Chapter XVIII (2)

I met Edward Mildmay the other day, who gave me some account of his own personal experiences during the last Italian campaign, when he was attached to the Austrian Army. He confirmed all previous accounts of the excellence of that army and the incompetency of its chiefs; that nothing could have saved the French Army at Magenta if the Austrians had been tolerably commanded; that Giulai, who had never seen any service, had been allowed to retain the command by the influence of General Grünne, whose friend he is, and that the indignation and disgust of the army at having been thus sacrificed to Court favour and partiality had been extreme. He told me that at Solferino the Austrian loss was (within a fraction of) 20,000, the French 19,000, and the Sardinians 9,000 men; Benedek is the ablest of the Austrian generals, and if he had had the command probably affairs would have taken a very different turn. Mildmay has no doubt that peace was much more necessary to the French than to the Austrians, and he still believes that if the war had continued the tide of victory would have been rolled back, as the latter had 90,000 fresh troops coming into line. It is probably better as it is than if the Austrians had recovered all their losses; the Emperor Napoleon seems likely to be satisfied with his military exploits, and to be really intending to revert to his peaceful policy. He is certainly doing all he can to persuade the world that such is his intention, and there seems a disposition here to take him at his word.

Footnote 1: [I think it was at this time that Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell proposed to the Cabinet that England should enter into a Treaty of Alliance with France and Sardinia, but the proposal was negatived by their colleagues. The feelings of these Ministers, however, speedily changed when the cession of Savoy and Nice, and the manner in which it was brought about, were known, and their language became so hostile that it gave great offence to the Emperor Napoleon. See Lord Malmesbury, 'Autobiography,' vol. ii. p. 225.]

_Viceregal Lodge, Phoenix Park, August 22nd._--I have at last accomplished the object I have desired for so many years, and find myself in Ireland. I have seized the first opportunity of being my own master to come here. I left London the week before last, and went to Nun Appleton, thence to Grimstone, and on Saturday I came here, railing through York and Manchester to Holyhead; crossed over on a beautiful evening, with sea as smooth as glass, but it was too dark to see the Bay of Dublin. Most hospitably received by Lord Carlisle, and very comfortably lodged. Passed the day in Dublin yesterday; twice at church, in the morning at Christ Church, afternoon St. Patrick's, attracted by the celebrity of the choir and the performance of the cathedral service, which was finely done, though the best voices (three brothers Robinson) were absent. I am greatly struck by the fineness of the town of Dublin, and of the public buildings especially.

[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN IRELAND.]

_Dublin, August 23rd._--On Monday morning the Lord-Lieutenant went to pay his first visit since his return to the National School and took me with him. I was much gratified at the sight, and with the appearance of the children and their intelligence. There was a grand gathering of Commissioners and others to meet Carlisle, but no Catholics except Lord Bellew and Dean ----, who alone of all the Catholic ecclesiastics has had courage and resolution to adhere to the system. Not one Catholic Bishop now remains on the board. Bishop Denver was the last to resign, which it is believed he did reluctantly, but it seems that the rule of their Synod is, that when a majority has decided, those who are in the minority give in their adhesions, and produce unanimity. The National System is apparently in the crisis of its fate, and a desperate struggle is being made by the Popish clergy to destroy it, while the ultra-Protestants will join them (for different reasons and with different objects) for the same end. I earnestly hope these factions will fail. The most encouraging circumstance is found in the return which was given me of the 'Central Model Schools,' in which the number of pupils seeking admission is 1,179, an evident proof of the popularity of the system, and that up to this time the priests have not been able to deter their flocks from giving their children its benefits. This return is sufficiently interesting to be copied into this journal:--

Males Females Infants

Number of pupils on roll 564 447 375
Pupils in attendance 436 348 311
Seeking admission 203 866 110

Carlisle was received with great enthusiasm by both pupils and teachers. After this we went to the Hill of Killinie, whence there is a grand panoramic view of the Bay of Dublin and the surrounding country, and then to my old friend Lady Campbell[1] (Pamela Fitz-Gerald), whose beautiful daughters are as well worth seeing as anything in Ireland.

Footnote 1: [Lady Campbell was the daughter of Pamela and Lord Edward Fitz-Gerald.]

_Dublin, August 24th._--Yesterday in the morning a review in the Phoenix Park, after which Bagot took me to Howth Castle, which I was curious to see, but it is not very remarkable, though very ancient. It has a modernised appearance, and is a comfortable house, said to be the oldest _inhabited_ house in Ireland, and one of the towers of fabulous antiquity. I remarked that the hall door was left open, according to the traditional obligation. One of the Ladies St. Lawrence told me the story as follows: An old woman, 'the Granawhile,' came to the castle and asked for hospitality or alms, and was refused and driven away. She was the wife of a pirate. On the seaside she found the young heir with his nurse, whom she seized and carried off. Afterwards she brought the boy back, and consented to restore him on condition that henceforward no beggar should be refused admittance, that the hall door should be kept continually open, and that at dinner a place should be kept and a plate laid for any stranger who might appear. The beggars are kept away by not being admitted through the lodge gates; the hall door is open, but there is another door behind it, and the vacant place has by degrees fallen into disuse. I know not how old the story is, but there is enough to show that it had a foundation of some sort, and that it retains a relic in the customs of the family. On returning to Dublin I went to see Trinity College, and the beautiful museum erected a few years ago. Dublin is, for its size, a finer town than London, and I think they beat us hollow in their public buildings. We have no such squares as Merrion Square, nor such a street as Sackville Street.

[Sidenote: VISIT TO IRELAND.]

_Bessborough, August 26th._--I came here on Wednesday viâ Kilkenny. A very nice place, comfortable, and in as good order as any place in England. People apparently well off, and cottages clean and not uncomfortable.

_August 28th._--Went yesterday to Waterford; pretty good town, but looking very foreign. They showed me a hill, to which it is said Cromwell advanced, but found the town too strong to be attacked; hence Waterford has been called the _Urbs invicta_. I doubt the story, for he would have stormed Waterford easily enough if he had chosen. Saw the National School; a very good establishment, boys absent on holidays, but a very civil intelligent master, a Roman Catholic. The clergy of neither persuasion will come near the school, except the Dean of Waterford, who still supports it. Went on to Curraghmore, a vast and magnificent park, but a mean house.

_August 31st._--Went on Tuesday to Woodstock; very pretty place, and in admirable trim. Weather changing, and I fear I shall see Killarney in rain and cold.

_Viceregal Lodge, September 6th._--Went to Muckrosson Thursday last; passed three days there in exquisite enjoyment of the beautiful scenery of Killarney; weather was perfect, and I went over and round all the lakes; returned here on Monday, and went yesterday to the Curragh.

_Jervaulx Abbey, Sunday, September 11th._--Crossed over from Kingstown to Holyhead on Thursday last; beautiful passage. Passed the last day, Wednesday, in Dublin with William Fitzgerald seeing the town. He took me over the old Leinster House, now the Royal Institution, and then to the Bank to see the old House of Lords; a fine room, exactly as it was, and what was the House of Commons, now completely altered and not retaining a vestige of the famous locality where Flood and Grattan and Plunket once shook the walls with their eloquence. I left Ireland with regret, for I spent several very happy days there, interested and amused even more than I expected, and treated with great kindness and hospitality. Went from Holyhead to Manchester, and on to Worsley to sleep; came here on Friday. The old Abbey is very picturesque, and very perfect as a ruin. It reminds me, place and all, of Bolton Abbey.

_London, September 26th._--I stayed three days at Jervaulx, then to Doncaster, Bretby, and to town. All the Ministers in London, having passed their lives during the last fortnight in the railway or in Cabinets, which have been very numerous, as well they may, for they have plenty to occupy them in the Italian, Chinese, and American questions, all, in their several ways and degrees, extremely embarrassing. I have not the slightest conception what our Government are doing about the Italian question, but I suppose trying to keep well with Napoleon III., and to obtain good terms for the Italian Duchies. At present it looks as if a Congress would be got together to untie this complicated knot, but I fear we are not likely to play in it a part which will be consistent with our principles, or creditable to our national character, and I wish we could abstain from having anything to do with it. The incident about the American Boundary is awkward, but I feel confident it will be amicably settled.

[Sidenote: DISPUTES WITH CHINA.]

The Chinese affair is the most serious, and one can see no solution of it that is not full of objections and embarrassments.[1] In the first place it looks at present very much as if our case was a bad one. We had no business to go with an armament and force our way up the river, and even if we were upon any ground justified in such an extreme measure, it was to the last degree impolitic and unwise to exercise such a right. The object for which Bruce was sent to China was to conclude a peace, and to establish amicable relations with the Chinese Government, and it might have occurred to him that the employment of force, even if it was ever so successful, must infallibly defeat his object. It required no great sagacity to perceive that the arrival at Pekin of a victorious Ambassador, who had forced his way to the capital at the head of an imposing force, would not serve to make his reception a friendly one, or to establish permanent harmonious relations between the English and the Chinese Governments. As long as there was a possibility of procuring access to Pekin by peaceful means and by negotiation, it would have been better to be patient and to wait any time than to employ force; and besides the political objections that seem conclusive against the adoption of such a course, it seems highly probable that no such force as that which we employed on this occasion could have been pushed on into the heart of the country without imminent danger of its being cut off and eventually destroyed. The mere fact of destroying again the Peiho forts would be deemed by the Chinese as the renewal of the war, and the perpetrator of the outrage would not have been received in the sacred character of an Ambassador, but would have been looked on as an invader, and treated accordingly. This is the first view of the question which presents itself. Then comes that of vindicating our honour, and retrieving the disaster we have suffered, which involves the necessity of rushing into war again and scattering havoc and desolation through the country, massacring thousands of people who can make no effectual resistance to our power, and making territorial conquests, which will only embarrass us, and which we shall have more difficulty in getting rid of than we shall have in making their acquisition. In short, we are going to be engaged in a contest in which failure will be disgraceful, and success will be inconvenient, and to place additional obstacles in the way of that good understanding which it is so much our interest to establish with China. Nor are our difficulties diminished by the fact of being connected with, and therefore more or less dependent on the French, and in a less degree with the Russians and the Americans in this unfortunate contest. This local and accidental alliance impairs our freedom of action, and of necessity introduces delays and complications of all sorts into the affair.

Footnote 1: [Mr. Bruce having been detained in his mission to Pekin, which was of a pacific character, Admiral Hope made an attempt to force the passage by reducing the forts at the mouth of the Peiho. The attack failed, with a loss of nearly 400 men killed and wounded in the storming party and the gunboats. The 'Plover' and 'Lee' gunboats grounded, and the 'Cormorant' was so damaged by the enemy's fire that she sank soon afterwards. The whole proceeding was injudicious and disastrous.]

_October 19th._--Nearly a month and nothing to record, besides the events of the day, of which I know nothing more than the newspapers report. I only take up my pen now because Clarendon called on me, and it is worth while to recollect the little he told me during a very short visit. I had not seen him since his visit to Osborne in the summer, and he began by giving me an account of it. The Queen was delighted to have him with her again and to have a good long confidential talk with him, for it seems she finds less satisfaction in her intercourse with either Palmerston or Lord John. The relations of these two are now most intimate and complete, and Palmerston has obtained an entire influence and authority over Lord John, who only sees with his eyes and without any contest submits to be entirely guided and controlled by Palmerston. The _jeu_ of the thing is rather amusing. Palmerston, who is thoroughly versed in foreign affairs (while Lord John knows very little about them), in every important case suggests to Lord John what to do. Lord John brings it before the Cabinet as his own idea, and then Palmerston supports him, as if the case was new to him.

But to return to the Queen and Clarendon. He was unfortunately attacked by gout and confined to his room. He was sitting there with Lady Clarendon, when Lady Gainsborough came in and told him that she was desired by the Queen to beg he would if possible move into the next room (the Lady-in-waiting's room) and establish himself there; that the Queen would come in, when all the ladies present were to go away and leave her _tête-à-tête_ with him. All this was done, and she remained there an hour and a half, talking over everything, pouring all her confidences into his ears, and asking for his advice about everything. He said he had endeavoured to do as much good as he could by smoothing down her irritation about things she did not like. As an example, he mentioned that while the Prince was with him a box was brought in with a despatch from Lord John, which the Prince was to read. He did so with strong marks of displeasure, and then read it to Clarendon, saying they could not approve it, and must return it to Lord John. Clarendon begged him not to do this, that it was not the way to deal with him, and it would be better to see what it contained that really was good and proper, and to suggest emendations as to the rest. He persuaded the Prince to do this, advised him what to say, and in the end Lord John adopted all the suggestions they had made to him. On another occasion the Queen had received a very touching letter from the Duchess of Parma imploring her protection and good offices, which she sent to Lord John desiring he would write an answer for her to make to it. He sent a very short, cold answer, which the Queen would not send. She asked Clarendon to write a suitable one for her, which he did, but insisted that she should send it to Lord John as her own. She did so, Lord John approved, and so this matter was settled.

[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN SPAIN AND MOROCCO.]

_Newmarket, October 21st._--Clarendon told me, and has since written to me, that Government regard in a very serious light the approaching war between Spain and Morocco, which they think will have the effect of putting Gibraltar in peril;[1] that Spain is playing the part of catspaw to France, who wants to get possession of Morocco, giving Tangier to Spain, which would give her, and France through her, the command of both sides the Straits, and as we depend upon Tangier for supplies to Gibraltar, it would be difficult for us to hold the place when this scheme is accomplished. He writes to-day: 'No news to-day except that things look very fishy with Spain and Morocco, and I suspect we are going to be vigorous, which, though it may be expedient, may also be productive of much trouble.'

He was lately at Broadlands, and had much talk with Palmerston, who was very friendly and confidential, told him everything, and appeared very anxious to have his opinions and advice. He says that Palmerston's hatred of Austria amounted to a monomania, and this of course produces a divergence between the present policy of France and ours. He talked about America. When Clarendon was lately at Clumber he discussed that affair with the Duke of Newcastle and offered to write to Buchanan, with whom it seems he is in correspondence, and say to him what it is desirable should be said, unofficially; and he suggested that he should hold out to Buchanan the prospect of a visit from the Prince of Wales, who it seems is going to Canada some time or other. This the Duke mentioned at the Cabinet, where the proposal was highly approved, but when it was broached to the Queen, Her Majesty objected to anything being said about the Prince of Wales going to the United States, so it fell to the ground.[2]

Footnote 1: [On October 22, Spain declared war on Morocco, on the ground that further territory was required for the protection of her settlements on the North African coast. Tetuan was captured by the Spaniards on February 4, 1860, and peace was signed on April 27, the Emperor of Morocco paying an indemnity of twenty million piastres. Marshal O'Donnell, who had commanded the expedition, was created Duke of Tetuan.]

Footnote 2: [Whatever may have been the objection to the mention of the Prince of Wales's visit to the United States at this moment, the project did not fall to the ground, for on July 9 in the following year (1860) the Prince started on a visit to Canada and the United States, accompanied by the Duke of Newcastle, where he was entertained by President Buchanan on October 25.]

[Sidenote: EMPEROR NAPOLEON ON ITALY.]

_London, October 30th._--Clarendon came to town yesterday morning on his way to Windsor and called here. He told me that we were going to send a representative to the Congress, and I was not a little surprised to perceive that he would not be at all disinclined to go there himself. He did not indeed say so, but unless I am greatly deceived this is in his mind, though not without feeling the difficulty of his acting with John Russell. Clarendon says that the preparations going on in France are on the most enormous scale, and can have no object but one hostile to this country, and that the feeling against England is fomented by the Government and extending all over France. He is persuaded that the fixed purpose of Louis Napoleon is to humble this country, and deprive her of the great influence and authority she has hitherto exercised over the affairs of Europe. He is bent upon getting us to take part in the Congress, and that in order to persuade us he will pretend to be entirely agreed with us in opinion, and only wishing to concert the most proper means of carrying out our common objects, and when he has thus cajoled us into a participation he will throw us over, and place us under the necessity of agreeing to what we disapprove, or of putting ourselves _en désaccord_ with all Europe. He told me that John Russell is supposed on the Continent to be the implacable enemy of the Catholic religion, and this will be a great disqualification for his acting at a Congress mainly composed of Catholic Powers; that this opinion, which is rife in Ireland, is propagated all over the world, and that the recollections of the Durham Letter and the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill are still as strong as ever.[1]

Footnote 1: [The Congress which it was proposed to hold had reference to the affairs of Italy, which were extremely perplexing to the Emperor Napoleon himself. But Lord Clarendon's apprehensions were certainly unfounded, for it deserves to be remarked that about this time negotiations were opened between the Emperor and Mr. Cobden for a commercial treaty, which was intended to strengthen, and did strengthen, the amiable and pacific relations of France and England.]

_November 18th._--- Last week at the Grove to meet the Duc d'Aumale, who is one of the most enlightened and agreeable Princes I ever met, very simple and natural, and full of information and knowledge of all sorts.

I do not remember to have gathered anything particularly interesting from Clarendon in our various conversations, except that in the event of our consenting to join the Congress he would not be unwilling to go to it, and that he thinks he might be able to effect an arrangement. This confidence has in great measure been produced by a letter from Cowley which he showed me, containing an account of his visit to Biarritz and his communications with the Emperor. He said he had resolved not to say a word to His Majesty of Italian affairs, thinking the Emperor would abstain from talking of them to him, but as soon as they met he began to talk, and went at length into the whole subject. The upshot was that he found the Emperor in such a state of perplexity and embarrassment, and so fully conscious of the scrape into which he had got himself, that he did not know what to do or which way to turn; his object evidently is to get us to help him out of his difficulty, and Clarendon thinks that he should be able to draw him into such measures as we could support if the matter was well managed.

A day or two ago the Duke of Bedford, whom I have not seen or communicated with for a long time, called on me. He told me one curious anecdote, which he had heard from his brother. Persigny called on Lord John one day, and told him he was come in strict confidence to show him the letter which the Emperor had written to the King of Sardinia, but which he must not mention even to his own colleagues, except of course to Palmerston. Lord John promised he would not, and a day or two after he read the letter in the 'Times.' He sent for Persigny and asked for an explanation. Persigny said he could not explain it, but would write to Walewski. John Russell also wrote to Cowley, who spoke to Walewski about it. Walewski declared he could not account for it, and that it must have been sent from Turin, and he would write to that Court to complain of the indiscretion and would also speak to the Emperor. He went to the Emperor, told him what had passed, and showed him what he proposed to write to Turin, when the Emperor said: 'No, don't write at all, take no notice of the publication. The fact is, I sent the letter myself to the "Times" Correspondent.' It was Mocquard who took it to him. A most extraordinary proceeding, and showing the extreme difficulty of all diplomatic dealing between the two Governments. The Emperor is by way of being indignant with the 'Times,' and never fails to pour forth complaints and abuse of the paper to whomever he converses with. He did so, for instance, to Cobden, to whom he gave an audience at Paris. But who can tell whether this is not a pretence and a deceit, and whether he may not all the time have a secret understanding with the 'Times'? Such a supposition would seem to be inconsistent with their articles and his conduct, and the comments of the former upon the latter; but how difficult it is to form any certain judgement upon a policy so tortuous as his, and upon designs so close and councils so crooked!