Chapter XXXI: Appendix: IV. History of the Greek Congress or Synedrion During the Persian (5)

1270 Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.

1271 There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same
meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or
ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push,
strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives
of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is
derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as
Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.

1272 See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II.
301.

1273 Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243.
De Exilio 17. p. 386. _Apollo sanctus_, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34.
Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι
was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the
ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.

1274 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.

1275 Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.

1276 Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.

1277 Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.

1278 Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.

1279 Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ
νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which
Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης.
Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.

1280 Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here
registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.

1281 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “festival of
Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf
there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1282 Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol.
Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.

1283 Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14.
Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is
meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a
hawk flies swiftly.]

1284 Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped
on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was
also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.

1285 Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ,
where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽
ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd.
T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears
as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly
v. 1379.

1286 See Voss on Virgil’s Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I.
p. 417.

1287 Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.

1288 See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.

1289 Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.

1290 Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of
attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of
_Leucæ_, _Leucatas_.

1291 Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII.
18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An.
VI. 35.”]

1292 Apostol. XII. 21.

1293 Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail
Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin’s Magasin
Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into
connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας
first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has
ὄμματα λοξά.

1294 Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.

1295 Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398.
Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron.
II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.

1296 Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was
worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος,
Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.)
calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which
is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona
and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this
Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the
people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads
to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.

1297 Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.

1298 Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22.
Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.

1299 Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note
t, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,”
starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra
above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at
Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of
Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed.
Schellenberg.

1300 Ἐν χρόνῳ, _i.e._ “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time
elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom.
I. p. 383. ed. Potter.

1301 Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.

1302 Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.

1303 Pindar ibid.

1304 Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.

1305 Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been
written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98.
which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not
alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written
after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the
earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian
war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other,
which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus.
Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78.
Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.

1306 Above, ch. 2. § 13.

1307 Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The
confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of
Pausanias.

1308 Pausan. IX. 27. 2.

1309 Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.

1310 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the
island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.

1311 See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169.
Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.

1312 Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip.
Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8.
For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I.
24. Il. 12.

1313 Strabo X. p. 486, &c.

1314 A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab.
247.

1315 When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig.
Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.

1316 Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in
Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p.
834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in
Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist.
Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa
Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.

1317 Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1318 Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.

1319 Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.

1320 Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not
that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to
haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the
Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at
Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.

1321 Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.)
Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη,
according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.

1322 Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the
Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst.
Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi
(Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf.
Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise
sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and
Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a
goat’s head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος,
was made of goat’s horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21.
de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same
story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym.
Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which
gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of
the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.

1323 Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.),
slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of
ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see
Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.

1324 Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.

1325 See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV.
10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.

1326 Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap.
Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which
he calls σκηνή.

_ 1327 Orchomenos_, p. 220.

1328 In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in
Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for
ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of
Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 166.

1329 Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. §
5.

1330 In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.
Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “_My
husband led him to the mill._” The name of the tragedy seems to have
been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say;
for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that
the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind.
Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently
of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo,
see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία
τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.

1331 Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.

1332 See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I.
9.

1333 See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον,
&c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου
μέλος.

1334 Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p.
168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.

1335 Several coins appear to represent this lustration; _e.g._, one of
Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see
also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.

1336 Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind.
Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related
this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated
of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the
mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare
Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III.
10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph.
Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia.
The _religious_ tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in
Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων,
Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority.
Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his
banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap.
Plutarch de Exilio 17.

1337 Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the
others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an
epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα
θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.

1338 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in
Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach’s note. p. 110.

1339 Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11.
1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.

1340 Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471,
533.

1341 Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration
and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp.
Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.

1342 See above, ch. 2. § 2.

1343 Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap.
Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare
Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de
Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5.
7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see
above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]

1344 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also
carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.

1345 Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.

1346 See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in
εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes.
22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.

1347 Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival,
referred more to the gods of husbandry.

1348 The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods
of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity
existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred
season.

1349 Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 106. An
historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of
Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration
and Etymol. Magn. in v.

1350 Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction
of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck’s Mythologische
Andeutungen, p. 341.

1351 Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.

1352 Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was
worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.

1353 See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen.
IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp.
Hesychius in κραδίης.

1354 Above, ch. 2. § 10.

1355 Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the
Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the
Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]

1356 Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.

1357 In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at
Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place
the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo,
and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the
three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the
dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.);
and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated
between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the
other months.

1358 See Æginetica, page 152. That the _testamentum Epictetæ_ belongs to
Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

1359 Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.

1360 See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who
is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1.
cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of
Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (_e.g._
by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “_The
annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the
Pythian games._” Without going further into the complicated inquiry
concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later
ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the
arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the
celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was
the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.

1361 This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14.
[Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1362 Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad
Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk.
comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.

1363 Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn.
It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato
on the latter day.

1364 The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some
resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also
carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a
ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.

1365 The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh
day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες
(ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.

1366 Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I.
p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied
by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis
V. 12. p. 256.

1367 Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the
Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.

1368 Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1.
And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of
Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ’. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad
Od. γ’. p. 267.

1369 This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς
ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.

1370 See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger.
19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.

1371 Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in
Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.

1372 Eumen. 326.

1373 Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on
several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin
Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate
explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered
with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene
and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets,
and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel
chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and
Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No.
102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand,
and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen
fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a
branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the
other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to
cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi.
22.

1374 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was
likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in
front of which there was a building called the _tent of Orestes_
(σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he
was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what
Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said
to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch.
2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see
the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the
ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in
Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.

1375 Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.

1376 In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and
justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and
Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate:
but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in
_all_ the five courts, each armed with _full_ jurisdiction. Demosth.
in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to
Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys.
Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the
Areopagites, _i.e._, as they were before the time of Solon.

1377 Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great
antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet _never_ have been
mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon.
29.

1378 Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip.
Hippol. 35. and see Barnes’s note. The term of banishment was always
called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was
generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below,
ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.

1379 Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.

1380 Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet.
p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske’s alteration is
wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes
against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and
purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX.
p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to
compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p.
1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned
as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.

1381 On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this
place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de
Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology
were invented by the historians,” that, according to _Arctinus_
(Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p.
61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be
there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It
may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the
original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but
ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “_in the house of the expiator, or purifier_.”
See Lobeck’s Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.

1382 Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]

1383 Below, § 17.

1384 See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.

1385 Æschyl. Eum. 62.

1386 Theocrit. Id. XXIV.

1387 Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.

1388 Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact
mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed.
Reisk.

1389 Hesych. in v.

1390 See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.

1391 Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a
prophet, was named αἴσακος, _i.e._ a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12.
5. cf. Hesych. in v.

1392 Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.

1393 Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86.
διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed.
Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See
also Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.

1394 Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by
events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς
ἀληθείας, _i.e._ on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called
ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke’s note. Diviners
were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p.
113.

1395 See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.

1396 Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1397 Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker’s note.
It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and
also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo
Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, _e.g._, on two in the Paris
cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a
low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand,
sometimes bound with woollen fillets.

1398 See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.

1399 See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare
Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν,
&c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which
also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις),
and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.

1400 Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed.
Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree
to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also
Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.

1401 Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.

1402 See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.

1403 The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig.
Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it
the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.

1404 All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I.
43. 3.

1405 Above, ch. 2. § 14.

1406 Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander’s Δελφικὰ.
ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII.
57.

1407 Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see
above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.

1408 Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn.
p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in
Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in
Millingen’s Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also
mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.

1409 Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich’s note. So also on
the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar
Nem. V. 24.

1410 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo
himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of
Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).

_ 1411 Orchomenos_, p. 381.

1412 See, _e.g._ Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish
sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.

1413 See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is
frequently confounded with the cithara (the _seven-stringed_ in v.
51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of
Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to
receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast.
24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and
hence it frequently occurs in Horace.

1414 Pyth. V. 63.

1415 Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.

1416 The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is
certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara
and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch.
Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.

1417 Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was
himself the καθαρτής.

1418 Plutarch de Music. 42.

1419 Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.

1420 Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the
son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.

1421 This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art,
are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland’s Attisches Museum, vol. I.
p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I.
pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6.
show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi
is meant.

1422 Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally
ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.

1423 Hesiod. Scut. 281.

1424 Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.

1425 See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.

1426 Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.

1427 Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.

1428 Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also
composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7.
Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.

1429 See the author’s History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.

1430 Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII.
p. 538 F.

1431 Or _perfect_ (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed.
Meibom.

1432 Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.

1433 Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed.
Rom.

1434 Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of
Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned
by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father
(Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe
and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony
mentioned in the text was connected a festival called _Arnis_ or
_Cynophontis_, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered.
Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen.
III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient
mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching
heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore,
that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of
Narcissus was occasioned.

1435 Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.

1436 Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p.
619 C.

1437 See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος
Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.

1438 Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.

1439 Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.

1440 Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.

_ 1441 Orchomenos_, p. 293.

1442 Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations
of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.

1443 Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.

1444 Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν
θρῆνος.

1445 Pollux IV. 10. 76.

1446 II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.

1447 Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to
resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II.
16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond
of music.

1448 Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at
Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus
quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting
“Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI.
10.

1449 Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος
ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε
νόμον.

1450 Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.

1451 Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.

1452 Proclus ubi sup.

1453 Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.

1454 See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl.
It was also called _versus Deliacus_, if the reading in Atilius
Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At _Miletus_ also there
were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were
attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex.
Strom. p. 647.

1455 Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432.
Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.

1456 Plutarch de Music. 5.

1457 The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in
hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet
Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.

1458 The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of
Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the
Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.

1459 Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.

1460 Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p.
179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence
τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.

1461 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the
altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.

1462 Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if
properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a
person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus
Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν
Λέσβιον παιήονα (_after_ the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ
λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of
Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.

1463 Plutarch de Ει 16.

1464 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.

1465 See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.

1466 Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.

1467 Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V.
p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind.
Fragm. p. 597.

1468 Lucian. de Saltat. 16.

1469 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν
Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as
clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.

1470 See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim’s note.
The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows
also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych.
in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings,
παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at
rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two
wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.

1471 Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of
Pindar.

1472 Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the
hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p.
603. ed. Boeckh.

1473 Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should
probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in
Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.

1474 It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.

1475 Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.

1476 There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de
Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated
(Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in
Millin’s Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I.
17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There
was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to
Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

_ 1477 Orchomenos_, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.

1478 Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus
was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so
named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to
Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by
Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.

_ 1479 Orchomenos_, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into
Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.

1480 Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.

1481 Paus. II. 35. 4.

1482 Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.

1483 Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.

1484 A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of
Athea.

1485 Eurip. Hel. 1490.

1486 Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot.
ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of
Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck’s correction ad Soph. Aj.
814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.

1487 Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed
Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.

1488 Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ
τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker’s Anecd. p. 305.

1489 Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the
ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a
κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which
arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.

1490 Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.
Apostol. II. 54.

1491 Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean
Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.

1492 Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]

1493 Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266.
Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p.
671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom.
III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti
Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is
variously combined with Apollo.

1494 The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p.
660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo,
originally (_e.g._ in Il. V. 509. see Heyne’s note, and ad Apollod.
p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V.
104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an
oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, _i.e._ to the
_armed_ goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad
Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)

1495 Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi
della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal
appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same
original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the
reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.

1496 Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by
Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol.
II. p. 25.

1497 Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ
μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare
Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα,
tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p.
368.

1498 In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος
(probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

1499 For this account see a paper _Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos_, in
the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the
conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo
Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of
Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has
nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might
now be added.

1500 Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

1501 Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with
Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that
these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and
light character of the later works of art.

1502 Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also
Winckelmann’s Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p.
548.

1503 This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet.
Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the
epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol.
II. p. 14. No. 30.

1504 A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4.
43.

_ 1505 E.g._ those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the
First.

_ 1506 E.g._ the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

1507 A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by
Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great
resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some
of which have even more heroic forms.

1508 Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo
is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand,
the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.);
similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

1509 The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is,
according to Vis conti’s conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo
of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo
Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a
remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his
_Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani_. He is represented
as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his
right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in
temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a
_cortina_, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion’s
skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a
broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor
good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

1510 See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.)
on this subject.

1511 Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

1512 Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert.
VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy
from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc.
vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

1513 One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the
_pæan_, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person
sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the
κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich.
Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an
application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian
oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in
the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn.
apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

1514 See Creuzer’s _Symbolik_.

1515 Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the
ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου
καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription
in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at
Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

1516 See above, ch. 7. § 6.

1517 Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with
Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

1518 Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came
from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of
Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1519 Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

1520 Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

1521 Inscription in Walpole’s Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος
Πυθίης.

1522 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

1523 Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

1524 Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.)
came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was
worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia,
near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim.
Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

1525 Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also
ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad
Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter
Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the
Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ,
as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the
Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps
referred to this.

1526 See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup.
cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the
English edition of Stephens’ Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

1527 Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

1528 Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes
Atticus.

1529 Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

1530 Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol.
Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

1531 Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she
kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the
Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of
death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ
γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

1532 Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her
brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il.
XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and
strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing
women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI.
171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409.
XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing
with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V.
123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od.
XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as
honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il.
XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also
the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in
the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI.
104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a _huntress_ (Il.
V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il.
IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

1533 Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

1534 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

1535 Apollod. I. 7. 4.

1536 Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed.
Meineke, &c.

1537 Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some
particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin.
Liberal. 13.

1538 She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III.
24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

1539 Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler’s
punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

1540 At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

1541 Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim.
Dian. 38.

1542 Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312,
note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is no such footnote number on that
page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month
Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily,
see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra,
according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren.
p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi,
Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript.
p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

1543 See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

1544 Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

1545 II. XVI. 183.

1546 Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

1547 See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X.
12. 1.

1548 Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of
Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn.
VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of
Pheneus.

1549 Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a
different account.

1550 Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2.
_Æginetica_, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful,
ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

1551 Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear,
Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

1552 It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi
represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the
symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

1553 The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in
Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

1554 Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was
called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near
Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from
a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22.
5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia,
near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at
Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in
Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn
to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was
also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius.
Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία
near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn.
Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias
the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but
Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in
Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap.
Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph.
Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found,
by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the
temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5;
Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19.
1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene,
Plutarch. Arat. 32.

1555 As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib.
III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at
Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον,
on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit.
Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in
Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the
hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in
ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia,
Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written
Ἑλείας.

1556 Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

1557 Paus. III. 29. 7.

1558 Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132.
ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning
this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102
B.

1559 Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was _in piscina templum
Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ_, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In
Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn.
Dian. 228. Catullus calls her _amnium domina_, XXX. 12; Horace,
_lætam foliis et nemorum coma_, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius
also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος,
Hymn. Dian. 39.

1560 Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind.
Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in
this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

1561 As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen.
VIII. p. 376 B.

1562 Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

1563 Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer’s Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

1564 Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

1565 Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

1566 Paus. VI. 22. 5.

1567 Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple
at Ortygia, see D’Orville’s Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p.
243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse,
with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes,
probably represent the river Artemis.

1568 Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

1569 Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

1570 Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.