesses (11)

532 The Lycians traced their descent through women, not through men; and
among them it was the daughters, not the sons, who inherited the
family property. See Herodotus, i. 174; Nicolaus Damascenus, in
Stobaeus, _Florilegium_, xliv. 41 (_Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum_, ed. C. Müller, iii. 461); Plutarch, _De mulierum
virtutibus_, 9. An ancient historian even asserts that the Lycians
were ruled by women (ἐκ παλαιοῦ γυναικοκρατοῦνται, Heraclides
Ponticus, Frag. 15, in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. C.
Müller, ii. 217). Inscriptions found at Dalisandos, in Isauria, seem
to prove that it was not unusual there to trace descent through the
mother even in the third or the fourth century after Christ. See Sir
W. M. Ramsay, “The Permanence of Religion at Holy Places in the
East,” _The Expositor_, November 1906, p. 475. Dr. L. Messerschmidt
seems to think that the Lycians were Hittites (_The Hittites_, p.
20). Scholars are not agreed as to the family of speech to which the
Lycian language belongs. Some think that it was an Indo-European
tongue; but this view is now abandoned by Professor Ed. Meyer
(_Geschichte des Altertums_,2 i. 2. p. 626).

533 W. Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_2 (London,
1903), p. 306. The hypothesis of the former existence of mother-kin
among the Semites is rejected by Professor Ed. Meyer (_Geschichte
des Altertums_,2 i. 2, p. 360) and W. W. Graf Baudissin (_Adonis und
Esmun_, pp. 46 _sq._).

M185 Mother-kin in ancient Egypt.

534 Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 1 _sq._ In spite of this express testimony
to the existence of a true gynaecocracy in ancient Egypt, I am of
opinion that the alleged superiority of the queen to the king and of
the wife to her husband must have been to a great extent only
nominal. Certainly we know that it was the king and not the queen
who really governed the country; and we can hardly doubt that in
like manner it was for the most part the husband and not the wife
who really ruled the house, though unquestionably in regard to
property the law seems to have granted important rights to women
which it denied to men. On the position of women in ancient Egypt
see especially the able article of Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs.
Wedd), “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,
xviii. (1898) pp. 238-256.

535 Herodotus, ii. 35.

M186 Marriages of brothers with sisters in ancient Egypt.

536 Sir Gaston Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, _op. cit._ p. 244.

537 J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit_
(Leipzic, 1903), p. 12.

538 A. Erman, _Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum_, pp. 221
_sq._; U. Wilcken, “Arsinoitische Steuerprofessionen aus dem Jahre
189 n. Chr.,” _Sitzungsberichte der könig. Preuss. Akademie der
Wissenschaften zu Berlin_, 1883, p. 903; J. Nietzold, _Die Ehe in
Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit_, pp. 12-14.

M187 Such marriages were based on a wish to keep the property in the
family.

539 J. F. McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_ (London, 1886), pp. 101
_sqq._ Among the Kocchs of North-Eastern India “the property of the
husband is made over to the wife; when she dies it goes to her
daughters, and when he marries he lives with his wife’s mother” (R.
G. Latham, _Descriptive Ethnology_, London, 1859, i. 96).

540 This is in substance the explanation which Miss Rachel Evelyn White
(Mrs. Wedd) gives of the Egyptian custom. See her paper, “Women in
Ptolemaic Egypt,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898) p.
265. Similarly Mr. J. Nietzold observes that “economical
considerations, especially in the case of great landowners, may
often have been the occasion of marriages with sisters, the
intention being in this way to avoid a division of the property”
(_Die Ehe in Ägypten_, p. 13). The same explanation of the custom
has been given by Prof. W. Ridgeway. See his “Supplices of
Aeschylus,” in _Praelections delivered before the Senate of the
University of Cambridge_ (Cambridge, 1906), pp. 154 _sq._ I
understand from Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie that the theory has
been a commonplace with Egyptologists for many years. McLennan
explained the marriage of brothers and sisters in royal families as
an expedient for shifting the succession from the female to the male
line; but he did not extend the theory so as to explain similar
marriages among common people in Egypt, perhaps because he was not
aware of the facts. See J. F. McLennan, _The Patriarchal Theory_,
edited and completed by D. McLennan (London, 1885), p. 95.

M188 Thus the traditional marriage of Osiris with his sister Isis
reflected a real social custom. The passing of the old world in
Egypt.

541 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, i. 18 (Migne’s _Patrologia
Graeca_, lxvii. 121). The learned Valesius, in his note on this
passage, informs us that the cubit was again transferred by the
Emperor Julian to the Serapeum, where it was left in peace till the
destruction of that temple.

542 Athanasius, _Oratio contra Gentes_, 10 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_,
xxv. 24).

543 Socrates, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, v. 16 _sq._ (Migne’s _Patrologia
Graeca_, lxvii. 604 _sq._); Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_,
vii. 15 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, lxvii. 1152 _sq._). These
events took place under the Emperor Theodosius in the year 391 A.D.

M189 Egyptian conservatism partly an effect of natural conditions and habits of life. M190 The old type of Osiris better preserved than those of Adonis and Attis. M191 Moloch perhaps the human king regarded as an incarnate deity.

544 See above, vol. i. pp. 17 sqq.

_ 545 The Dying God_, pp. 168 _sqq._; G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia
Biblica_, _s.v._ “Molech.” The phrase translated “make pass through
the fire to Molech” (2 Kings xxiii. 10) means properly, Professor
Kennett tells me, “make to pass over by means of fire to Molech,”
where the verb has the sense of “make over to,” “dedicate,”
“devote,” as appears from its use in Exodus xiii. 12 (“set apart,”
English Version) and Ezekiel xx. 26. That the children were not made
simply to pass through the fire, but were burned in it, is shown by
a comparison of 2 Kings xvi. 3, xxiii. 10, Jeremiah xxxii. 35, with
2 Chronicles xxviii. 3, Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5. As to the use of
the verb העכיר in the sense of “dedicate,” “devote,” see G. F.
Moore, _s.v._ “Molech,” _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184; F.
Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, _Hebrew and English Lexicon
of the Old Testament_ (Oxford, 1906), p. 718. “The testimony of both
the prophets and the laws is abundant and unambiguous that the
victims were slain and burnt as a holocaust” (G. F. Moore, in
_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3184). Similarly Principal J. Skinner
translates the phrase in 2 Kings xvi. 3 by “dedicated his son by
fire,” and remarks that the expression, “whatever its primary sense
may be, undoubtedly denoted actual burning” (commentary on Kings in
_The Century Bible_). The practice would seem to have been very
ancient at Jerusalem, for tradition placed the attempted
burnt-sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham on Mount Moriah,
which was no other than Mount Zion, the site of the king’s palace
and of the temple of Jehovah. See Genesis xxii. 1-18; 2 Chronicles
iii. 1; J. Benzinger, _Hebräische Archäologie_ (Freiburg i. Baden
and Leipsic, 1894), pp. 45, 233; T. K. Cheyne, _s.v._ “Moriah,”
_Encyclopaedia Biblica_, iii. 3200 _sq._

546 Leviticus xviii. 21, xx. 2-5; 1 Kings xi. 7; 2 Kings xxiii. 10;
Jeremiah xxxii. 35.

547 W. Robertson Smith, _The Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, note 1.

548 “It is plain, from various passages of the prophets, that the
sacrifices of children among the Jews before the captivity, which
are commonly known as sacrifices to Moloch, were regarded by the
worshippers as oblations to Jehovah, under the title of king” (W.
Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,2 p. 372, referring to
Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35; Ezekiel xxiii. 39; Micah vi.
7). The same view is taken by Prof. G. F. Moore, in _Encyclopaedia
Biblica_, _s.v._ “Molech,” vol. iii. 3187 _sq._

M192 The sacrifices to Moloch may have been intended to prolong the
king’s life. Vicarious sacrifices for a king or queen in Sweden,
Persia, and Madagascar.

_ 549 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 366 _sq._

550 “Ynglinga Saga,” 29, in _The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the Kings
of Norway_, translated by S. Laing (London, 1844), i. 239 _sq._; H.
M. Chadwick, _The Cult of Othin_ (London, 1899), pp. 4, 27; _The
Dying God_, pp. 160 _sq._ Similarly in Peru, when a person of note
was sick, he would sometimes sacrifice his son to the idol in order
that his own life might be spared. See A. de Herrera, _The General
History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America_, translated by
Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 347 _sq._

551 Micah vi. 6-8.

552 Herodotus, vii. 114; Plutarch, _De superstitione_, 13.

553 W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 344 _sq._

M193 Other sacrifices for prolonging the king’s life appear to be magical
rather than religious. Custom in the Niger delta.

554 Major A. G. Leonard, _The Lower Niger and its Tribes_ (London,
1906), p. 457.

M194 Customs observed by the Zulus and Caffres to prolong the king’s
life.

555 D. Leslie, _Among the Zulus and Amatongas_2 (Edinburgh, 1875), p.
91. This sacrifice may be the one described by J. Shooter, _The
Kafirs of Natal_ (London, 1857), p. 26. The reason for not stabbing
the animal is perhaps a wish not to lose any of the blood, but to
convey its life intact to the king. The same reason would explain
the same rule which the Baganda observed in killing a human victim
for the same purpose (see below, p. 224).

556 J. Dos Santos, _Eastern Ethiopia_, bk. ii. chap. 16 (G. M’Call
Theal’s _Records of South-Eastern Africa_, vii. 289).

M195 Customs observed by the Baganda to prolong the king’s life. Human
victims killed in order to invigorate the king.

557 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), pp. 27 _sq._

558 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, p. 200.

559 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 209 _sq._

M196 Chief’s son killed to provide the king with anklets.

560 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 210 _sq._

M197 The king’s game.

561 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_, pp. 211 _sq._ I have abridged the
account of the ceremonies.

M198 The whip of human skin.

562 Rev. J. Roscoe, _op. cit._ pp. 213 _sq._

M199 Modes in which the strength of the human victims was thought to pass into the king. M200 Massacres perpetrated when a king of Uganda was ill.

563 From information furnished by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. Compare
his book, _The Baganda_, pp. 331 _sqq._

M201 Yet the sacrifices of children to Moloch may be otherwise explained.

564 See _The Dying God_, pp. 166 _sqq._

M202 Theory that the resignation of the widowed Flamen Dialis was caused
by the pollution of death.

565 See above, vol. i. p. 45.

_ 566 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689.

567 Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 53.

568 G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp.
725 _sqq._, Nos. 877, 878.

569 G. Dittenberger, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 429 _sq._, No. 633.

_ 570 Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum_, ed. Aug. Boeckh, etc. (Berlin,
1828-1877), vol. ii. pp. 481 _sqq._, No. 2715, οὔσης ἐξουσίας το[ῖς
παισίν, ἐά]ν τινες αὐτῶν μὴ ὦσιν ὑγιεῖς ἤ πένθει οἰκείῳ κατέχωνται,
where I understand ἐξουσία to mean “leave of absence.”

M203 Apparent parallel among the Todas.

571 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), pp. 99 _sq._

572 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 24.

M204 But on inspection the analogy breaks down.

573 Aulus Gellius, _l.c._: “_funus tamen exequi non est religio._”

574 Gaius, _Instit._ i. 112, “_quod jus etiam nostris temporibus in usu
est: nam flamines majores, id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales,
item reges sacrorum, nisi_ (qui) _ex farreatis nati_ sunt _non
leguntur: ac ne ipsi quidem sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere
possunt_”; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 103, “_quae res ad
farreatas nuptias pertinet, quibus flaminem et flaminicam jure
pontificio in matrimonium necesse est convenire_.” For a fuller
description of the rite see Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv. 374. From
the testimony of Gaius it appears that not only the Flamen Dialis
but all the other principal Flamens were bound to be married.
However, the text of Gaius in this passage is somewhat uncertain. I
have quoted it from P. E. Huschke’s third edition (Leipsic, 1878).

575 W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_, p. 99. According to an old account,
there was an important exception to the rule, but Dr. Rivers was not
able to verify it; he understood that during the tenure of his
office the dairyman is really celibate.

576 Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 23, “_Matrimonium flaminis nisi morte dirimi
jus non est_”; Festus, p. 89, ed. C. O. Müller, _s.v._ “Flammeo”;
Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. Plutarch mentions as an illegal
exception that in his own time the Emperor Domitian allowed a Flamen
to divorce his wife, but the ceremony of the divorce was attended by
“many awful, strange, and gloomy rites” performed by the priests.

577 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50. That the wives of Roman priests
aided their husbands in the performance of sacred rites is mentioned
by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who attributes the institution of
these joint priesthoods to Romulus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).

578 The epithet Dialis, which was applied to the Flaminica as well as to
the Flamen (Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 26; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ iv.
137), would of itself prove that husband and wife served the same
god or pair of gods; and while the word was doubtfully derived by
Varro from Jove (_De lingua Latina_, v. 84), we are expressly told
that the Flamen was the priest and the Flaminica the priestess of
that god (Plutarch, _Quaest. Rom._ 109; Festus, p. 92, ed. C. O.
Müller, _s.v._ “Flammeo”). There is therefore every reason to accept
the statement of Plutarch (_Quaest. Rom._ 86) that the Flaminica was
reputed to be sacred to Juno, the divine partner of Jupiter, in
spite of the objections raised by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (“Was the
Flaminica Dialis priestess of Juno?” _Classical Review_, ix. (1895)
pp. 474 _sqq._).

M205 Customs of the Kota and Jewish priests.

579 E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_ (Madras, 1909),
iv. 10.

580 Leviticus, xxi. 1-3; Ezekiel, xliv. 25.

M206 The theory that the Roman gods were celibate is contradicted by
Varro and Seneca.

_ 581 The Hibbert Journal_, iv. (1906) p. 932.

582 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 67, “_Quod Jovis Juno conjux et is
caelum._”

583 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, iv. 32, “_Dicit etiam [scil. Varro] de
generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad physicos fuisse
populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes deorum majores
suos, id est veteres credidisse Romanos et eorum constituisse
conjugia._”

584 Seneca, quoted by Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vi. 10, “_Quid quod
et matrimonia, inquit, deorum jungimus, et ne pie quidem, fratrum ac
sororum? Bellonam Marti conlocamus, Vulcano Venerem, Neptuno
Salaciam. Quosdam tamen caelibes relinquimus, quasi condicio
defecerit, praesertim cum quaedam viduae sint, ut Populonia vel
Fulgora et diva Rumina; quibus non miror petitorem defuisse._” In
this passage the marriage of Venus to Vulcan is probably Greek; all
the rest is pure Roman.

M207 The marriage of Orcus.

585 Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 344, “_Aliud est sacrum, aliud nuptias
Cereri celebrare, in quibus re vera vinum adhiberi nefas fuerat,
quae Orci nuptiae dicebantur, quas praesentia sua pontifices ingenti
solemnitate celebrabant._”

586 Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 344, and on _Aen._ iv. 58. As to the
prohibition of wine, compare Macrobius, _Saturn._ iii. 11. There
seems to be no doubt that Orcus was a genuine old Italian god of
death and the dead. See the evidence collected by R. Peter, _s.v._
“Orcus,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
Mythologie_, iii. 940 _sqq._, who says that “Orcus was obviously one
of those old Roman gods who occupied the thoughts of the people in
the most lively manner.” On the other hand, Prof. G. Wissowa
supposes that Orcus is merely a borrowed form of the Greek Horkos
(_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 p. 310). But Horkos was not a god
of death and the dead; he was simply a personified oath (ὅρκος; see
Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 804 Ὅρκον γεινόμενον, τὸν Ἔρις τέκε πῆμ᾽
ἐπιόρκοις), an abstract idea which makes no figure in Greek
mythology and religion. That such a rare and thin Greek abstraction
should through a gross misunderstanding be transformed into a highly
popular Roman god of death, who not only passed muster with the
people but was admitted by the pontiffs themselves to the national
pantheon and honoured by them with a solemn ritual, is in the last
degree improbable.

M208 Evidence of Aulus Gellius as to the marriage of the Roman gods.
Paternity and maternity of Roman deities.

587 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 1 _sq._, “_Conprecationes deum
inmortalium, quae ritu Romano fiunt, expositae sunt in libris
sacerdotum populi Romani et in plerisque antiquis orationibus. In
his scribtum est: Luam Saturni, Salaciam Neptuni, Horam Quirini,
Virites Quirini, Maiam Volcani, Heriem Junonis, Moles Martis
Nerienemque Martis._” As to this list see Mr. W. Warde Fowler,
_Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_ (London, 1899), pp.
60-62; _id._, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_
(London, 1911), pp. 150 _sqq._, 481 _sqq._ He holds (p. 485) that
the feminine names Salacia, etc., do not designate goddesses, the
wives of the gods, but that they “indicate functions or attributes
of the male deity to whom they are attached.”

588 Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 11-16.

589 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18, “_Cingius mensem [Maium] nominatum
putat a Maia, quam Vulcani dicit uxorem, argumentoque utitur quod
flamen Vulcanalis Kalendis Maiis huic deae rem divinam facit: sed
Piso uxorem Vulcani Majestam, non Maiam, dicit vocari._” The work of
Cincius (Cingius) is mentioned by Macrobius in the same chapter (§
12, “_Cingius in eo libro quem de fastis reliquit_”). As to the life
and writings of this old annalist and antiquary see M. Schanz,
_Geschichte der römischen Litteratur_,2 i. (Munich, 1898), p. 128;
G. Wissowa, Münzer, and Cichorius, _s.v._ “Cincius,” in
Pauly-Wissowa’s _Realencyclopädie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft_, iii. 2555 _sqq._ All these writers
distinguish the old annalist from the antiquary, whom they take to
have been a later writer of the same name. But the distinction
appears to be purely arbitrary and destitute of any ancient
authority.

590 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the preceding note.

591 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 18. See the passage cited above, p. 232,
note 3.

592 Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 72, “_Salacia Neptuni a salo_.” This
was probably one of the cases which Varro had in his mind when he
stated that the ancient Roman gods were married.

593 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 22, “_Jam utique habebat Salaciam
Neptunus uxorem_”; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ x. 76, “_Sane hanc
Veniliam quidam Salaciam accipiunt, Neptuni uxorem_.” As for
Seneca’s evidence see above, p. 231, note 3.

594 Nonius Marcellus, _De compendiosa doctrina_, p. 125, ed. L.
Quicherat (Paris, 1872), “_Hora juventutis dea. Ennius Annali[um]
lib. i. [Teque,] Quirine pater, veneror, Horamque Quirini._”

595 Livy, viii. 1. 6, xlv. 33. 2.

596 Festus, p. 186, ed. C. O. Müller, “_Opima spolia dicuntur originem
quidem trahentia ab Ope Saturni uxore_”; _id._, p. 187, “_Opis dicta
est conjux Saturni_”; Macrobius, _Saturnal._ i. 10. 19, “_Hanc autem
deam Opem Saturni conjugem crediderunt, et ideo hoc mense Saturnalia
itemque Opalia celebrari, quod Saturnus ejusque uxor tam frugum quam
fructuum repertores esse creduntur._” Varro couples Saturn and Ops
together (_De lingua Latina_, v. 57, “_Principes in Latio Saturnus
et Ops_”; compare _id._, v. 64), but without expressly affirming
them to be husband and wife. Professor G. Wissowa, however, argues
that the male partner (he would not say husband) of Ops was not
Saturn but Consus. See G. Wissowa, “_De feriis anni Romanorum
vetustissimi observationes selectae_,” reprinted in his _Gesammelte
Abhandlungen zur römischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte_ (Munich,
1904), pp. 156 _sqq._ His view is accepted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler
(_Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic_, p. 212; _The
Religious Experience of the Roman People_, p. 482).

597 Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ iv. 3, “_Itaque et Jupiter a
precantibus pater vocatur, et Saturnus, et Janus, et Liber, et
ceteri deinceps, quod Lucilius in deorum consilio irridet_:

_Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin aut pater optimus divum_
_ Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars,_
_ Janus, Quirinus pater nomen dicatur ad unum._”

Compare Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 5; Servius, on Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 4.
Roman goddesses who received the title of Mother were Vesta, Earth,
Ops, Matuta, and Lua. As to Mother Vesta see _The Magic Art and the
Evolution of Kings_, ii. 229; as to Mother Earth see H. Dessau,
_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3950-3955, 3960; as to Mother
Ops see Varro, _De lingua Latina_, v. 64; as to Mother Matuta see L.
Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 i. 322 _sqq._; G. Wissowa,
_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 110 _sqq._; _id._, _s.v._
“Mater Matuta,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
Mythologie_, ii. 2462 _sqq._ I cite these passages only to prove
that the Romans commonly applied the titles “father” and “mother” to
their deities. The inference that these titles implied paternity or
maternity is my own, but in the text I have given some reasons for
thinking that the Romans themselves accepted the implication. Mr. W.
Warde Fowler, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the titles
were employed in a merely figurative sense to “imply the dependence
of the human citizen upon his divine protector”; but he admits that
what exactly the Romans understood by _pater_ and _mater_ applied to
deities is not easy to determine (_The Religious Experience of the
Roman People_, pp. 155-157). He makes at the same time the important
observation that the Romans never, so far as he is aware, applied
the terms Father and Mother to foreign gods, but “always to _di
indigetes_, those on whom the original Roman stock looked as their
fellow-citizens and guardians.” The limitation is significant and
seems more naturally explicable on my hypothesis than on that of my
learned friend.

598 See _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, xiv. Nos. 2862, 2863; H.
Dessau, _Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, Nos. 3684, 3685; R. Peter,
_s.v._ “Fortuna,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griechischen und
römischen Mythologie_, i. 1542; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der
Römer_,2 p. 259. I have to thank my learned and candid friend Mr. W.
Warde Fowler for referring me to this good evidence of Jupiter’s
paternal character.

599 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 379.

600 The epithet _Inuus_ applied to Faunus was so understood by the
ancients, and this suffices to prove the conception they had of the
god’s virility, whether the etymology was right or wrong. See
Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vi. 775, “_Dicitur autem Inuus ab ineundo
passim cum omnibus animalibus._” As to the title see G. Wissowa,
_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 p. 211, who, however, rejects the
ancient etymology and the identification of Inuus with Faunus.

601 Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 21-24; Lactantius, _Divin. Instit._ i.
22; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 314; Plutarch, _Caesar_, 9;
_id._, _Quaest. Roman._ 20. According to Varro, the goddess was the
daughter of Faunus (Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 27); according to
Sextus Clodius she was his wife (Lactantius, _l.c._; compare
Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 18).

602 Livy, i. 4. 2; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 4; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
_Antiquit. Roman._ i. 77.

603 See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 195 _sq._

604 Plutarch, _Romulus_, 2. Plutarch’s authority was Promathion in his
history of Italy. See _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_,
ii. 196.

605 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 678.

_ 606 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 230 _sq._

M209 We must conclude that the Roman gods were thought to be married and
to beget children.

607 Such, for example, as the loves of Vertumnus for Pomona (Ovid,
_Metam._ xiv. 623 _sqq._), of Jupiter for Juturna (Ovid, _Fasti_,
ii. 585 _sqq._), and of Janus for Carna (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 101
_sqq._) and for Camasene (Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ viii. 330). The
water-nymph Juturna beloved by Jupiter is said to have been the
daughter of the river Vulturnus, the wife of Janus, and the mother
of Fontus (Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iii. 29). Janus in
particular would seem to have been the theme of many myths, and his
claim to be a genuine Italian god has never been disputed.

608 The marriage of the Roman gods has been denied by E. Aust (_Die
Religion der Römer_, Münster i. W. 1899, pp. 19 _sq._) and Professor
G. Wissowa (_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 26 _sq._), as well
as by Mr. W. Warde Fowler. On the other hand, the evidence for it
has been clearly and concisely stated by L. Preller, _Römische
Mythologie_,3 i. 55-57. It is with sincere diffidence that I venture
to differ on a point of Roman religion from the eminent scholars I
have named. But without for a moment pitting my superficial
acquaintance with Roman religion against their deep learning, I
cannot but think that the single positive testimony of Varro on a
matter about which he could scarcely be ignorant ought to outweigh
the opinion of any modern scholar, however learned and able.

M210 Rule of Greek and Roman ritual that certain offices could only be
held by boys whose parents were both alive.

_ 609 The Hibbert Journal_, April 1907, p. 689. Such a boy was called a
παῖς ἀμφιθαλής, “a boy blooming on both sides,” the metaphor being
drawn from a tree which sends out branches on both sides. See Plato,
_Laws_, xi. 8, p. 927 D; Julius Pollux, iii. 25; Hesychius and
Suidas, _s.v._ ἀμφιθαλής.

610 Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. Müller, _s.vv._ “Flaminius” and “Flaminia.”
That certain Roman rites had to be performed by the children of
living parents is mentioned in general terms by Dionysius of
Halicarnassus (_Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 22).

M211 But the rule which excludes orphans from certain sacred offices
cannot be based on a theory that they are ceremonially unclean
through the death of their parents.

611 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 50.

M212 Examples of the exclusion of orphans from sacred offices. M213 Boys and girls of living parents employed in Greek rites at the vintage, harvest-home, and sowing.

612 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 322 A, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin,
1824); Athenaeus, xi. 92, pp. 495 _sq._; Scholiast on Nicander,
_Alexipharmaca_, 109. Only the last of these writers mentions that
the boys had to be ἀμφιθαλεῖς. As to this and the following custom
see A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),
pp. 278 _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, Antike _Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 214
_sqq._

613 Eustathius, on Homer, _Iliad_, xxii. 495, p. 1283; _Etymologicum
Magnum_, p. 303. 18 _sqq._, _s.v._ Εἰρεσιώνη; Plutarch, _Theseus_,
22. According to a scholiast on Aristophanes (_Plutus_, 1054) the
branch might be either of olive or laurel.

614 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Plutus_, 1054.

615 O. Kern, _Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander_ (Berlin, 1900),
No. 98; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 vol.
ii. pp. 246 _sqq._, No. 553. This inscription has been well
expounded by Prof. M. P. Nilsson (_Griechische Feste_, Leipsic,
1906, pp. 23-27). I follow him and Dittenberger in regarding the
month of Artemision, when the bull was sacrificed, as the harvest
month corresponding to the Attic Thargelion.

616 J. H. Neumann, “Iets over den landbouw bij de Karo-Bataks,”
_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_,
xlvi. (1902) p. 381.

M214 Boys of living parents employed in the rites of the Arval Brothers.

617 G. Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ (Berlin, 1874), pp. vi. _sq._,
cix. cx. cxix. cliii. clix. clxxxvii. 12, 13, 15. As to the
evergreen oaks and laurels of the grove, see _ib._, pp. 137, 138; as
to the wreaths of corn-ears, see _ib._, pp. 26, 28; Aulus Gellius,
vii. 7. 8. That the rites performed by the Arval Brothers were
intended to make the fields bear corn is expressly stated by Varro
(_De lingua Latina_, v. 85, “_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra
publica faciunt propterea ut fruges ferant arva_”). On the Arval
Brothers and their rites see also L. Preller, _Römische
Mythologie_,3 ii. 29 _sqq._; J. Marquardt, _Römische
Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 447-462; G. Wissowa,
_Religion und Kultus der Römer_,2 pp. 561 _sqq._; J. B. Carter,
_s.v._ “Arval Brothers,” in J. Hastings’s _Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics_, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 7 _sqq._

M215 In fertility rites the employment of such children is intelligible
on the principle of sympathetic magic.
M216 Sons of living parents employed to cut the olive-wreath at Olympia
and the laurel-wreath at Tempe.

618 Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 60.

619 Pausanias, v. 15. 3.

620 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 12; _id._, _De defectu oraculorum_,
15; Aelian, _Varia Historia_, iii. 1; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, p. 422. In
a note on Pausanias (ii. 7. 7, vol. iii. pp. 53 _sqq._) I have
described the festival more fully and adduced savage parallels. As
to the Vale of Tempe see W. M. Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_
(London, 1835), iii. 390 _sqq._ The rhetoric of Livy (xliv. 6. 8)
has lashed the smooth and silent current of the Peneus into a
roaring torrent.

M217 Sons of living parents acted as Laurel-bearers at Thebes.

621 Proclus, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, ed. I. Bekker, p. 321.

622 O. Crusius, _s.v._ “Kadmos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech.
und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the
scene of Cadmus’s combat with the dragon is surrounded with a wreath
of laurel (O. Crusius, _op. cit._ ii. 862). My learned friend Mr. A.
B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in
confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing
celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus. See A. B. Cook,
“The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224;
and my note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 4 (vol. v. pp. 41 _sqq._).

623 I have examined both festivals more closely in a former part of this
work (_The Dying God_, pp. 78 _sqq._), and have shown grounds for
holding that the old octennial cycle in Greece, based on an attempt
to harmonize solar and lunar time, gave rise to an octennial
festival at which the mythical marriage of the sun and moon was
celebrated by the dramatic marriage of human actors, who appear
sometimes to have been the king and queen. In the Laurel-bearing at
Thebes a clear reference to the astronomical character of the
festival is contained in the emblems of the sun, moon, stars, and
days of the year which were carried in procession (Proclus, _l.c._);
and another reference to it may be detected in the legendary
marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia. Dr. L. R. Farnell supposes that the
festival of the Laurel-bearing “belongs to the maypole processions,
universal in the peasant-religion of Europe, of which the object is
to quicken the vitalizing powers of the year in the middle of spring
or at the beginning of summer” (_The Cults of the Greek States_, iv.
285). But this explanation appears to be inconsistent with the
octennial period of the festival.

624 We may conjecture that the Olympic, like the Delphic and the Theban,
festival was at first octennial, though in historical times it was
quadrennial. Certainly it seems to have been based on an octennial
cycle. See the Scholiast on Pindar, _Olymp._ iii. 35 (20); Aug.
Boeckh on Pindar, _Explicationes_ (Leipsic, 1821), p. 138; L.
Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_,
i. 366 _sq._; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in
Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i.
(Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 605 _sq._; K. O. Müller, _Die Dorier_2
(Breslau, 1844), ii. 483. The Pythian games, which appear to have
been at first identical with the Delphic Festival of Crowning, were
held originally at intervals of eight instead of four years. See the
Scholiast on Pindar, _Pyth. Argum._ p. 298, ed. A. Boeckh (Leipsic,
1819); Censorinus, _De die natali_, xviii. 6; compare Eustathius on
Homer, _Od._ iii. 267, p. 1466. 29. As to the original identity of
the Pythian games and the Festival of Crowning see Th. Schreiber,
_Apollon Pythoktonos_ (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 37 _sq._; A. B. Cook,
“The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_, xv. (1904) pp. 404 _sq._

M218 If wreaths were originally amulets, we could understand why children
of living parents were chosen to cut and wear them.

625 Antonin Jaussen, _Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab_ (Paris,
1908), p. 382.

626 R. Parkinson, _Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee_ (Stuttgart, 1907), pp.
150-152.

627 On the use of crowns and wreaths in classical antiquity see W.
Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 545 _sqq._,
_s.v._ “Corona”; E. Saglio, _s.v._ “Corona,” in Ch. Daremberg et E.
Saglio’s _Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines_, iii.
1520 _sqq._ In time of mourning the ancients laid aside crowns
(Athenaeus, xv. 16, p. 675 A); and so did the king at Athens when he
tried a homicide (Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, 57). I
mention these cases because they seem to conflict with the theory in
the text, in accordance with which crowns might be regarded as
amulets to protect the wearer against ghosts and the pollution of
blood.

M219 Children of living parents acting as priest and priestess of Apollo
and Artemis. At Rome the Vestals and the Salii must be the children
of parents who were alive at the date of the election. Children of
living parents employed in expiatory rites at Rome.

628 Heliodorus, _Aethiopica_, i. 22.

629 Aulus Gellius, i. 12. 2.

630 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 67; Plutarch,
_Numa_, 10. We read of a Vestal who held office for fifty-seven
years (Tacitus, _Annals_, ii. 86). It is unlikely that the parents
of this venerable lady were both alive at the date of her decease.

631 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ ii. 71.

632 Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 14. 14. That the rule as to their parents
being both alive applied to the Vestals and Salii only at the time
of their entrance on office is recognized by Marquardt (_Römische
Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 228, note 1).

633 Cicero, _De haruspicum responso_, 11.

634 Livy, xxxvii. 3; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 6. 13 _sq._; Vopiscus,
_Aurelianus_, 19 (where the words “_patrimis matrimisque pueris
carmen indicite_” are omitted from the text by H. Peter).

635 Tacitus, _Histor._ iv. 53. For the sack and conflagration of the
Capitol see _id._ iii. 71-75.

636 Flowing water in Hebrew is called “living water” (מים היים).

M220 Children of living parents employed at marriage ceremonies in
Greece, Italy, Albania, Bulgaria, and Africa.

637 Festus, _De verborum significatione_, ed. C. O. Müller (Leipsic,
1839), pp. 244, 245, _s.v._ “Patrimi et matrimi pueri.”

638 Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 129 _sq._, 165-168.

639 Zenobius, _Proverb._ iii. 98; Plutarch, _Proverb._ i. 16;
Apostolius, _Proverb._ viii. 16 (_Paroemiographi Graeci_, ed.
Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 82, 323 _sq._, ii. 429); Eustathius, on
Homer, _Od._ xii. 357, p. 1726; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ ἔφυγον
κακόν.

640 C. Wachsmuth, _Das alte Griechenland im neuen_ (Bonn, 1864), pp.
83-85, 86, 87, 100 _sq._

641 J. G. von Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 144, 146.

642 F. S. Krauss, _Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven_ (Vienna, 1885), pp.
438, 441.

643 Captain J. S. King, “Notes on the Folk-lore and some Social Customs
of the Western Somali Tribes,” _The Folk-lore Journal_, vi. (1888)
p. 124. Compare Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die
materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1893), p.
200.

644 The _Grihya-Sûtras_, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii. (Oxford,
1892) p. 50 (_The Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xxx.).

M221 Children of living parents apparently supposed to impart life and
longevity. Child of living parents employed in funeral rites.

645 Rev. William Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 151
_sq._

646 Rev. W. Ellis, _op. cit._ i. 180.

647 J. Pearse, “Customs connected with Death and Burial among the
Sihanaka,” _The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine_, vol.
ii. (a reprint of the second four numbers, 1881-1884) (Antananarivo,
1896) p. 152.

M222 The use of children of living parents in ritual may be explained by
a notion that they are fuller of life and therefore luckier than
orphans.

648 A. C. Hollis, _The Masai_ (Oxford, 1905), p. 299.

649 Lucian, _Hermotimus_, 57.

650 A fragmentary list of these youths is preserved in an Athenian
inscription of the year 91 or 90 B.C. See Ch. Michel, _Recueil
d’Inscriptions Grecques_, Supplément, i. (Paris, 1912) p. 104, No.
1544.

651 Aelius Lampridius, _Antoninus Heliogabalus_, viii. 1 _sq._ The
historian thinks that the monster chose these victims merely for the
pleasure of rending the hearts of both the parents.

M223 The Bechuanas use the hide of a sacrificial ox at founding a new
town.

652 See above, vol. i. p. 184.

653 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) pp. 303
_sq._

654 For more evidence of the sanctity of cattle among the Bechuanas see
the Rev. W. C. Willoughby, _op. cit._ pp. 301 _sqq._

M224 The custom may explain the legend of the foundation of Carthage and
similar tales.

655 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Voyage d’Exploration au Nord-est de la
Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance_ (Paris, 1842), p. 49.

656 Virgil, _Aen._ i. 367 _sq._, with the commentary of Servius; Justin,
xviii. 5. 9. Thongs cut from the hide of the ox sacrificed to the
four-handed Apollo were given as prizes. See Hesychius, _s.v._
κυνακίας; compare _id._, πυρώλοφοι. Whether the Greek custom was
related to those discussed in the text seems doubtful. I have to
thank my colleague and friend Professor R. C. Bosanquet for calling
my attention to these passages of Hesychius.

657 Saxo Grammaticus, _Historia Danica_, ix. vol. i. pp. 462 _sq._ ed.
P. E. Müller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858) (where the hide employed is
that of a horse); J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_3
(Göttingen, 1881), pp. 90 _sq._ Compare R. Köhler, “Sage von
Landerwerbung durch zerschnittene Häute,” _Orient und Occident_,
iii. 185-187.

658 Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, _Annals and Antiquities of
Rajast’han_, ii. (London, 1832) p. 235; W. Radloff, _Proben der
Volkslitteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Sibiriens_, iv. (St.
Petersburg, 1872) p. 179; A. Bastian, _Die Voelker des oestlichen
Asien_ (Berlin, 1884-1889), i. 25, iv. 367 _sq._; T. Stamford
Raffles, _History of Java_ (London, 1817), ii. 153 _sq._; R. van
Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” _Tijdschrift voor
Nederlandsch-Indië_, Feb. 1880, p. 117. The substance of all these
stories, except the first, was given by me in a note on
“Hide-measured Lands,” _The Classical Review_, ii. (1888) p. 322.

659 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_, pp. 538 _sq._

M225 The ox whose hide is used is blinded in order that the new town may
be invisible to its enemies.

660 Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,”
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905) p. 304.

661 Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda, a Sketch of their History and
Customs,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxv. (1905)
pp. 368 _sq._

M226 This explanation of the use of a blinded ox is confirmed by a Caffre
custom.

662 T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, _Relation d’un Voyage d’Exploration_, pp.
561-565.

663 Above, pp. 204 _sqq._

M227 In the Pelew Islands a man who is inspired by a goddess wears female
attire and is treated as a woman. This pretended change of sex under
the inspiration of a female spirit may explain a widespread custom
whereby men dress and live like women.

664 J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian’s _Allerlei aus
Volks- und Menschenkunde_ (Berlin, 1888), i. 35.

665 C. A. L. M. Schwaner, _Borneo_ (Amsterdam, 1853), i. 186; M. T. H.
Perelaer, _Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks_ (Zalt-Bommel,
1870), pp. 32-35; Captain Rodney Mundy, _Narrative of Events in
Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq., Rajah of
Sarawak_ (London, 1848), ii. 65 _sq._; Charles Brooke, _Ten Years in
Sarawak_ (London, 1866), ii. 280; H. Low, _Sarawak_ (London, 1848),
pp. 174-177; The Bishop of Labuan, “On the Wild Tribes of the
North-West Coast of Borneo,” _Transactions of the Ethnological
Society of London_, N.S. ii. (1863) pp. 31 _sq._; Spenser St. John,
_Life in the Forests of the Far East_2 (London, 1863), i. 73. In
Sarawak these men are called _manangs_, in Dutch Borneo they are
called _bazirs_ or _bassirs_.

666 Captain R. Mundy, _op. cit._ i. 82 _sq._; B. F. Matthes, _Over de
Bissoes of heidensche Priesters en Priesteressen der Boeginezen_
(Amsterdam, 1872), pp. 1 _sq._

667 Th. Falkner, _Description of Patagonia_ (Hereford, 1774), p. 117; J.
Hutchinson, “The Tehuelche Indians of Patagonia,” _Transactions of
the Ethnological Society of London_, N.S. vii. (1869) p. 323. Among
the Guaycurus of Southern Brazil there is a class of men who dress
as women and do only women’s work, such as spinning, weaving, and
making pottery. But so far as I know, they are not said to be
sorcerers or priests. See C. F. Ph. v. Martius, _Zur Ethnographie
Amerikas zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 74 _sq._

668 G. H. von Langsdorff, _Reise um die Welt_ (Frankfort, 1812), ii. 43;
H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des Russischen Amerika,” _Acta
Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 400
_sq._; W. H. Dall, _Alaska_ (London, 1870), pp. 402 _sq._; Ross Cox,
_The Columbia River_2 (London, 1832), i. 327 _sqq._; Father G.
Boscana, “Chinigchinich,” in [A. Robinson’s] _Life in California_
(New York, 1846), pp. 283 _sq._; S. Powers, _Tribes of California_
(Washington, 1877), pp. 132 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of
the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), i. 82, 92, 415, 585, 774;
Hontan, _Mémoires de l’Amérique Septentrionale_ (Amsterdam, 1705),
p. 144; J. F. Lafitau, _Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquains_ (Paris,
1724), i. 52-54; Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_
(Paris, 1744), vi. 4 _sq._; W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source
of St. Peter’s River_ (London, 1825), i. 227 _sq._, 436; George
Catlin, _North American Indians_4 (London, 1844), ii. 214 _sq._;
Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_
(Coblentz, 1839-1841), ii. 132 _sq._; D. G. Brinton, _The Lenâpé and
their Legends_ (Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 109 _sq._; J. G. Müller,
_Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_2 (Bâle, 167), pp. 44
_sq._, 418. Among the tribes which permitted the custom were the
Illinois, Mandans, Dacotas (Sioux), Sauks, and Foxes, to the east of
the Rocky Mountains, the Yukis, Pomos, and Pitt River Indians of
California, and the Koniags of Alaska.

669 Lieut. W. Foley, “Journal of a Tour through the Island of Rambree,”
_Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, iv. (Calcutta, 1835) p.
199.

670 Monier Williams, _Religious Life and Thought in India_ (London,
1883), p. 136. Compare J. A. Dubois, _Mœurs, Institutions, et
Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_ (Paris, 1825), i. 439.

671 O. Dapper, _Description de l’Afrique_ (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 467.

672 J. B. Labat, _Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale_ (Paris,
1732), ii. 195-199. Wherever men regularly dress as women, we may
suspect that a superstitious motive underlies the custom even though
our authorities do not mention it. The custom is thus reported among
the Italmenes of Kamtschatka (G. W. Steller, _Beschreibung von dem
Lande Kamtschatka_, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774, pp. 350 _sq._), the
Lhoosais of South-Eastern India (Capt. T. H. Lewin, _Wild Races of
South-Eastern India_, London, 1870, p. 255), and the Nogay or
Mongutay of the Caucasus (J. Reinegg, _Beschreibung des Kaukasus_,
St. Petersburg, Gotha, and Hildesheim, 1796-1797, i. 270). Among the
Lhoosais or Lushais not only do men sometimes dress like women and
consort and work with them (T. H. Lewin, _l.c._), but, on the other
hand, women sometimes dress and live like men, adopting masculine
habits in all respects. When one of these unsexed women was asked
her reasons for adopting a masculine mode of life, she at first
denied that she was a woman, but finally confessed “that her
_khuavang_ was not good, and so she became a man.” See the extract
from the _Pioneer Mail_ of May 1890, quoted in _The Indian
Antiquary_, xxxii. (1903) p. 413. The permanent transformation of
women into men seems to be much rarer than the converse change of
men into women.

M228 Such transformations seem to have been often carried out in
obedience to intimations received in dreams or in ecstasy.
Transformed medicine-men among the Sea Dyaks and Chukchees.

673 Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_, ii.
133.

674 W. H. Keating, _Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s River_, i.
227 _sq._

675 Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” _Eleventh Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1894), p. 378.

676 E. H. Gomes, _Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo_
(London, 1911), p. 179; Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, _The Pagan Tribes
of Borneo_ (London, 1912), ii. 116.

677 Waldemar Bogoras, _The Chukchee_ (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909),
pp. 448-453 (_The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. vii.;
_Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History_).

678 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912),
p. 239, with the plate.

M229 Women inspired by a god dress as men.

679 For this information I have to thank my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe.
He tells me that according to tradition Mukasa used to give his
oracles by the mouth of a man, not of a woman. To wear two bark
cloths, one on each shoulder, is a privilege of royalty and of
priests. The ordinary man wears a single bark cloth knotted on one
shoulder only. With the single exception mentioned in the text,
women in Uganda never wear bark cloths fastened over the shoulders.

680 Rev. J. Roscoe, _The Baganda_ (London, 1911), p. 297.

M230 The theory of inspiration by a female spirit perhaps explains the
legends of the effeminate Sardanapalus and the effeminate Hercules,
both of whom may have been thought to be possessed by the great
Asiatic goddess Astarte or her equivalent.

_ 681 The Scapegoat_, pp. 387 _sqq._

682 Catullus, lxiii. This is in substance the explanation of the custom
given by Dr. L. R. Farnell, who observes that “the mad worshipper
endeavoured thus against nature to assimilate himself more closely
to his goddess” (“Sociological hypotheses concerning the position of
women in ancient religion,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, vii.
(1904) p. 93). The theory is not necessarily inconsistent with my
conjecture as to the magical use made of the severed parts. See
above, vol. i. pp. 268 _sq._

683 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.

684 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, ii. 6. 2 _sq._; Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp.
515 F-516 B; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, _De
magistratibus_, iii. 64; Lucian, _Dialogi deorum_, xiii. 2; Ovid,
_Heroides_, ix. 55 _sqq._; Statius, _Theb._ x. 646-649.

685 On Semiramis in this character see above, vol. i. pp. 176 _sq._;
_The Scapegoat_, pp. 369 _sqq._

686 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iv. 46, p. 81, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn,
1837). Yet at Rome, by an apparent contradiction, women might not be
present at a sacrifice offered to Hercules (Propertius, v. 9. 67-70;
see further above, vol. i. p. 113, note 1), and at Gades women might
not enter the temple of Melcarth, the Tyrian Hercules (Silius
Italicus, iii. 22). There was a Greek proverb, “A woman does not go
to a temple of Hercules” (Macarius, _Cent._ iii. 11; _Paroemiographi
Graeci_, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 392, ii. 154). Roman women
did not swear by Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6).

687 Lucian, _Calumniae non temere credendum_, 16; Hesychius and Suidas,
_s.v._ Ἰθύφαλλοι. At the Athenian vintage festival of the
Oschophoria a chorus of singers was led in procession by two young
men dressed exactly like girls; they carried branches of vines laden
with ripe clusters. The procession was said to be in honour of
Dionysus and Athena or Ariadne. See Proclus, quoted by Photius,
_Bibliotheca_, p. 322_a_, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824); Plutarch,
_Theseus_, 23.

688 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 34, pp. 29 _sq._, ed. Potter;
Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 28; _Mythographi Graeci_, ed. A.
Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on
Lycophron_, 212. As to the special association of the fig with
Dionysus, see Athenaeus, iii. 14, p. 78. As to the artificial
fertilization of the fig, see _The Magic Art and the Evolution of
Kings_, ii. 314 _sq._ On the type of the effeminate Dionysus in art
see E. Thraemer, _s.v._ “Dionysos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der
griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 1135 _sqq._

689 Tacitus, _Germania_, 43. Perhaps, as Professor Chadwick thinks, this
priest may have succeeded to a priestess when the change from
mother-kin to father-kin took place. See H. M. Chadwick, _The Origin
of the English Nation_ (Cambridge, 1907), p. 339.

690 In Cyprus there was a bearded and masculine image of Venus (probably
Astarte) in female attire: according to Philochorus, the deity thus
represented was the moon, and sacrifices were offered to him or her
by men clad as women, and by women clad as men. See Macrobius,
_Saturn._ iii. 7. 2 _sq._; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 632. A
similar exchange of garments took place between Argive men and women
at the festival of the Hybristica, which fell in the month of
Hermes, either at the new moon or on the fourth of the month. See
Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4; Polyaenus, viii. 33. On the
thirteenth of January flute-players paraded the streets of Rome in
the garb of women (Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 55).

691 For traces of mother-kin in Lydia see _The Magic Art and the
Evolution of Kings_, ii. 281 _sq._ With regard to Cos we know from
inscriptions that at Halasarna all who shared in the sacred rites of
Apollo and Hercules had to register the names of their father, their
mother, and of their mother’s father; from which it appears that
maternal descent was counted more important than paternal descent.
See H. Collitz und F. Bechtel, _Sammlung der griechischen
Dialekt-Inschriften_, iii. 1 (Göttingen, 1899), pp. 382-393, Nos.
3705, 3706; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarnum_,2
vol. ii. pp. 396 _sqq._, No. 614; Ch. Michel, _Recueil
d’Inscriptions Grecques_, pp. 796 _sq._, No. 1003; J. Toepffer,
_Attische Genealogie_ (Berlin, 1889), pp. 192 _sq._ On traces of
mother-kin in the legend and ritual of Hercules see A. B. Cook, “Who
was the wife of Hercules?” _The Classical Review_, xx. (1906) pp.
376 _sq._ Mr. Cook conjectures that a Sacred Marriage of Hercules
and Hera was celebrated in Cos. We know in fact from a Coan
inscription that a bed was made and a marriage celebrated beside the
image of Hercules, and it seems probable that the rite was that of a
Sacred Marriage, though some scholars interpret it merely of an
ordinary human wedding. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum
Graecarum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 577 _sqq._, No. 734; R. Dareste, B.
Haussoulier, Th. Reinach, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Juridiques
Grecques_, Deuxième Série (Paris, 1898), No. xxiv. B, pp. 94 _sqq._;
Fr. Back, _De Graecorum caerimoniis in quibus homines deorum vice
fungebantur_ (Berlin, 1883), pp. 14-24.

M231 But the exchange of costume between men and women has probably been
practised also from other motives, for example, from a wish to avert
the Evil Eye. This motive seems to explain the interchange of male
and female costume between bride and bridegroom at marriage.

_ 692 Panjab Notes and Queries_, i. (1884) §§ 219, 869, 1007, 1029; _id._
ii. (1885) §§ 344, 561, 570; _Journal of the Anthropological Society
of Bombay_, i. (1886) p. 123; _North Indian Notes and Queries_, iii.
(1893) § 99. Compare my notes, “The Youth of Achilles,” _The
Classical Review_, vii. (1893) pp. 292 _sq._; and on Pausanias, i.
22. 6 (vol. ii. p. 266).

693 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 58.

694 Plutarch, _Lycurgus_, 15.

695 Plutarch, _De mulierum virtutibus_, 4.

696 B. F. Matthes, _Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes_ (The
Hague, 1875), p. 35. The marriage ceremonies here described are
especially those of princes.

697 Sepp, _Altbayerischer Sagenschatz_ (Munich, 1876), p. 232, referring
to Maimonides.

698 E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_ (Madras, 1906),
p. 3. The pseudo-bridegroom is apparently the bride in masculine
attire.

_ 699 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on
Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.

_ 700 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, i. _Draft Articles on
Hindustani Castes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.

701 Elsewhere I have conjectured that the wearing of female attire by
the bridegroom at marriage may mark a transition from mother-kin to
father-kin, the intention of the custom being to transfer to the
father those rights over the children which had previously been
enjoyed by the mother alone. See _Totemism_ (Edinburgh, 1887), pp.
78 _sq._; _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. 73. But I am now disposed to
think that the other explanation suggested in the text is the more
probable.

M232 The same explanation may account for the interchange of male and
female costume between other persons at marriage.

_ 702 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on
Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 31.

_ 703 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, iii. _Draft Articles on
Forest Tribes_ (Allahabad, 1907), p. 48.

_ 704 Central Provinces, Ethnographic Survey_, vi. _Draft Articles on
Hindustani Castes_, Second Series (Allahabad, 1911), p. 50.