Chapter XXVIII: Appendix: IV. History of the Greek Congress or Synedrion During the Persian (2)

216 See particularly Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.; and concerning
the second see Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7.

217 Isocrates Archidam, p. 119, only supposes one expedition.

218 Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi sup. Polyæn. I. 9. Compare Heyne ad
Apollod. p. 208.

219 See Strab. IX. p. 427. Ephorus, p. 105. ed. Marx. Compare Stephanus
and Suidas in Naύpaktoς.

220 Bekk. Anecd. Græc. p. 305. 31. στεμματιαῖον. μίμημα τῶν σχεδιῶν αἷς
ἔπλευσαν οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι τὸν μεταξὺ τῶν Ῥίων τόπον. Hesychius,
στεμματιαῖον. δίκηλόν τι ἐν ἑορτῇ πομπέων δαιμόνων (as should be
read for δαίμονος, rather than πομπέως for πομπέων with Siebelis ad
Pausan. III. 20. 9). Δίκηλον is explained by Hesychius to be a
Lacedæmonian word for “statue.” These πομπεῖς δαίμονες, the
“conducting deities,” were probably Zeus Agetor (book III. ch. 12. §
5.) and the Carnean Apollo: and their festival doubtless was
connected with the Carnea. At this solemnity then (as it seems) a
boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the Carnean Apollo
(Ἀπόλλων στεμματίας), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called
δίκηλον στεμματιαῖον, in allusion to the passage from Naupactus.
Compare book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 15.

221 Paus. III. 20. 9.

222 See _Orchomenos_, p. 333. To the passages there quoted may be added
Etymol. in v. Ἀλήτης. And see book II. ch. 8. § 15.

223 There were in later times Acarnanian soothsayers at Thermopylæ,
Herod. VIII. 221. in the case of Pisistratus, and elsewhere.

224 Thucyd. I. 103. The city was afterwards Ætolian: Boeckh. Corp.
Inscript. Gr. No. 1756.

225 Polyb. Excerpt. lib. XII. ap. Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II.
p. 386.

226 And of Pleuron with Xanthippe the daughter of Dorus, Apollod. I. 7.
7, although Ætolus is also represented as killing Dorus the son of
Apollo.

227 Perhaps the Ætolians had from early times worshipped the three-eyed
Zeus (Ζεὺς τριόφθαλμος), which Sthenelus the Ætolian brought from
Troy, according to Pausanias II. 24. 5.

228 Oxylus is said to have contracted an alliance with the Heraclidæ in
the island of Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); but this story is
probably founded merely on the etymology of the name Sphacteria.

229 As also Pausanias, V. 1. says.

230 Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. p. 463. Compare Il. ψ. 630.

231 This is the representation given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ἐπὶ ἀναδασμῷ
τῆς χώρας.

232 Pausan. V. 15. 7. Concerning the Tyrrhenians who accompanied them,
see _Orchomenos_, p. 443. note 3, together with Pausan. II. 31. 3.
Of the Thebans, who are said to have joined under Autesion, see a
detailed account in the same place.

233 As, _e.g._, Apollodorus evidently.

234 The name of Tisamenus, as an epithet of his father (τισάμενος),
corresponds to Eurysaces the son of Ajax, Telemachus and
Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus the
youngest son of Menelaus according to Hesiod, Gorgophone the
daughter of Perseus, Metanastes the son of Archander, Aletes of
Hippotes; but it cannot be inferred from this that it was mere
fiction, since this method of giving names existed in historic times
(Polyæn. VI. 1, 6) even in the royal family of Macedon. See also
what Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. 39, says on the names of the
children of Adeimantus the Corinthian. Names derived from a
characteristic of the parent (an example of which occurs in Iliad
IX. 562) were called φερώνυμα, according to Schol. Steph. in Dionys.
Gramm. ap. Bekker Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 868.

235 Pausan. V. 4, 1. See below, ch. 7, § 6, note.

236 Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It is related as a stratagem of Cypselus by
Polyænus I. 7. Perhaps _Cypsela_, a fort in Parrhasia, near Sciritis
in Laconia, is the same as Basilis, Thucyd. V. 33. It would not
however be very accurate to say of Basilis that it lies ἐπὶ τῇ
Σκιρίτιδι. An oracle referring to the amity with the Arcadians is
preserved in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. 191, ed. Steph.; p. 33,
ed. Frommel.

237 See _Æginetica_, p. 39, note e, and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. p.
366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. (comp. Suidas in v. δραπέτης), Hesychius in
ἀνανομὴν and καταβολή.—Plato Leg. III. p. 686. Apollodorus, Polyæn.
I. 6. The vase in Tischbein I. 7, represents an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς,
and not this casting of lots, as Italinsky supposes. The same group
indeed sometimes occurs on gems _armed_ (Gemmæ Florentinæ, tom. II.
tab. 29; compare Winckelmann Monum. ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his
works, p. xxvii.); but I believe that an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς is equally
meant, as, _e.g._, that of the Argonauts in Apollon. Rhod. IV. 1767,
since the expedition of the Heraclidæ, early as it was, was not one
of the usual subjects of art.

238 See below, ch. 5.

239 Boeckh Inscr. I. p. 81, 82.

240 In an oracle preserved by Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. 289, the
Spartans are called ὀφιοβόροι. The word of the oracle itself
doubtless was ὀφιόδειροι (ὀπφιόδειροι), as in Aristot. Mirab.
Auscult. 23, which however might have been explained to have the
same meaning as the former word, viz. “_drawing back the skin of
serpents in order to eat them_.” The frog was the emblem of the
Argives, as never coming out of their hole; compare ch. 8, § 7.

241 Isocrates, Panath. p. 286 A., says far too generally, μάχῃ δὲ
νικὴσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἡττηθέντας ἔκ τε τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας
ἐξέβαλον, which he afterwards modifies considerably.

242 V. 4, 2. An _Achæan_ from Helice occurs as the cotemporary of
Hercules in Theocrit. XXV. 165; a greater inconsistency with the
received chronology than poets usually permit themselves.

243 Pausan. VII. 1.

_ 244 Orchomenos_, pp. 398, 477.

245 Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according to the most probable reading.

246 Pind. Nem. XI. 32.

247 Peloponnesus is called the ἀκρόπολις γῆς in Phlegon de Olymp. p.
129, in Meurs. Op. vol. VII.

248 As Pouqueville several times remarks. The mountain-chains are more
connected by the Œnean promontory, and the mountains running
westward from Sicyon and joining mount Cyllene.

249 Ap. Gemin. Elem. Astron. XIV. p. 55, in Petavius Uranolog. The
passage is from the work of Dicæarchus, entitled Καταμετρήσεις τῶν
ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ὀρῶν, concerning which see Pliny N. H. II. 65, and
Suidas in Δικαίαρχος.

250 Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz. (p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. ad Hom. p.
1951, 15. According to Capt. Peytier Cyllene is 7266 Paris feet in
height, Taygetus 7434, Parthenion (Zagura) 6095. These measurements
make Taygetus somewhat higher than Cyllene.

251 Holland in Walpole’s Travels, p. 426.

252 Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13.

253 See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who particularly mentions Cynætha. Close by
was the cold spring of Λοῦσοι, or Λοῦσσα; and Sprengel in his
translation of Theophrastus, vol. II. p. 383, well corrects in
Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, τὸ δὲ κώνειον ἄριστον περὶ Λοῦσα καὶ ἐν τοῖς
ψυχροτάτοις τόποις.

254 From the Journal of Fourmont the younger.

255 Polyb. V. 22.

256 According to the interpretation of the Venetian Scholiast and
others.

257 Abaris is said to have appeased a pestilence, which had been
occasioned by this heat; Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. Compare
Apollon. Dyscol. Hist. Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs.

258 Theophrastus calls Laconia ῥοώδης, ἔπομβρος, καὶ ἔλειος (de causis
pluviæ III. 3, 4).

259 ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 294, 10, p. 1478,
43, ed. Rom.

260 See Des Monceaux in Corneille le Bruyn, tom. V. p. 465.

261 Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. Bekker.

262 Book III. ch. 2, § 3. Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, book IV. ch. 19.

263 Ἀλιμενότης, Xenoph. Hell. IV. 8, 7.

264 In Strabo VIII. p. 366. See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. Dindorf.

265 It has been beautifully said of this district that ὀφρυᾷ τε καὶ
κοιλαίνεται, Strabo VIII. p. 381.

266 Polybius XVI. 16. 4. places it about west-south-west from Corinth.
Comp. Athenæus II. p. 43 E. Pindar Olymp. XI. 30. means the same
place.

267 Aristot. Meteor. I. 14. p. 755 C, and Aristides, Ægypt. vol. II. p.
351, ed. Jebb.

268 Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lucian. Icaromenipp. 18. Nav. 20. Liv. XXVII.
31. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius III. 57.

269 According to Fourmont’s Journal and Gell’s Argolis.

270 See Schol. Pind. Olymp. VII. 152. Boeckh Comment. Pind. p. 175.
Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 25, 6.

271 Elis in general is a χώρα ὕπαμμος, according to Theophrastus, Hist.
Plant. I. 6.

272 I here follow the Journal of the younger Fourmont, which appears
deserving of credit: he also states that he saw iron rings on the
blocks of stone.

273 Compare with this _Orchomenos_, chap. 2.

274 See Schol. Eurip. Orest. 626. comp. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 11.

275 Strabo VIII. p. 363 A.

276 Polyb. V. 22. 6.

277 Thucyd. I. 120. κατακομιδὴ τῶν ὡραίων.

278 See book III. ch. 10. § 2, 5.

279 Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, says, that in the most ancient times
there were only 2000 Dorians in Sparta; but his statement is too
uncertain to found any calculation upon.

280 See Boeckh on the four ancient tribes of Attica, Museum Criticum,
vol. II. p. 608.

281 Pausan. VII. 1. 6, 7.

282 Pausan. VII. 18. 3, book III. ch. 4, § 8.

283 Clarke’s Travels, II. 2. p. 646, &c.

284 Below, ch. 5. § 1 and 8.

285 See Thucyd. I. 122. III. 85, and the example of Decelea.

286 Εὐρυσθέος Κυκλώπια πρόθυρα, Pindar. Fragment. Incert. 48, ed.
Boeckh.

287 πολυχρυσοῖο Μυκήνης, Homer. Compare book IV. ch. 1.

288 Fourmont supposes that he has recognised Temenium in a citadel to
the south of Lerna, but it must lie to the north.

289 See Callimach. Fragm. 108. ed. Bentl. from Schol. Pind. Nem. X. 1.
Concerning the taking of Argos see Polyæn. II. 12.

290 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. 404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37.

291 Pausan. II. 28. 3. The names given by Apollodorus II. 7. 6., viz.
Agelaus, Euryphylus, and Callias, are probably from the Temenidæ of
Euripides. Ceisus and Phalces are mentioned by Ephorus ap. Strab.
VIII. p. 389. Scymn. Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. 4. II. 12. 6.
II. 13. 1. Ceisus is also mentioned by Hyginus, Fab. 124 (where read
_Cisus_ Temeni filius); but his account is very confused. See
_Æginetica_, p. 40.

292 Pausan. II. 6. 3. Eustath. ad Il. V. p. 520. Stephanus Byzant. says
Φαῖστος Ῥοπάλου, Ἡρακλέους παιδός.

293 Νύμφης Συλλίδος; I conjecture Ὑλλίδος.

294 Fourmont’s Journal contains a detailed and accurate account of this
river.

295 Pausan. II. 11. 2.

296 Pausan. II. 13. 1. ἐπ᾽ ἀναδασμῷ γῆs.

297 Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. 3. 5.

298 Pausan. III. 16. 5. Θερσάνδρου τοῦ Ἀγαμηδίδα, βασιλεύοντος μὲν
ΚΛΕΕΣΤΩΝΑΙΩΝ, τετάρτου δὲ ἀπογόνου Κτησίππου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. Since
some Doric state must be here meant, ΚΛΕΩΝΑΙΩΝ, the conjecture of
Kühn, seems most probable; and all doubt is removed by a comparison
of Ælian N.A. XII. 31., where, however, Thersander is called the son
of Cleonymus, not of Agamedidas. Perhaps Pausanias means
“Thersander, the son of the son of Agamedes.”

299 Sophocl. Acris. ap. Hesych. in ἀκτίης. Scymnus Chius 526. from
Ephorus, Polyb. V. 91. 8. Conon. 7. Diodor. XII. 43. XV. 32. XVIII.
11. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Ælian. V. H. VI. 1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25.
Pausan. II. 8. 4. Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, ὁι τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἀκτὴν
ἔχοντες. It is different from the Ἀργολικὸς κόλπος, which is the
south coast.

300 Concerning these doubtful names (Ἀγαῖος, Ἀγραῖος), see _Æginet_. p.
40. The name was common in Macedonia in later times; see Harpocrat.
in Ἀργαῖος.

301 This is stated by Pausanias. See also Jamblichus Pythagor. 2.
concerning the Epidaurian colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. Strab.
VIII. p. 314, states that the Ionians came _together with_ the
Heraclidæ from the Attic Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The former account
is by far the most probable.

_ 302 Æginet_. p. 43.

303 Pausan. II. 30. 9.

304 Book II. ch. 2, § 8. According to Pausanias II. 30. 9. Anaphlystus
and Sphettus, the sons of Trœzen, passed over to Attica, and gave
their names to the two boroughs so called. See Appendix II.

305 Pausan. II. 33. 1.

306 Pyth. IV. 49.

307 Strab. VIII. p. 312. 377.

308 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. p. 620. Paus. X. 18. 4.

309 See book III. ch. 4, § 2.

310 This is evident from Thucyd. V. 53. Κυριώτατοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἦσαν
Ἀργεῖοι.

311 Ibid. According to Diodorus XII. 18. the Lacedæmonians were bound to
send sacrifices to Apollo Pythaëus (Πύθιος); but his account is
confused.

312 Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 4.

313 Above, ch. 2, § 4.

314 Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6.

315 Steph. Byz. in Νέμεα, where, from the context, τῆσ Ἀργολίδος should
be written for Ἠλίδος.

316 II. 8.

317 Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in Ἀλήτης.

318 Compare p. 72, note f.

319 Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. IV. 4. Μηλιακὸν πλοῖον. Compare
Apostol. XIX. 89, and Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, explains it
differently.

320 Δέχεται καὶ βῶλον Ἀλήτης. See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. Alex. 48. p.
593. Diogenian IV. 27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in δέχεται, Schol.
Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Perhaps Suidas in ἀδηλώσας refers to this
story.

_ 321 Orchomenos_, p. 352. See also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The delivery of
a clod of earth (a common symbol of transfer of possession of land,
Grimm Rechtsalterthümer, p. 110-21) also occurs in the history of
the Ionic colony, Lycophron 1378. and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. 468. v.
112.

322 Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare Polyæn. I. 39.

323 Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 56.

324 Didymus Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 17. Conon ubi sup. Compare
Diodorus in Euseb. Chronic. p. 35. (Fragment. 6. p. 635. Wessel.)
Ephorus in Strab. VIII. p. 389 D, and Scymnus Chius, 526.

325 According to Velleius Paterc.

326 IV. 42.

_ 327 Orchomenos_, p. 140. According to Conon ubi sup. Aletes found
Sisyphidæ and Ionians mixed with them.

_ 328 Orchomenos_, p. 257.

329 II. 4. 3.

330 Pindar. Olymp. XIII. 11. Compare Boeckh’s Commentary, p. 213.
Callimachus ap. Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. 213. Ἀλητιάδαι παρ᾽
Αἰγαιῶνι θεῷ Θήσουσιν νίκης σύμβολον Ἰσθμιάδος Ζήλῳ τῶν Νεμέηθε.

331 Herodot. V. 92. 2. This perhaps may afford some explanation of the
ancient affinity between the Cypselidæ and Philaidae (see Herodot.
VI. 128.), by a comparison of the table, _Orchomenos_, p. 465.

332 II. 4. 4. compare V. 18. 2.

333 See Blanchard Recherches sur la ville de Mégare, Mém. de l’Acad. des
Inscr. tom. XVI. p. 121.

334 Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. p. 293. XIV.
p. 653. Conon 26. Scymnus Chius, 503.

335 See Raoul-Rochette III p. 56. who has omitted the remarkable passage
of Pausan. VII. 25. according to which the Lacedæmonians had partly
taken Athens. There was at Athens a Delphian _gens_ named
Cleomantidæ, whose ancestor was said to have communicated to the
Athenians the prophecy concerning the king’s death, Lycurgus in
Leocrat. p. 196.

336 Lycophr. 1388. and Tzetzes’ note.

337 See particularly Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aristoph. Ran.
440. Pausan. I. 39. 4.

338 Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. ubi sup. According to Zenobius V. 8. the
Megarians mourned for a daughter of their own king Clytius, and of
Bacchius the Corinthian.

339 This event is always narrated in explanation of the proverb; see
Schol. Pind. ubi sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken.
and Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (from Demon). Compare Aristoph.
Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Apostolius VII.
17. XIV. 97. Suidas, Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi sup. It is
probably of this victory of the Megarians that Pausanias (VI. 19.
9.) had read in some document that it took place before the
commencement of the Olympiads, when Phorbas was archon for life at
Athens; but in my opinion he is incorrect in referring it to a
treasury of Dontas the Lacedæmonian (Olymp. 60.), the inscription of
which spoke indefinitely of a victory of the Megarians over the
Corinthians, in which the Argives were supposed to have had a share.
Phorbas was archon from the 173rd to the 148th year before the first
Olympiad, according to Eusebius.

340 Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. 79. Plutarch Cimon. 17. It was probably in
some war of this kind that Orsippus of Megara enlarged the territory
of his native city, according to Etymol. M. p. 242; he was conqueror
in the 15th Olympiad, see book IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. 1.
and the epigram in Anthol. Pal. II. App. 272. See Siebelis ad
Pausan. ubi sup.

341 See the account in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387.

342 Above, ch. 3. § 11.

343 See above, ch. 3. § 3.

344 Called in the Doric dialect Προκλέας, Kühn ad Pausan. III. 1.
According to Polyænus I. 10. Procles and Temenus together conquered
Lacedæmon.

345 Herod. VI. 52. and it is followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. Plutarch.
Agesil. 19. [The same is preserved in a fragment of Alcæus (Mus.
Crit. I. p. 432) ὡς γὰρ δή ποτε φασίν Ἀριστόδαμον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον
οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον εἰπεῖν, as Niebuhr has remarked. History of Rome, vol.
I. note 94. ed. 2.]

346 The words of the oracle, which Herodotus paraphrases, probably were
μᾶλλον δὲ γεραίτερον ἔστι γεραίρειν.

347 V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. III. p. 683. Megillus the Spartan, to the
question καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν—Λακεδαίμονος Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης;
answers, πῶς γὰρ οὐ, against his national tradition.

348 Pindar Pyth. I. 65. says that the Dorians, “coming down from Pindus,
immediately took Amyclæ.” Compare Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This is
equally fallacious with his other statement, that Pylos fell at the
invasion, see below, § 15. According to Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 364
D., Philonomus the Achæan, who had betrayed Lacedæmon to the
Dorians, received Amyclæ from them as a reward for his treachery,
and held the νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος (to which his name seems to allude) as
a vassal. Compare Conon Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. 445. Vales.

349 Servius ad Æn. X. 564. and Lucilius, ibid, compare Heyne Excurs. II.
ad Æn. X. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.

350 Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. ib. 19. 5. The temple was still
standing in his time. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 313-321.

351 Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where Preugenes, their leader, is stated to have
been descended from Amyclas.

352 Polyb. V. 19. 2.

353 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 46. Simonides fragm. 177. ed. Gaisford.

354 Εὔπυργος Θεράπια, ap. Priscian. p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. Welcker.

355 Isthm. I. 31.

356 Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας Pindar Nem. X. 55. The δόκανα were, according to
some, tombs of this description.

357 See Dissen’s Commentary to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.—Concerning Helen
at Therapne, see Euripid. Hel. 211. and Tryphiod. 520. Schol.
Lycophr. 143. Isocrat. Encom. Hel. p. 218 D. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν ἐν
Θεράπναις (Μενελάῳ καὶ Ἑλένῃ) θυσίας ἁγίας καὶ πατρίους ἐπιτελοῦσιν
οὐχ ὡς ἤρωσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὡσ θεοῖς. Concerning the Menelaia, see
Athenagoras Leg. p. 14. A. Θεραπναῖος Ἀπόλλων Apollon. Rhod. II.
162. Therapne, according to some, was ἐν Σπάρτῃ, Schol. Apollon. et
Pind. ubi sup.; according to other authors, referred to by Steph.
Byz., it was Sparta itself. Both are in the wrong.

358 It was first discovered by Gropius.

359 Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. § 3.

360 Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. N. 412. 414. The passage in Od. A. 10. is
also to be explained in this manner.

361 Pausan. III. 2. 6.

362 Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 130.
According to Strabo VIII. p. 365 A. however it was conquered by
Agis. Concerning a war between Sparta and its periœci in the time of
Lycurgus, see Nicol. Damas. fragm.

363 Pausan. III. 22. 9.

364 See above, ch. 3. § 4.

365 This is now evident from the restoration of the fragment of Ephorus
in Strabo VIII. p. 364 D. Χρῆσθαι δὲ ΛΑΙ ΜΕΝ ὀ[χυρώματι, Ἐπιδαύρῳ
(or Γυθείῳ) δὲ ἐμπορίῳ διὰ τὸ] εὐλίμενον, ΑΙΓΥΙ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς
πολεμίους [ἐπιτειχισμῷ, ταύτην] γὰρ ὁμορεῖν τοῖς κύκλῳ [πολεμίοις],
ΦΑΡΙΔΙ δὲ [εἰς συνόδους] ἀπὸ τῶν ἐντος ἀσφάλειαν ἐχούσῃ. Polybius
II. 54. 3. calls Αἰγῦτις a boundary-district of Sparta, where no
alteration is required. See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831.

366 The νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος according to Nicol. Damasc.

367 See Steph. Byz. and Pausanias. The Διοσκοῦροι Λαπέρσαι are derived
from this town.

368 Ὑαμεία πόλις Μεσσηνίων τῶν πέντε, Stephanus Byz. Compare Pausan. IV.
14. 3. Μεσόλα πόλις Μεσσήνης μία τῶν πέντε. Νικόλαος τετάρτῳ,
Stephanus. From this Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. should be
thus restored, ὤστε τὴν Στενύκλαρον μὲν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς χώρας παύτης
κειμένην ἀποδεῖξαι βασίλειον αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας, πέμψαι δὲ ἐς Πύλον
τε καὶ Ῥίον [καὶ Μεσόλαν καὶ] Ὑαμῖτιν ποιήσοντας ἰσονόμους πάντας
τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. Compare Μεσόλα καθήκουσα εἰς τὸν
μεταξὺ κόλπον τοῦ Ταυγέτου καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, Strab. VIII. p. 360;
Ῥίον ἀπεναντίον Ταινάρου, ibid.

369 The same termination may be observed in the name of the ancient
Laconian city Ἱππό-λα, Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz.; and in the
ancient gentile name of Argos, Ἀργό-λας.

370 See Herodotus, Pausanias, Cicero de Divin. II. 43.

371 Cicero ut sup.

372 See above, p. 90. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “Epidaurus,” starting “Pausan. III. 16. 5.]”

373 See Valckenaer. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 266.

374 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2, 3.

375 Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 234.

376 From what is not clear, though probably from the Μέσση of the
Homeric Catalogue, the position of which is however quite uncertain,
since it is not connected with the _city_ of Messene.

_ 377 Orchomenos_, p. 366. The territory of Pylos had, according to the
tradition in Pausan. IV. 15. 4. once extended as far as Καπροῦ σῆμα,
near Stenyclarus.

378 Cresphontes, as well as Aristomenes, were names in Messenia in late
days, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1291.

379 Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He was one of the Colophonians who had settled
in Smyrna.

380 Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausanias IV. 3. 3. and others speak too generally
of the expulsion of the Nestoridæ.

381 Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. 1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not so
accurate; Λακεδαίμονι ἀν Ἄργει τε καὶ ζαθέᾳ Πύλῳ ἔνασσεν ἀλκᾶντας
Ἡρακλέος ἐκγόνους Ἀἰγιμιοῦ τε (Ἀπόλλων).

382 Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates Archidam. p.
120. represents the Lacedæmonians as having long governed Messenia,
which had been given them by the sons of Cresphontes. Euripides in
the Merope told the story as follows:—viz. that Polyphontes killed
Cresphontes, and obtained possession of his queen Merope and of his
empire: that on this her son Telephon, whom Merope had sent to a
friend in Ætolia, returned, and, after various tragic scenes, slew
the usurper by stratagem. See the fragments of the Merope, and
Hyginus, Fab. 137, with the continuation in Fab. 184. The narrative
of Apollodorus is made to coincide more with the national tradition.

383 The pedigree is, Æpytus—Cypselus—Merope—Æpytus—Æpytidæ.

384 As it is evident from several passages in the 4th book of Pausanias.

385 II. 171.

386 Pausan. IV. 20. 2. 26. 5, 6. 27. 4. 33. 5. It is to this time
probably that Methapus the Athenian belongs, who restored the
ancient worship of Andania, with some few changes, Pausan. IV. 1. 5.

387 Leg. III. p. 684.

388 In the following discussion, although beginning somewhat in advance,
I still take for granted what is stated in my _Æginetica_, p. 42.
The ancient expression Λιμοδωριεῖς was referred to this migration.
See Hesychius, Plutarch, Prov. 34. p. 590. Yet Didymus in Hesychius
calls the Dorians who dwelt under mount Œta Λιμοδωριεῖς. See above,
page 44. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“Dorians as inhabitants of the sea-coast.”]

389 The Rhodians came from Argos, according to Thucyd. VII. 57. The
Coans were also of Argive origin, according to Tacit. Ann. XII. 61.

390 The Eratidæ refer to Argos, according to the note of Boeckh, Explic.
ad Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165. Cleobulus also was a Heraclide,
according to Diog. Laert. I. 6. § 89.

391 There were different ways of making the 100 towns of Crete mentioned
in the Iliad agree with the 90 in the Odyssey, as may be seen from
Schol. Venet. Catal. 156.—According to Ephorus, Althæmenes founded
10 cities in Crete, so that in the time of Ulysses there were only
90, but in Homer’s time 100. Strabo X. p. 479. This was the manner
in which Ephorus wrote history. “Pylæmenes the Lacedæmonian” in the
Venetian Scholiast is probably only a corruption of the name. Conon
47. derives the Tripolis of Rhodes from Althæmenes.

392 VII. 99.

393 We find in both the worship of serpents, incubation, the custom of
votive tablets, &c.

394 Pausan. III. 23. 4.

395 Sprengel’s Geschichte der Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. new edit.

396 Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396.—Concerning the Asclepiadæ in Cnidos, see
particularly Theopompus in Phot. cod. 176.

397 Sprengel, ibid. p. 554.

398 Vitruvius II. 8. 12. _Cum Melas et Areuanius ab Argis et Trœzene
coloniam communem eo loco induxerunt, barbaros Caras et Lelegas
ejecerunt_.—The 1200 years, mentioned by Tacitus, from the time of
its founding to Tiberius, must be taken as a round number.

399 The religious ceremonies of Halicarnassus, as shown on its coins,
can be completely traced up to their origin. The head of Medusa, and
of Athene, the trident, and head of Hephæstus, belong to the worship
of Athene and Hephæstus at Trœzen and Athens: the tripod, lyre, and
heads of Apollo and Demeter to the _sacra Triopia_. At _Cos_ the
insignia of Æsculapius predominated, besides those of Hercules as
father of Pheidippus.

400 Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. Ἁλικάρνασσος. compare _Æginetica_, p.
140.

401 Vitruvius, ubi sup.

402 See book II. ch. 3. § 5.

403 Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. IV. 25. probably ascribes to it too much
influence.

404 Herodot. I. 144.

405 According to the account of Gelon’s ancestors in Herodot. VII. 153.

406 Compare Herodotus with Diod. V. 54.

407 Diod. ubi sup.

408 Scymnus Chius, 549. Probably with the colony of Althæmenes.

_ 409 E.g._ ε [δοξε] ταυ βουλαι και τωι δαμωι φιλ ... θενευς επεστατει
γνωμα πρυ [τανιων], &c. from Villoison’s papers.

410 See the quotations in Villoison in the Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr.
tom. XLVII. p. 287. An inscription among his papers refers to the
building of the temple of Apollo and Aphrodite at that place. The
worship of Aphrodite appears to indicate a Laconian colony.

411 Concerning Pholegandrus, see Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XLVII. p. 307.
339.

412 Paus. II. 30. 8. Raoul-Rochette is wrong in stating that Scylax
declares Caryanda to have been Doric.

413 Herodot. V. 121. Ἡρακλείδης Ἰβανωλίος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεὺς as leader of
the Carians.

414 Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. 4. Polyæn. VIII. 56. According to
Lycophron, v. 1388. the Doric colony also possessed Thingrus and
Satnium, which were places in Caria, according to Tzetzes, in whose
notes Ἰκαρίας should be twice altered into Καρίας.

415 Concerning Noricum, see below, § 11. The coins of Synnada have
ΣΥΝΝΑΔΕΩΝ ΔΩΡΙΕΩΝ; also ΣΥΝΝ. ΙΩΝΩΝ, and both together; also the
expression Καστολοῦ (better Καστωλοῦ) πεδίον Δωριεών, Stephan. Byz.
Xenophon mentions it twice in the Anabasis, without precisely
stating its position.

416 Compare Steph. Byz. in Ἀραὶ, Ἰωνίας (this is false. They were
situated between Syme and Cnidos, Athenæus VI. p. 262.) νῆσοι τρεῖς
οὅτω λεγομέναι διὰ τὰς ἀρὰς, ἅς Δωριεῖς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς
Πενταπολίτας, ὡς Ἀριστείδης. According to Dieuchidas in Athenæus,
the curse was in the time of Triopas and Phorbas.

417 Polyb. XVI. 12. 1.

418 See the decree of the Jasians, which includes that of the
Calymnians, in the Doric dialect: Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2671.

419 Strabo VIII. p. 374, endeavours to give the tradition an historical
colouring by supposing that Pelops drove away _Anthes_. compare XIV.
p. 656. Apollod. ap. Steph. in Ἁλικάρνασσος.

420 Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette also perceives this, tom. III. p. 31.

421 II. 30. 8.

422 Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Hence Athens is called the son of Poseidon,
Paus. II. 30, &c. Concerning the Antheadæ as priests of Poseidon see
an Halicarnassian inscription in Corp. Inscript. No. 2655, and
Boeckh’s Commentary. It is well known that Posidonia in the south of
Italy received the worship of Poseidon and also its name, from a
Trœzenian colony.

423 Indeed Pindar appears to represent him as dwelling at Argos, the
native place of the descendants of Hercules, at a time when all the
Heraclidæ were there living together undisturbed; and from Argos he
sails to Rhodes.

424 Olymp. VII. 24. Concerning the mother of Tlepolemus, see the
epigram, quoted below, p. 121 note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is
the footnote to “epigram of Aristotle,” starting “Peplus Troj.”.]

425 In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there is no necessity for assuming that the
poet intended to represent Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. In the
catalogue, indeed, four insular Greeks are mentioned, Nireus of
Syme, Antiphus and Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepolemus of Rhodes (Il.
B. 653-680). But of these the three first are not elsewhere
mentioned. Tlepolemus therefore remains the only Greek, of the
Asiatic colonies, on the Achæan side, in the Iliad; and the
connexion of the catalogue with the other parts of the poem does not
seem to intimate as to prove this exception to have been intended by
the writer of the fifth book. Tlepolemus must therefore be
considered as a Grecian of the mother country. I feel convinced,
that, according to Homer, no enemy of Troy comes from the eastern
side of the Ægæan sea. Concerning the numerous differences between
the catalogue and the genuine Homeric traditions, see the author’s
History of the Literature of ancient Greece, ch. 2, § 9.

426 Il. B. 668. When Strabo XIV. p. 653, states that Tlepolemus did not
lead out Dorians, but Achæans and Bœotians (as a Heraclide of
Thebes), he does not follow any ancient tradition, but the
chronological system of his times. The ancestors of Theron of Rhodes
(Schol. Pind. Olymp. II. 14.) have no reference to this: and
Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 272, mixes various accounts.

427 See book II. ch. 12. § 6.

428 Peplus Troj. Her. Epig. 27.

429 Book II. ch. 11. § 4.

430 See particularly Etymol. Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul-Rochette, tom.
III. p. 157.

431 Hecatæus ap. Stephan. Byz.

432 As Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 251. clearly shews from Herodotus
and Aristænetus περὶ Φασηλίδος ap. Steph. Byz. in Γέλα and other
words.

433 Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. According to Strab. XIV. p. 671 D. Ῥοδίων
καὶ Ἀχαιῶν, which Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 379, proposes to
refer to Achæa in Rhodes, and leave out καὶ, but the Gentile name
would be rather Ἀχαιεὺς than Ἀχαῖος. Solon, the Lindian, of Rhodes,
is called the founder of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita Arati, vol. I.
p. 3. vol. II. p. 444. Buhle.

434 Both names in Etymol. Magn. in v. Γέλα.

435 Herodot. VII. 153. The coins of Telos have the head of Jupiter and
the _Crab_, like those of Agrigentum; the last symbol is also on
those of Cos and Lindus.

436 Thucyd. VI. 4.

437 According to the spurious letters, which are correctly treated of by
Bentley in several passages of his Dissertation (without, however,
noticing the historical connexion), and also by Lennep in the notes.

438 According to Hippostratus ad Pind. Pyth. VI. 4.

439 Compare, besides Meursius, Heyne, Nov. Comment. Gotting. II. cl.
philol. p. 40 sqq. That Lyons was a Rhodian colony, has, though
without any grounds, been lately maintained, after Father Colonia,
by count Wilgrin de Tailefer, Antiquités de Vésone.

440 See Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 124. who also believes in the
victory of Perseus over Sardanapalus.

441 See particularly Dio Chrysost. Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, 406, 408.
Hercules was called ἀρχηγὸς, and on the day of his festival a
funeral pile was built to his honour; compare Athenæus V. p. 215 B.
on the Stephanephorus or priest of Hercules at Tarsus.

442 Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 403 sqq.

443 Steph. Byz. in Ἰώνη.

444 The arrival of Diomede the Argive among the Daunians may likewise
refer to the founding of Elpiæ. He is said to have come with
_Dorians_. Antonin. Liber. 37.

445 Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. Il. Liv. XXXVII. 56.

446 Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676.

447 Steph. Byz. in Γέλα. Compare Athen. VII. p. 297, from the Ὦροι
Κολοφωνίων of Heropythus, and Philostephanus περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ
πόλεων.

448 Book II. ch. 2, § 7.

449 Pompon. Mela I. 14. The tradition is very ancient. Strab. XIV. p.
668. from Callinus. τοὺς λαοὺς μετὰ Μόψου τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερθέντας τοὺς
μὲν ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ μεῖναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ μερισθῆναι καὶ Συρίᾳ,
μέχοι καὶ Φοινίκης. Concerning Mopsus in Pamphylia, see also Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 334.

450 Strab. XIV. p. 675, and others.

451 Philosteph. ubi sup.

452 Rhodia, near Phaselis, is also without doubt a Rhodian colony; and
Mopsus (Theopompus ap. Phot. cod. 176) was the founder merely in the
above sense. In the same manner probably Lyrnessus; compare
Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, has not
perceived any thing of all this.

453 De Div. I. 40.

454 Book II. ch. 2. § 7.

455 Thucyd. III. 102.

456 See § 10.

457 For what Plutarch. Amator. and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. 548. Wess.
relate of the expulsion of Archias, is stated by the Scholiast to
Apollonius IV. 1211, of the family of the Bacchiadæ. The former
affirm the accidental murder of the son of Melissus to have been the
cause of the founding of Syracuse, the latter of that of Corcyra.
Yet this is contradicted by the Parian Marble, I. 47. Archias
δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου, since the Bacchiadæ derived themselves from
Aletes, not Temenus. In either case Archias is an Heraclide. See
Boeckh. Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Compare Göller de situ
Syracusarum, p. 5. sq.

458 Strab. VII. p. 380 D.

459 Strab. VI. p. 269. Compare Scymnus Chius, v. 274.

460 See Boeckh’s Introduction to the sixth Olympiad.

461 Book II. ch. 9. § 4. ch. 10. § 1.

462 Athen. IV. p. 167. from Demetrius Scepsius. Archilochus made mention
of this Æthiops (Siebel. Fragm. p. 233).

463 Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 298. His προσόδιον was composed before the
Messenian wars, about the same time.

464 Adoniaz. 53. compare Thucyd. VI. 77. ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε εἰσὶν,—ἀλλὰ
Δωριεῖς, ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ᾽ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὴν Σικελίαν
οἰκοῦντες.

465 Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. 4.

466 According to Thucyd. VI. 5. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 319. supports
the contrary opinion.

467 Thucyd. I. 108. where this Chalcis is evidently intended.

468 Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. The coins of Alyzia do not necessarily
prove it to be of Corinthian origin, since barbarous towns
frequently adopted the devices of the neighbouring Greek cities.
Herodotus IX. 28. does not afford any reason for supposing that Pale
was a Corinthian colony; yet both here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it
appears as closely united with Corinth.

469 This I believe, because it was founded by Heraclidæ, _i.e._ by
Bacchiadæ, according to Anton. Lib. 4; hence also the worship of
Hercules existed there. Compare also concerning the Doric migration
to Ambracia, the Epigram of Damagetus in the Palat. Anthol. VII.
231.

470 Γόργος is probably the most correct form of those in Plut. Conv.
VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. Scymn. Ch. 427.
Antonin. Lib. I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone considers him as the
brother of Cypselus. See book III. ch. 9. § 6. note. The form ΓΟΡΓΟΣ
is also confirmed by a coin of Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, Annali
dell’ Instituto di corrisp. archeol. 1829, p. 316.

471 Thucyd. II. 68.

472 See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 43.

473 Plutarch. Themist. 24.; but the whole history is inaccurately
related.

474 Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. 1212., and from Timæus at V. 1216.

475 Yet Timæus ubi sup. places Chersicrates 600 years after the Trojan
war, the date of which he fixed (according to Censorinus de Die Nat.
21.) 417 years before the first Olympiad; consequently the date
which he gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. 46. 3. 594. B.C. in the
time of the Cypselidæ. But since it is scarcely credible that Timæus
could place the foundation of Corcyra so low down, it is probable
that he fixed an earlier date for the Trojan war, according to
Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 135. ω. III. p. 490. Compare Mustoxidi
Illustrazioni Corciresi, I. 5. p. 65.

476 Thucyd. I. 47.

477 Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. Ch. 620.

478 Scymn. Ch. 412. According to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. 86. it was
founded at the same time that Dionysius founded Lissus.

_ 479 Orchomenos_, p. 297.

480 Thucyd. I. 13.

481 μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα, the words of the Corinthians in
Thucyd. I. 38. compare I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3.

482 I. 56. See book III. ch. 8. § 5.

483 According to Eusebius. See Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 233.

484 According to Hesychius Milesius de Constant, p. 48. the founder’s
name was Dineus.

485 The situation of Byzantium, in a political and commercial point of
view, is well described by Polybius IV. 44.

486 Dionys. Byzant. de Thracio Bosporo in Hudson’s Geogr. Min. vol. III.
sacrifices were offered to her on the first day of the year. Heyne
Comment. Rec. Gotting. tom. I. p. 62. has treated of the fables of
Io at Byzantium with sufficient fulness, but without tracing the
origin of the traditions.

487 Ibid.

488 See, besides others, Palat. Anthol. VII. 169. Why does not
Raoul-Rochette admit here as elsewhere, the supposition of an
ancient colony under the guidance of Io, an Argive princess?

489 See Dionysius. There is something on this head also in Hesychius.
Besides the names in the text, there are Athene Ecbasia—Artemis
Dictynna (also _Lucifera in piscinis_), Ajax Telamonius, and
Achilles—Rhea—Hecate and Fortune—The Dioscuri—Amphiaraus ἐν συκαῖς,
Aphrodite the preserver of peace, and Aphrodite Πάνδημος.

490 With whom there were at times dissensions. See Aristot. Pol. V. 2.
10.

491 See, besides the decrees in Demosthenes, Constantin. Porph. Them. I.
p. 1452. in Meursii Opp.

492 Μεταμβριανων and Μεσαμβριανων on coins.

493 According to Scymnus Chius, v. 714.

494 Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. _Æginetica_, p. 67. It is probable that Perinthus
also at that time received a party of Doric colonists, as it is
called an allied town by the Byzantians (Demosth. de Corona, p.
255), and the worship of Hercules was prevalent there. Compare
Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, where, however, several passages are
incorrectly applied.

495 Arrian, Periplus of the Pontus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. Compare
Orelli Heracleot. p. 115. Raoul-Rochette places it as far back as
the 30th Olympiad, but according to Scymnus Chius, 231, the founding
took place in the time of Cyrus.

496 Megara was founded in the same year as Naxus, Olymp. 11. 3,
according to Ephorus (in Strabo and Scymnus); according to the more
exact Thucydides some time after, 245 years before its destruction
by Gelon. Gelon reigned from Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from Olymp. 73.
4, till 75. 3, in Syracuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. I. Explic. p.
100). From the narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, it appears that he
conquered Megara in the interval of Olymp. 74. 1-3; in which case
the foundation would fall about Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. According
then to the account of Thucydides, the arrival of Lamis the Megarean
must have been some years before. This event was contemporary with
the founding of Leontini, which was five years after that of
Syracuse: this cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the account of
Eusebius, who dates the building of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. (Hieron.
Scal.) The statement of the Parian Marble agrees better, viz. Olymp.
5. 3. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons on false suppositions.
Compare Heyne Opusc. Academ. tom. II. pp. 259. sq.

497 See Passow ad Theogn. 773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 85, adds Schol.
Platon. p. 220. See also Welcker’s Theognis, p. 14. In literary
history many instances occur of the same persons being called
citizens of the mother-state, and of the colony; _e.g._, Archilochus
was a Parian and Thasian; Protagoras and Hecatæus the younger were
citizens both of Teos and Abdera; Terpander belonged to Arne in
Bœotia and Lesbos at the same time; Mimnermus was both a Colophonian
and citizen of Smyrna, &c.

498 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 313-359. Thrige’s _Res Cyrenensium_ (1828),
pp. 23-35. Concerning a family of the Heraclidæ, see the interesting
passages of Synesius, Καταστ. (p. 10. Morell.) and of Theodorus
Metochita in the Supplem. ad Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The account of
the latter is very confused.

499 Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid, 121 sq.

500 Δωρικοὶ τάφοι, Synesius, ubi sup.

501 Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus V. 53. speaks of an Argive-Lacedæmonian
colony in this district.

502 V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1388, calls him Ἱππότης ὁ Ἀλήτης, but
I can hardly think that he is the same as the ancestor of the
Corinthian Heraclidæ.

503 Diodor. V. 53.

504 Also at Nisyrus, according to its coins.

505 I here speak on the authority of some beautiful drawings by M.
Huyot, amongst which is a plan of Cnidos; an accurate plan of the
harbour was shown me by Captain Beaufort. Compare Clarke, part II. §
1, plate 13.

506 It is stated by Diodorus V. 9, that the Cnidians in the 50th
Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a colony to Lipara under the guidance of
three descendants of their countryman Hippotes, Gorgus, Thestor, and
Epithersidas, who, in conjunction with 500 of the former
inhabitants, founded a state. Now it was natural to call Æolus the
god of the winds, who was supposed to reside on these islands, a son
of the new national hero, Hippotes; and hence he became Αἴολος
Ἱπποτάδης. If this is true, then the name Ἱπποτάδης in the Odyssey
(K. 2. 36.) is certainly _later_ than the Homeric age; which might
be almost supposed from the statement of the learned Asclepiades,
that the Æolus of Homer was the son of Poseidon (not of Hippotes),
which he could hardly have said, if all the copies of the Odyssey
had Ἱπποτάδης.

507 See particularly Pausan. X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and Diodorus V.
9, probably from the same author.

508 Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 321.

509 See Strab. XII. p. 570. The inscription on their coins is Σελγέων
Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμόνοια. Compare Mionnet Descript. III. p. 525.
Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 427, with whom I do not entirely agree.
See also Nicephorus Blemmidas, ed. Spohn. p. 13.

510 Dionys. Perieg. 860, where I consider that “the Amyclæans” is not a
mere poetical ornament, although the testimony is not to be much
depended upon. Compare Eustathius ad 1.

511 See Raoul-Rochette’s argument, tom. II. p. 428.

512 Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. Strab. XIV. p. 682. Λακεδαίμων ἐν Κύπρῳ
Eustath. ad Homer. p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in Cyprus was founded
by _Sicyonians_ (Steph. Byz. in Γόλγοι), and it was the _only_
colony sent out by that state, with the exception of Phæstus in
Crete, whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is said to have gone; see ch.
5. § 2.

_ 513 Ut fertur, octavus ab Hercule_, Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. Carm. II. 6.
12; and so likewise Servius ad Virgil. Georg. IV. 125. Æn. III. 551.
Compare, concerning the Phalantiadæ, Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι.
Callimachus is referred to in a verse quoted by Schol. ined. ad
Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) πάντες ἀφ᾽
Ἡρακλῆος ἐτήτυμον ἔστε Λάκωνες according to Goettling’s conjecture.

514 Ὑακίνθου or Ἁπόλλωνος Ὑακίνθου τάφος, Polyb. VIII. 30. 2.

515 Ib. VIII. 35. 8.

516 Scymn. Ch. 330.

517 Strabo VI. p. 264, from Antiochus.

518 Herodot. III. 138. IV. 164.

519 Strabo VIII. p. 387.

520 Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul-Rochette, III.
p. 187.

521 See book II. ch. 3.

522 Metam. XV. 15. _Grates agit ille parenti Amphitryoniadæ._

523 See Pausan. ubi sup. The newly discovered fragments of Polybius
confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, p.
384. Mai, inasmuch as they mention the sending of Locrian
auxiliaries to the Spartans as the cause of the foundation of Locri
in Italy.

524 Justin XX. 2.

525 Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul-Rochette, p. 194, derives it from Dorians, who
had previously settled at Cape Zephyrium: but even if there were
Dorians there, they must have been Megareans.

526 It would lead us too far from our subject to explain the tradition
concerning the Lacedæmonians among the Sabines and Samnites. It is
remarkable that, according to Silius Italicus, these Lacedæmonians
came from Amyclæ and Therapne, the ancient settlements of the
Achæans. I must also pass over the Cretan colonies, for many
reasons.

527 Paus. III. 2. 7.

528 A war with Cnosus is very improbable and almost impossible; Paus.
II. 21. III. 11. Vell. Paterc. I. 4. (_Lacedæmonii in Asia
Magnesiam_), had probably some account of the share of the Spartans
in these Cretan colonies, which will be discussed book II. ch. 3.

529 Pausan. V. 20. I, according to Clavier, Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

530 Λυκοῦργος ὑπὸ πάντων συμφώνως ἱστορεῖται μετὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τοῦ Ἠλείου
τὴν πρώτην ἀριθμηθεῖσαν τῶν Ὀλυμπίων θέσιν διαθεῖναι, Athen. XIV. p.
635 F.

531 Pausan. V. 8. 3. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ τὸ συνεχὲς ταῖς μνήμαις ἐπὶ ταῖς
Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐστί—

532 γράμματα Ἡλείων ἐς τοὺς Ὀλυμπιονίκας, Pausan. V. 21. 5. VI. 2. 1.

533 See Aristodemus ap. Syncell. Chron. p. 196 C. Compare Goeller de
Situ Syracusarum, p. 198.

534 Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. ἐν Μεγάροισίν τ᾽ οὐχ ἔτερον λιθίνα ψᾶφος ἔχει
λόγον. Compare Boeckh Explic.

535 Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8.

536 Sturz. Hellanici fragment. p. 79 sqq. ed. 2.

537 Agesil. 19.

538 In Colot. 17. p. 268. Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν περὶ Λυκούργου χρησμὸν ἐν
ταῖς παλαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς ἔχοντες. Concerning this oracle see
Theodoret Græc. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The
oracle in Œnomaus (Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. p. 113.) is evidently a
modern forgery.

539 Above ch. 5. § 14. Eurysthenes, according to Eusebius, reigned 42
years.

540 Suidas in Χάρων.

541 Athen. XI. p. 475 B. concerning the καρχήσιον.

542 XII. 12. 1.

543 Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. I. 5. who calls the ἀναγραφὴ of the kings
a παράπηγμα. Eusebius says that at the beginning of the Olympiads
_Lacedæmoniorum reges defecerunt_, which error arose from the lists
ending here, which had been made for computing the preceding
periods.

544 Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I.
p. 336. ed. Colon. Compare Tatian. adv. Græcos, p. 174. Censorinus
de Die Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. 23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who
also followed the Χρονικὰ of Apollodorus.

545 I do not contend that the chronological statements in the Spartan
lists form an _authentic document_, more than those in the
catalogues of the priestesses of Here and in the list of
Halicarnassian priests (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2655). The
chronological statements in the Spartan lists may have been formed
from imperfect memorials; but the Alexandrine chronologists must
have found such tables in existence, since they could not have been
produced by mere computation; and yet the date of 328 years before
the 1st Olympiad was entirely founded upon them.

546 Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales.

547 P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. from Tatian and Clemens I. p. 327. comp. p.
309. Pausan. III. 2. 4. Eusebius’s quotation of Apollodorus at the
18th year of Alcamenes is incorrect, as may be seen from Plutarch.
Lycurg. I.

548 I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3.

549 Ælian. V. H. IX. 41.

550 Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 2. and compare Schol. Plat. Rep. X. p.
474. 21 Bekker. The latter, also, according to Aristot. Polit. II.
7. 1. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Compare Dieuchidas, ap.
Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p.
390 Potter). cf. Strab. X. p. 481. He took Lycurgus for a son of
Polydectes and a younger brother of Eunomus, and placed him 290
years after the taking of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. Rom. II. 49.
calls Lycurgus the uncle of Eunomus, whom he probably places with
Herodotus (VIII. 131.) _after_ Polydectes. Thucydides I. 18. places
Lycurgus not long before 800 B.C. Timæus escaped the difficulty by
supposing that there were two Lycurguses. Xenophon disagrees the
most (Rep. Lac. 10. quoted by Plutarch. Lyc. I.), as he says that
Lycurgus lived κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, _i.e._ κατὰ τὴν Ἡρακλειδῶν
κάθοδον.

551 VIII. 131.

552 See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. p. 144. The same explanation also
diminishes the difficulty about the relationship of Lycurgus; yet
there still remains the great discrepancy between Herodotus (where
the emendation proposed by Marsham does not suit the context) and
Xenophon.

553 The dates of these are given, doubtless from Alexandrine
chronologists, by Diodorus, fragm. 6 p. 635, where (with Wesseling
after Didymus) 30 years must be assumed from the return of the
Heraclidæ to the reign of Aletes, by which the computation comes out
right. This has been overlooked by Eusehius, since he makes Aletes
contemporary with Eurysthenes. See the Armenian Eusebius, p. 16.
Mai.

554 See above, p. 136. note t. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “district of Laconia.”]

_ 555 Æginetica_, p. 62. Comp. Theocritus XVII. 27.

556 As may fairly be inferred from V. 4. 3.

557 V. 4. 4 In an inscription at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. p. 193.) he
was called the son of Hæmon; according to common tradition, he was
the son of Praxonides. In Eusebius (Hieronym.) should be written,
_Iphitus Praxonidis vel Æmonis f_.

558 I. 66, 67.

559 Concerning this word see Boissonade, Classical Journal, vol. XX. p.
289.

560 Boeckh Inscript. No. 11.

_ 561 E.g._ by Wolf Proleg. Homer. p. 67.

562 Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 308.

563 For the date of Terpander, see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note.

564 Scymnus Chius, v. 313. Strabo VI. p. 259.

565 Plutarch. Lyc. 13. whose words should be thus understood, “_Lycurgus
did not enact any written laws, but merely sanctioned existing
customs._” The ῥῆτραι however were evidently not mere ἔθη, but
oracular dicta, expressed in definite words, which had been
preserved from ancient times. Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them Αἰ
καλούμεναι τρεῖς ῥῆτραι, and also de Esu Carn. II. 1. ὁ θεῖος
Λυκοῦργος ἐν ταῖς τρίσι ῥήτραις; consequently this was in a certain
degree a fixed number.—One of these very regulations was μὴ χρῆσθαι
νόμοις ἐγγράφοις.

566 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 19. αἱ ῥῆτραι, δι᾽ ὧν ἐκόσμησε τὴν
Λακεδαιμονίων, πολιτείαν Λυκοῦργος, ἐδόθησαν αὑτῷ καταλογάδην.

567 The Delphian Inscription in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1711. The
Cretan in Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian and Prienian in
Chandler Inscript. p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. Oxon. p. 25.

568 I agree with Creuzer Histor. Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is
unnecessary _always_ to alter writers concerning ὄροι into
ὡρόγραφοι, _i.e._ chronologists. The above Samian inscriptions
expressly refer to historical works; and are we then to alter in
Herodian p. 7. (where see the passages quoted), and in p. 39. ἐν
Σαμίων ὄροις?

_ 569 Monumenta saxis sculpta et ære prisco_, Tacitus Annal. IV. 44.

570 I mention Eumelus in this place, as being a Lyric poet in the modern
sense of the word, on account of his ᾆσμα προσόδιον for the
Messenian Theoria to Delos, Pausan. IV. 4. 1.

571 Περὶ νομοθετῶν. He must however have either invented himself, or
adopted the inventions of others, if he mentioned the _names_ of the
twenty assistants and friends of Lycurgus, Plutarch. Lyc. 5.

572 Plutarch. Lyc. 31. and 11.

573 See book II. ch. 10. § 2.

574 He was anciently celebrated for his mildness. Plutarch in the Life
of Lycurgus, and de Adul. 16. On the other hand, Heraclides Ponticus
2. καὶ τὸν Χάριλλον (ΧΑΡΙΛΑΟΝ) τυραννικῶς ἄρχοντα μετέστησε.

575 Plutarch. Lyc.

576 Book III. ch. 1. The names of _Eunomus_ as the father and of
_Eucosmus_ as the son of Lycurgus (Pausan. III. 16. 5.) belong to
the class pointed out above, p. 69. note g. [Transcriber’s Note:
This is the footnote to “capture of Ægialea,” starting “The name of
Tisamenus.”]

577 Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. and Heraclid. Pont. 2. καὶ κοινὸν ἀγαθὸν
τὰς ἐκεχείρας (the Pythian are probably meant) κατέστησε. The
account of Hermippus is evidently, in part at least, invented.

578 This Cleosthenes is mentioned in Phlegon Trallianus ap. Meurs.
Opera, vol. VII. p. 128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246, 7. Bekker.

579 Συνχώρημα Ἑλλήνων ἱερὰν καὶ ἀπόρθητον εἶναι Ἠλείαν, Polyb. IV. 73.
who calls the peaceable existence of the Eleans in early times a
ἱερὸς βίος; Strab. VIII. p. 357. Diod. Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel.,
where very absurd motives are attributed to the Lacedæmonians.

580 Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Explic. p. 494. Schneider Lexicon in v. et ad
Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

581 The determination of this time was somewhat ambiguous. See Thuc. V.
49. ἐπαλλέλλειν is the proper word for the announcement.

582 Herod. VI. 19. see also V. 77.

583 Thucyd. V. 49. comp. Pausan. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3.

584 As in the well-known treaty between the Eleans and Heræans, αἰ δὲ μά
συνέαν, τάλαντόν κ᾽ ἀργύρω ἀποτίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ Ολυμπίῳ.

585 Thuc. V. 31.

586 Thuc. III. 8, 14.

587 Pausan. IV. 4.

588 Book II. ch. 3, § 2.