Chapter XXIX: Appendix: IV. History of the Greek Congress or Synedrion During the Persian (3)

589 Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

590 Plutarch Romul. 25. Sympos. Qu. IV. 1. 1. Sept. Sap. Conviv. 16.
Polyæn. II. 31. 2. Plin. H. N. XI. 70.

591 See Fulgentius in Staveren Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. _Si quis enim
centum hostes interfecisset, Marti de homine sacrificabat apud
insulam Lemnum, quod sacrificatum est a duobus, Aristomene
Gortynensi et Theoclo Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scribit._ Apollodorus
ap. Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. Meursius, Misc. Lac.
II. 14.) says that the Lacedæmonians also had sacrificed a man to
Mars.

592 Paus. IV. 15. 5.

593 Polyæn. II. 31. 3. Plin. XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. ext., 15.

594 Stephanus Byz., who quotes Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plutarch.
Herodotus, however, does not mention the subject. What Stephanus
says is taken from Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. 2. p. 291. where
however for φησὶν αὐτὸς should probably be written φασὶν αὐτόν.

595 Isocrates (Archidam. 11.) connects the Messenian war with the
assassination of Cresphontes; and relates that the Spartans were
much encouraged by the oracle: the narrative evidently had not at
this time received the form in which it was afterwards represented.
Yet he mentions the twenty years’ siege (on the authority of
Tyrtæus), § 66.

596 See Antip. Sidon. VII. 161. Anthol. Palat.

597 Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. 5. IX. 39. 5.

598 Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archidam. 10.

599 Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

600 Also Æschylus of Alexandria wrote Messeniaca, Athen. XIII. p. 599 E.

601 See Athen. XIV. p. 857 D. Diodorus probably follows him, since he
represents Cleonnis in the first war and Aristomenes as fighting
together, Fragm. N. p. 637, Wessel. In XV. 66. he means him among
the ἔνιοι. Boivin and Wesseling endeavour in vain to reconcile the
contradictions. The genuineness of the fragment of Diodorus is
however doubtful.

602 IV. 15. 1.

603 Concerning Rhianus see Jacobs in the Index Auctorum to the
Anthology.

604 See Strabo, VIII. p. 362.

_ 605 E.g._ it was a _Messenian_ account which Myron followed (Pausan.
IV. 6. 2), that Aristomenes killed the king Theopompus (contrary to
Tyrtæus, as may be seen from Plutarch Agid. 21.).

606 I will now point out some instances of modern fiction in the
narrative of Pausanias. The account of Polychares and Euæphnus
supposes a greater power in the Areopagus than it ever possessed;
nor did the quarrel come at all within the province of the Argive
Amphictyons. Besides Pausanias, see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, who
generally follows the same authorities. The Cretan bowmen must have
been introduced by Rhianus from his own country; it is certain that
there were no mercenaries at so early a period. How could the
Corinthians have gone to Laconia without passing through an enemy’s
country, and who would have allowed them a free passage? The flight
of the initiated to Eleusis is contrary to all probability; and this
the more, as in the second war they were quiet spectators, Pausan.
IV. 16. 1. Yet we are told the sacred torchbearers (δᾳδοῦχοι) fought
at Athens in military array. The disposition of the light-armed
troops in separate bodies (IV. 7. 2.) is contrary to the account of
Tyrtæus and to ancient usage, compare IV. 8. 4. Οἱ Μεσσήνιοι δρόμῳ
ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο (IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to Herodotus
(VI. 112). Many events are attributed to very improbable causes,
_e.g._ that they left the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) from want of
money. There is absolutely no reason given for the subjection of
Messenia. That the Argives came in a private capacity, and not at
the command of the state, appears from Herodot. VI. 92. The oracle
in IV. 9. 2. in iambic verses is of a late date, but nevertheless
_more_ ancient than the corresponding one in hexameters preserved by
Eusebius Præp. Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. The verse in Pausan.
IV. 12. 1. ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαὸς, refers to the
fraud of Cresphontes at the original division. In the oracle in
Pausan. IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius ubi sup. should be written, ἦ γὰρ
Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τείχη, Καὶ τειχέων στεφάνωμα πικροὺς οἰκήτορας
ἕξει. Whence these oracles were derived does not appear: nor is it
easy to decide concerning the date of such short pieces. (The above
oracle is differently, and perhaps more correctly, emended by Lobeck
ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.)

607 See the Fragments as arranged by Frank, _Callinus_, p. 168.

608 Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.

609 By Pausauias and Diodorus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.

610 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

611 Justin. III. 5. says eighty years. Thirty-nine years are probably
too short a period; for, as the Spartans did not marry before the
age of thirty (book IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference between
grandfathers and grandchildren must have been on an average sixty
years. If the interval had been only thirty-nine years, most of
those engaged in the second war would have been the _sons_ of the
conquerors of Ithome.

612 The same date is in the Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But Pausanias IV. 15.
1. proves _only from Tyrtæus_ that Rhianus was incorrect in calling
Leotychides a contemporary of the _second_ war; consequently the
numbers cannot have much authority. Pausanias had however various
means of judging: _e.g._ after the expulsion and subjugation of the
inhabitants no Messenian occurred in the Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI.
2. 5. Different writers however vary remarkably. Dinarchus in
Demosth. p. 99. 29. places the subjection of the Messenians 400
years before their restoration (370 B.C.); Lycurgus in Leocrat. p.
155. 500; Isocrates Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; but Bekker reads
400 from a manuscript, which agrees better with the early date of
Isocrates for the subjection of the Messenians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph.
p. 126. only 230 years before the liberation by Epaminondas.

613 It has been proved by the succession of the excerpts of Diodorus
that he placed the second Messenian war at the same time as
Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. Now Eusebius places
the beginning of the second war at Olymp. 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and
Tyrtæus at Ol. 36. 3. (636).

614 Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. Frank, _Callinus_, pp. 172, 196. who
proposes Polydôrô without any reason); see Polyæn. I. 15.

615 See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13.

616 Strabo VIII. p. 360.

617 In the time of Augustus it was in Messenia. The name Nedon was only
preserved in that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.

618 IV. 4. 2.

619 Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly the same account as that of the
_Lacedæmonians_ in Pausanias; and so also Heraclides Ponticus, and
Justin. III. 4.

_ 620 Annalium memoria vatumque carminibus_, Tacit. Annal. IV. 43.

621 Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See above, ch. 5. § 13.

622 Probably tradition had preserved some report of a sacrifice to
Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), concerning which see book II. ch. 9.

623 Plutarch also mentions the same expedition, de Superstit. 7. p. 71,
Hutten.

624 Fragm. 25.

625 Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. p. 257.

626 IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.

627 Hence Hercules Manticlus was worshipped at Messana, Pausan. IV. 23.
5. IV. 26. 3.

628 See particularly Thucyd. VI. 5.

629 Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini considered the Messenians of Naupactus
as kinsmen, Pausan. IV. 26. We may pass over the often corrected
error of Pausanias concerning Anaxilas (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I.
p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).

630 Yet it should be observed that Dionysius Perieg. 376. mentions
Amyclæans as colonists in Tarentum, which is probably not a mere
poetical embellishment.

631 Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. The words οὕτω
γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ
Κρεσφόντου καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. contain two errors; comp. Pausan.
IV. 26. 5.

632 The whole of the following passage is evidently taken from Tyrtæus,
VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ
δευτέραν, καθ᾽ ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ
Ἀρχάδας addendum] καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην
τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ Πανταλέοντα
τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. that at the ἐσχάτη
κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted the Spartans. They must
therefore have espoused the cause of the latter out of hatred
towards Pisa. With Strabo agrees the article of Phavorinus in v.
Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that “the Lacedæmonians deprived the Pisatans
of this privilege for siding with Messenia, and gave it to the
Eleans, who took their part.” But if Elis was friendly and Pisa
hostile to the Spartans, Pantaleon can hardly have obtained the
agonothesia, when Sparta had overcome all her enemies, and had ended
the war victoriously. Accordingly, the 34th Olympiad, which
Pantaleon celebrated without the Eleans, probably fell in the period
of the second war.

633 According to Pausanias also the _Sicyonians_.

634 Pausan. VI. 22. 2.

635 Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with Pausanias, and
states that the war lasted for more than twenty years.

636 Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:—

πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,
εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην
ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον.
χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.

637 See _Æginetica_, p. 65.

638 Which city was still governed by kings in the Peloponnesian war,
Plutarch Parallel. 32. p. 430. In this strange composition,
arbitrary fictions are curiously mixed with learned notices.

639 See the genealogy of the Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and Corinthian
princes below, ch. 8. § 3. note.

640 The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. 33. Pausan.
IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), in which Aristocrates is supposed to have
betrayed the Messenians, was also mentioned by Tyrtæus; but the
account which he gave of it quite differs from that in Pausanias,
viz. that the Spartans were intentionally posted in front of a
trench, that they might not be able to run away. Eustratius ad
Aristot. Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν
τοιούτων παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην
γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ
Τυρταῖος μνημονεύει.

641 According to Pausanias.

642 Pausan. IV 15. 4. What he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, however,
agree well with this.

643 Herod. III. 41. That the Lacedæmonians, at the beginning of the
second war, dedicated a statue of Jupiter, twelve feet in height, at
Olympia, with the inscription in Pausan. V. 24. 1. is merely a
conjecture of the ἐξηγηταί.

644 The passage of Strabo VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus:
“Tyrtæus says that the second conquest of Messenia took place,”
ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ
γὰρ εἶναί φησιν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν;
Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα
(for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ
ἀπιστητέον καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν
καὶ Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. p. 52. n. d., and Porson’s Adversaria,
p. 39. But there is nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, who lived among
the Dorians, speaking of the whole nation in the first person
plural, without mentioning his own different origin. In the same
manner Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation as of a whole, Μεσσήνην
εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. 6. 2. Compare the verses of Mimnermus
in Strab. XIV. p. 634. The Laconian town of Aphidnæ, from which the
Leucippidæ are supposed to have come, has probably arisen from some
misunderstanding. (Steph. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, the father
of Tyrtæus (Suidas in v.), looks like an etymological invention;
Ἀρχίμβροτος, “the ruler of men.”

645 Concerning a defeat of the Spartans by the Argives, see below, § 13.

646 Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. Aristomenes, according to Pausan.
IV. 24. married his sister and daughters to persons at Phigalea,
Lepreum, and Heræa. This is alluded to in a verse from the fifth
book of Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽
ἄκοιτιν ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. Tharyx.

647 This circumstance was narrated by Rhianus in the sixth (probably the
last) book, in which Atabyrum, a town in Rhodes, was mentioned,
Steph. Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.

648 Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, and
Messenia, before the time of Lycurgus; but probably he is incorrect.
According to Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans took king Theopompus
prisoner (provided the _king_ is meant): and the same authority
states II. 13. that Mantinea was taken by Eurypon.

649 Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.

650 Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, compare III. 7.
3.

651 Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. XVII. p.
251. C. the speech of the Tegeatans in Herodotus IX. 26. Polyænus I.
11.

652 At this time probably the oracle was delivered, which held out such
deceitful promises to the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον
ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, Herod. I. 66.
The ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, which may be derived from
ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι signifies the condition of a Helot, or a
Clarotes, who receives a measured-out piece of land to cultivate.

653 See the stratagem of king Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in Polyæn. I. 8.

654 See below, ch. 9. § 1.

655 Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5.

656 Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The Amphictyons decided concerning Thyrea,
Plutarch Parallel. Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.

657 Herod. VI. 92. sqq.

658 Concerning these Amphictyons, see Ste Croix _Governemens fédératifs
anciens_, p. 100. who, however, treats the subject with his usual
carelessness. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. cf. n. 1124.
Maffei in Muratori, 561.

659 I should not now venture to make such positive assertions as those
made in my _Æginetica_, p. 54.

660 III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.

661 Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.

662 III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 133.
Steph.

663 II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.

664 Thus, according to Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ
Λακωνικῇ, which then probably was the nearest place of importance,
belonged to the Dryopians; comp. Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.

665 See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 1193.

666 Æginetica, pp. 51-63.

667 With regard to the dominion of his brother in Macedonia, the
relation of this narrative to that in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears
to me to be as follows. Both describe the same event; but the latter
is the rude native tradition of Macedon, formed among a people which
had few historical memorials; the former is derived from an Argive
tradition, and, though as well as the other not purely historical,
is yet connected together in a more probable manner. Κάρανος is
perhaps only another form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius in Κόραννος.
The account of Euripides, that Archelaus, the son of Temenus, took
the city of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither he had come as a goatherd in
great distress (Hyginus Fab. 219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is the most
unfounded. Whether Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) was acquainted
with the tradition concerning Caranus, or followed the account of
Herodotus, does not appear. There is also a discrepancy in the
account of Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. p. 1453. See Appendix I. §
15.

668 Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.

669 And _only_ silver (not τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo says),
since copper was not coined till a much later period, and gold was
first coined in Asia. In the Etymologicum Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it
is stated inaccurately that Phido reduced the measures.

670 See book III. c. 10. § 12. The ancient Macedonian coins were struck
according to the same standard.

671 Polyb. II. 37. 10.

672 See in general Julian. Epist. ad Arg. 35. p. 407.

673 According to Eusebius, p. 1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias places τὸν περὶ
τῆς Θυρεάτιδος ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of Theopompus, at the
same date; Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth year of Romulus.

674 Otherwise Herodotus could not have said of the Cynurians,
ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare
Æginetica, p. 47.

675 Pausan. II. 24. 8.

676 In addition to the passages in Æginetica ubi sup. see the Epigrams
of Simonides VIII. 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. Damagetus 432.
Nicander 526. Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. in the Palatine
Anthology. According to Isocrates Archid. p. 136. D. 300 Spartans
destroyed all the Argives. It is a remarkable continuation of the
legend, that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, who went away too soon
(Herod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the Nemean games, slew Othryadas,
Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings of the Argives for the battle of
Thyrea, as well as those of the Tegeatans for a victory over Sparta,
at Delphi (Pausan. X. 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates of the
artificers, have been made before the 100th Olympiad (380 B.C.).

677 Hence their institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. 27. 3. 678
B.C.) is derived from that event. See Athen. XIV. p. 631. Ruhnken ad
Tim. p. 54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ στέφανοι. Apostolius VI.
56.—Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 211.

678 Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. calls Cynuria, taking indeed a bird’s-eye
view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, “not wider
than a bean.”

679 Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35. 2.

680 According to Eusebius in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. Corsini
Dissert. Agon. p. 51.

681 As Dissen has shown, ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.

682 From this I have explained Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, p. 47,
where however the σύνοικοι after the Persian war are not different
from the former Periœci.

683 I. 18. and compare I. 76. and I. 122. See also Herodotus V. 92. 1.
ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ
γενέσθαι, Sosicles the Corinthian says to the Spartans, “Heaven and
earth will be changed, before you abolish free governments
(ἰσοκρατίαι) in order to introduce tyrannies.” See also Dionys.
Halicarn. Lys. 30. p. 523. The Syracusans also overthrew many
tyrants, before they had one of their own, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 18.

684 Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. Gaisford.

685 Libanius in Sever, vol. III. p. 251. Reisk.

686 Polit. V. 9. 21.

687 The series is not, however, quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 126.
only goes down as far as Andreas. Aristotle merely says, Ὀρθαγόρου
παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7 (see
Wyttenbach. p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ
Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta of Diodorus, VII-X. 14. Script.
Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears that Andreas and
Orthagoras are probably the same person: for Andreas is stated also
to have been a cook, by whom the dynasty was first raised.

688 Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.

689 Herod. I. 163. and others.

690 Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει καὶ εἰς
τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος εἰς τὴν
Κλεισθένους, implies that the tyranny did not pass quietly from
Myron to Cleisthenes, but that the latter re-acquired it by force.

691 Book III. ch. 4. § 3.

692 Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας.

693 See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling’s
Notes.

694 Herodotus, followed by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would now in
this passage of Herodotus (V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, where Casaubon
proposed ληιστῆρα; not, however, in a passive sense, but according
to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, _i.e._ a γύμνης or
ψιλοὸς, the great mass of light-armed soldiers being furnished with
slings. Compare _e.g._ Thuc. I. 106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—“Adrastus
is king of the Argives, but thou art a common bond-slave,” says the
oracle to Cleisthenes.

695 Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. Polyæn. III.
5. It is remarkable that Sparta took no part in this war.

696 See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206.

697 Pausan. II. 9. 6.

698 Pausan. X. 7. 5.

699 For the tyranny lasted, according to Aristotle and Diodorus, p. 11.
Mai, 100 years, _i.e._ from about the 26th to the 51st Olympiad,
676-576 B.C.

700 Herod. V. 68.

701 Herod. VI. 128.

702 Strab. p. 378. About 200 men according to Diodorus ap. Syncell.
Cronograph. p. 178. Par.

703 Herod. V. 92. 2.

704 Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22.

705 Ælian. V. II. I. 19.

706 Concerning a stratagem of Cypselus on this occasion, see Polyænus V.
31. 1. That a Bacchiad, Demaratus, should have gone at this time to
Italy, is very probable; but that the Tarquins were descended from
him is a fiction. See Niebuhr’s History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.

707 According to Eusebius, which agrees with the 447 years in Diodorus
(Fragm. 6. p. 635. Wessel.), from the return of the Heraclidæ until
Cypselus. It is not easy to see what were Strabo’s grounds for
reckoning the dominion of the Bacchiadæ at 200 years, VIII. p. 378.
According to Diodorus they were Prytanes for only 90 years.

708 Aristot. ubi sup.

709 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 361.

710 Herod. V. 92. 6. according to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 135 Ruhnk.
he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, as should be read in Apostol. XX. 47.

711 Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.

712 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.

713 Nicolaus Damascenus.

714 Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.

715 Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. Compare Aristot. Pol. V. 6.
γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια,
ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ
τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν ἔτερον.

716 Ibid.

717 Book III. ch. 3. § 3.

718 Heraclides. Perhaps for προαγωγοὶ should be written προσαγωγοὶ (like
the ποταγωγίδες of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. § 7. note).

719 See Book II. ch. 10. § 7.

720 Concerning the Colossi and offerings of the Cypselidæ, see Aristot.
Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα. Ephorus
ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Plato Phædr. p. 236 et
Schol. p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de
Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. ch. 10. § 12.

721 Herodotus. Compare Antenor and Dionysius of Chalcedon, in Plutarch,
de Malign. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant legend in Pliny H. N.
IX. 41.

722 See above, ch. 6. § 8. Besides Gorgus, there was also at Ambracia a
tyrant named Periander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Plutarch. Amator.
23. p. 60. perhaps the son of Gorgus.

723 Either to this person, or to Periander, or to Cypselus, the
beautiful Rhadina of Samos was, according to Stesichorus (ap. Strab.
VIII. p. 347.) sent as a bride, but she was killed out of jealousy.
That it was the Ionic Samos is proved against Strabo by Pausan. VII.
5. 6.

724 There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the
following is a genealogical table:—

[Transcriber’s Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea.

Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa.

Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who
married Melissa.

Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.]

There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is
known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1.
(Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44
years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact
mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp.
Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he
decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon
of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on
this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the
time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod.
Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch.
Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged _entirely_ in
a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according
to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes
(Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan
boys, in the third generation (_i.e._ in the 16th Olympiad), before
the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka
(_Res Samiorum_, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48.
(γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus,
according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended
the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2
years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22);
Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad;
Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.

725 Æginetica, p. 64.

726 Who himself had aimed at the tyranny of Athens so early as the 42d
Olympiad. Thucyd. I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, p. 83.

727 Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. V. 4. 4.

728 Like the Enneacrunus of the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. 1. I. 41.
2. Theognis v. 894. ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος cannot well
refer to a _factio Cypselidarum_, especially if it has any connexion
with what precedes, concerning the Persian war; but κυψελλίζειν must
mean “to be deaf,” “to have the ears closed,” from κυψέλη.

729 I will only mention the tyrants in Doric states.—Cleobulus at
Lindos, who was similar to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 3. p. 118.
comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ however still
continued at Ialysus). Cadmus in the island of Cos, whose history
must, from Herod. VI. 23. and VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, the
tyrant of Zancle, being driven out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 4. 497
B.C.), fled to the king of Persia, and remained chiefly at his
court. To Scythes’ son, Cadmus, the king of Persia probably gave the
island of Cos. For though it might be objected that Cadmus could not
have been the son of Scythes _of Zancle_, since the latter,
according to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus
inherited the tyranny from his father (παρὰ πατρός); it may be
answered that Scythes, _notwithstanding_ that the king had given him
the government of Cos, yet did not reside there, but at the Persian
court, as we know to have been the case with Histiæus. Afterwards,
however, before the 75th Olympiad (480 B.C.), having made a treaty
with the Samians, he returned to his ancient country. He was
followed by Epicharmus the comic poet, Suidas, in v. Ἐπίχαρμος. At
his departure from Cos he gave the state its liberty, and instituted
a senate (βουλή). He was a contemporary of Hippolochus the
Asclepiad, and the ancestor by the mother’s side of Thessalus. See
the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. In Sicily, Oleander and the family
of Hippocrates, Gelon and Hieron, at Gela and then at Syracuse;
Phalaris, and afterwards Theron, and Thrasidæus at Agrigentum;
Anaxilas at Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at
Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also
Aristophilidas of Tarentum (Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. Tyrants
also existed in Italy, in Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.

730 Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare Manso, Sparta,
I. 2. p. 308.

731 Although they were the guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα
ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph.
Lysist. 1150, &c.

732 See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus VIII.
p. 348. According to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis was established in
his government by Pisistratus, about the 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.).
Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.

733 See above, § 2. Sicyon gave ships to Cleomenes about the 65th
Olympiad, or 520 B.C.

734 Before the time of Histiæus.

735 Lycurg. 30.

736 Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. de Herod. Malign. 21.

737 This follows from Plutarch ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. VI. 12.
Pausan. III. 7, 8.

738 Herod. VII. 159.

739 According to Pausan. III. 4. 1. Therefore _before_ Olymp. 65. 1. or
520 B.C. for Cleomenes was then king, as is evident from a
comparison of Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. III. 68. He was in that
year in the neighbourhood of Platæa. According to Plutarch. Lacon.
Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes was regent in the 63rd Olympiad (525 B.
C), when the Samians came to Sparta: this however would give too
great a length to his reign, (which Herodotus states to have been of
_short_ duration,) viz., from about 525 to 491 B.C.

740 It appears that this wood was near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns.
Apostolius IV. 27. states that the battle took place on the Ἄργους
λόφος. The stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated after Herodotus by
Polyænus I. 14.

741 The marvellous narrative of Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also
unconnected, from there being no explanation of the two first verses
of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια, which however must have referred
to some real event. Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια to Juno?
Pausanias II. 20. doubts whether Herodotus understands it. But the
story of Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.
and Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. The festival Ὕβριστικὰ
could not have had this historical origin, but must have belonged to
the mystical rites of some elementary deities. The number of the
Argives who were slain is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus to have
been 7777; by others 6000 (also a tradition of a seven days’
armistice in Plut. Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is the battle ἐν τῇ
ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, but of _what_ month we are ignorant, Pol. V. 2. 8.
Plut. Mul. Virt. ubi sup. Others placed it at the νουμηνία of the
fourth month, anciently Hermæus, but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ were
then celebrated. See Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. Sylb. Suidas
in v. Τελέσιλλα.

742 Concerning these slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.

743 Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch confounds bond-slaves and Periœci.

744 See Schol. Ven. ad Il. B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets (islands)
near Argos.

745 Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.

746 Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας from the
city near Sicyon, as also in the same place a κώμη named Asine, p.
373 B.

747 Diod. XI. 65.

748 Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ soon occurs again as a friendly state.

749 Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war with Corinth,
Plutarch. Cimon. 17.

750 Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable how
rapidly Mycenæ fell into oblivion among the Athenians. Æschylus does
not once mention it; succeeding poets frequently confound it with
Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles there is throughout the play the
most confused notion of the locality; compare Elmsley ad Eurip.
Heraclid. 188. Concerning the destruction of Mycenæ, see Brunck
Analect. tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.

751 Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning the
emigration, see Strabo VIII. p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. ap.
Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In
Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well as in Strabo ubi sup. the
Hermioneans in Halieis are spoken of. There is much that is very
singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ τὺ
οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. See App. V. § 11.

752 Herod. VIII. 43. The Hermioneans however maintained their ancient
connexions at a later period; see above, ch. 7. § 13.

753 Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo adds the destruction of Asine; but this
took place at a much earlier period. The statement of Strabo (p. 373
D.) that the Mycenæans used Eiones as their ναύσταθμον, must, if it
is correct, refer to some time before the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.

754 Pausan. II. 25. 1.

755 Diod. XII. 75.

756 Herod. VII. 148.

757 Herod. I. 30. where the ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, not the
Eleusinians.

758 Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. c. 28.
Polyæn. Strateg. I. 20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. Quinctil. V. 11.

759 Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et Public. 4.

760 Pausan. I. 40. 4.

761 Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. 19. There
was at Delphi a statue of Apollo armed with a lance, mentioned by
Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was
offered up by the Megarians after a victory over Athens, _i.e._
after that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see book III. ch. 9, § 10.

762 Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare _Æginetica_, p. 126.

763 They occur in the following order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and
Epidaurus, at a later period, after the destruction of Ægina.

764 Herod. VIII. 72.

765 Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. Concerning the
fidelity of Phlius towards Sparta, see Theodoret. Græc. Affin. IX.
16.

766 Thuc. II. 9.

767 Thuc. V. 29.

768 Herod. IX. 77.

769 Herod. VIII. 72.

770 Herod. VII. 202.

771 παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.

772 Thuc. V. 29. 33.

773 Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning this internal war, see below, § 9.

774 Thuc. V. 29. See book III. ch. 4, § 7.

775 Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. I. 71. The Corinthian orator says to
the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι (_ad
finem_) ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.

776 Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

777 Likewise ships, implements for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. VII. 18.

778 For expeditious without Peloponnesus τὰ δύο μέρη, _i.e._ two thirds
of the whole, appear to have been the common proportion, Thuc. III.
15. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1379.

779 Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. 7.

780 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. It is probably of the time of Lysander.

781 Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. (Ἀρχίδαμος
ὁ παλαιὸς, _i.e._ the second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ
πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth.
p. 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 202. Hutten. In this passage the
apophthegm is incorrectly attributed to Archidamus the Third,
although the Peloponnesian war is mentioned in connexion with it.

782 Thuc. I. 141.

783 Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the real object;
but the army is soon separated.

784 Thuc. ubi sup.

785 See book III. ch. 12. The army of the 10,000, although composed
entirely of mercenaries, was in many respects like an allied army,
and was under Spartan discipline.

786 Thucyd. II. 10.

787 I. 141.

788 Ibid.

789 Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν
τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V.
17. the Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, and Bœotians are outvoted.
But, according to I. 40, 41, the vote of the Corinthians _alone_
prevented the Peloponnesians from succouring the Samians, _i.e._
they gave the preponderance to the party opposed to war.

790 Besides Herodotus V. 93. see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. p. 459. 15.

791 Thucyd. I. 67.

792 Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.

793 Herod. IX. 9. where however he is distinguished from the ἄγγελοι.
Compare Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 41. Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch
Themistocl. 6.

794 See the treaty in Thucyd. V. 77, 79.

795 Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.

796 V. 31.

797 V. 7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The
expression καττὰ πάτρια does not at all refer to ancient treaties of
the Dorians. The πατρῷοι σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. 8. probably
refer to the tradition mentioned above, ch. 5. § 16.

798 Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.

799 Herod. VI. 84.

800 VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς.

801 V. 70.

802 V. 49. 70.

803 According to Justin XIX. 1. the Sicilian states also applied to
Leonidas for assistance against Carthage. How general the respect
for Sparta was at that time in Greece, is shown by several passages
in Pindar, which are not otherwise intelligible, _e.g._ Pyth. V. 73.

804 See Appendix IV.

805 Pers. 819.

806 Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.

807 Herod. IX. 106.—These σπονδαὶ are also probably the ζυνθῆκαι,
according to which the Athenians wished δίκας δοῦναι at the
beginning of the war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.

808 Thuc. I. 95.

809 Diod. XI. 50.

810 Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμονες
καταστάντες.

811 Of this Eichstädt has treated in his Notes to the translation of
Mitford’s History of Greece; also Mosche in a Dissertation _De eo
quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum restat_. Francof. 1802; and lastly,
Dahlmann in his _Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte_, vol. I.
p. 1-148. with great clearness and accuracy.

812 Herod. VI. 42. See my Review of a work of Kortüm’s, _Göttingische
Anzeigen_, 1822. p. 117.

813 Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, an
official expression of frequent occurrence.

814 Plutarch. Themist. 29. Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. His sons also
appear to have possessed them, according to Pausan. I. 26. 4.

815 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. To this family Procles also belongs, who
married the daughter of Aristotle (when the latter was at Atarneus),
and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, Sextus Empiricus
adv. Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.

816 Xenoph. ubi sup.

817 Thucyd. V. 1.

818 Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 A. Hence
also Leotychides in 469 B.C. went to _Tegea_ in exile, Herod. VI.
72. Herodotus IX. 37. also mentions a dissension between Tegea and
Sparta before the Persian war.

819 Fragm. 21. Gaisford.

820 At that time also Tegea assisted Argos against Mycenæ; above, ch. 8.
§ 7.

821 Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds Archidamus III. and II. Plato Leg. III.
p. 692. has not an accurate idea of the time of this war, of which
Diodorus XI. 64, has given altogether an incorrect and inconsistent
representation.

822 Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.

823 The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. VI. 7. Suidas
in Ταινάριον κακόν. Apostolius XVIII. 92. Prov. Vat. IV. 12.
Plutarch. Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 2. who mentions
Lacedæmonians instead of Helots.

824 Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

825 Herod. IX. 64.

826 If in Herod. IX. 35. the alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be ventured. The
expression of Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην
ἀποστήσαντας is compounded of the passage of Herodotus, which he
reads as we now have it, and Thucyd. I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην
απεστησαν.

827 Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56.

828 Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.

829 Thucyd. III. 54.

830 Aristoph. Lysistr. 1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned by
Aristophanes, were about the third part of the disposable forces of
Athens (Thuc. II. 13); and since the Platæans likewise sent τὸ
τρίτον μέρος of their numbers to the assistance of the Spartans (ib.
III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to the rest of Bœotia), this was probably a
contingent fixed for such cases. Platæa, it should be observed, had
been on friendly terms with Sparta after the time of Pausanias, and
been connected with that state by προξενίαι, to which the son of the
Platæan general Arimnestus owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. III. 52,
where we should read Ἀριμνήστου, or _vice versâ_ in Plutarch
Aristid. 11. and 19. Ἀείμνηστος should be read for Ἀρίμνηστος.

831 Thucyd. Compare Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They must also at
that time have been angry with the Athenians on account of Thasos.

832 These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, be safely referred to this time; from
which Aristotle, quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 52. p. 343. and Qu.
Gr. 5. p. 380. cites the passages in the text on account of the
expression χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for “to kill.” Compare Hesychius: χρηστοὶ
οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. That the Arcadians in a certain manner carried
on war for the Helots is also implied in Zenobius Prov. I. 59.

833 Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι.

834 Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ Παυσανίου still, however, remained in
force (the συνθῆκαι in cap. 144).

835 Æginetica, p. 179. and see Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. Dissen ad
Nem. VIII. 15.

836 See the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. VI. p. 532.

837 On the oligarchical troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 B.C.) and the
probable share of Cimon in them, see the accurate discussion in
Meier’s Historia Juris Attici de Bonis damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.

838 Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.

839 See Boeckh’s Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, note.

840 Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; for in
this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the
district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not _belong_
to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties
as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see
Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the
Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account
in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.

841 Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]

842 The meaning of the article in the thirty years’ truce, Thucyd. I.
35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join
whichever side they please, by which means they come within the
treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state
already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is
assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the
confederacy of the assisting state.

843 Thucyd. II. 54.

844 The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric
spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.

845 Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.

846 Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.

847 Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.

848 The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in
particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.

849 Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.

850 I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς
Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.

851 See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.

852 Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter
coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the
Melian conference.

853 According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and
ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were;
but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.

854 Ubi sup.

855 Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful
expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.

856 Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.

857 In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian
states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the
commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31.
cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of
Peloponnesus.

858 Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably
deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see _Orchomenos_, p.
455).

859 The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in
connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed.
Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and
Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo
Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules
after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot.
Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the
temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53.
1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at
the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5.
Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus.
VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian
inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be
called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium,
probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.

860 Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand.
vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The _sacra_ of the Falisci on
mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian,
Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel.
Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo,
Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. _Aplu_ upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster
Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.

861 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

862 Book I. ch. 1.

863 The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus
Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his
historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of
Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the
fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On
account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo
was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his
symbols frequently occur.

864 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near
the ancient Atrax (_Turnovo_) may be thus written in the common
dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε
ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No.
1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.

865 Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p.
1040. ed. Alberti. _Laurus Penei filius_, Fulgent. 13.

866 Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.

867 Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.

868 A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.

869 Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The
connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering
mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with
its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis,
both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX.
p. 435.

870 Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place
of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus
Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from
this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on
the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.

871 Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ
παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the
Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and
Embasius at Pagasæ.

872 Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common
corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See
Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.

873 Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 251.
Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap.
Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il.
Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ
ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469).
Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also
Schellenberg’s Antimachus, p. 67.

874 Scut. Herc. ad fin.

875 It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as
to make Cycnus build _Apollo_ a temple of sculls; and it is not
necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See
also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.

876 Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.

877 Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of
Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus
(Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos
at Delphi, but _both_ belong to the worship of Zeus.

878 Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger’s
Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in
the neighbourhood.

879 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is
partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.

880 Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.

881 See book I. ch. 5. § 2.

882 The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια,
Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.

883 Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An
oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.)
calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to
make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.

884 Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.

885 Alexander’s Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp.
Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.

886 Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.

887 Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a
she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.

888 Tarrha is the parent state of _Zappa_, the coins of which city have
therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this
worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342.
There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete,
_e.g._ the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus
was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the
ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a
ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the
left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a
youth with a goat’s head in the right, and a bow in the left hand;
which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of
Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.

889 According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X.
p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount
Ida).

890 The statement of the _Theologi_ in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p.
616. ed. Creuzer.

891 Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.

892 Ch. 2. § 14.

893 Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of
Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74.
ed Sturz.

894 ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ
ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.

895 See _Orchomenos_, p. 493.

896 This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus
ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. _In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus
erat_ (Cretæ,) _subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse_.

897 In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other
passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the
territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”

898 It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning
the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII.
There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the
time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.

899 Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.

900 Below, ch. 3. § 3.

901 Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν
ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.

902 Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v.
1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.

903 Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν
Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by
Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.

904 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.

905 Pausan. X. 6. 2.

906 Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus
ap. Steph. Byz.

907 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. I. p. 189.

908 Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo
Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα
Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.

909 See Appendix V. ad fin.

910 Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav.
81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies
Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed
discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης _Dorice_) is Cretan,
Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης
(otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo
Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a
sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2.
4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.

911 Pausan. X. 7. 2.