Chapter XV: The Outbreak of Hostilities

On the 5th of April the Bey received two important communications. The first was the report of General Younes el Dzeri and Colonel Allela Jauini as to what had really happened amongst the Khamírs, and the second was a formal announcement by M. Roustan of the coming invasion.[37] As might have been expected, the alleged violation of Algerian territory turned out to be more than problematical, and the Khamírs were ready and willing to submit unreservedly to their sovereign’s decision. Two days later M. Roustan called at the palace, and had a long interview with the Bey. “I am astonished,” said Muhamed es Sadek, “at the message you bring me. I have already taken energetic measures to ensure tranquillity on the frontier, and yet you say my country is to be occupied without even asking me to redress any grievances you may have to complain of? Your Government can never contemplate such a step. If I am so treated I shall protest as a vassal of the Sultan, and you alone will be responsible for whatever may happen. This responsibility will be greater because you will attack me without even a notice of the commencement of hostilities.” It is not surprising that even M. Roustan found some difficulty in answering such cogent reasoning as this. He professed to be almost convinced, and promised to telegraph the substance of the Bey’s remarks to Paris. The next day M. Roustan forwarded to the Palace M. Saint-Hilaire’s reply:—

_April 7th.—M. Roustan to the Bey._

In consequence of the communications I have lately received from your Highness’s Government respecting the military preparations now going on in France and Algeria with a view of repressing the attacks of the frontier tribes, I have forwarded to my Government the observations addressed to me by your Highness on the subject. I have just received the reply of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to these communications, and at once transmit the annexed copy to your Highness.

_April 7th.—M. Saint-Hilaire to M. Roustan._ (Telegram.)

I have received your telegrams respecting the explanations desired by the Bey. Be good enough to declare to His Highness that we appreciate the faithful friendship of which he has so often assured us, and of which we have now to ask for tangible proofs. A serious peril threatens the integrity of our territory and the safety of the inhabitants living there under the protection of our laws. That peril springs from the insubordinate tribes occupying a portion of the Bey’s state, and against whom an imperative duty of legitimate defence forces us to act with vigour. We cannot unfortunately reckon on the Bey’s authority to reduce these tribes, with the requisite energy and promptitude, to a state of submission rendering them henceforth harmless; but we have a right to count on the Bey’s military forces to assist us in the work of necessary repression. Our generals consequently receive orders to come to a friendly understanding with the officers of the Tunisian troops, and to give them notice of the moment when the exigencies of strategic movements will induce them _to borrow for their operations Tunisian territory either near La Calle or in the Medjerdah Valley_. It is as allies and auxiliaries of the Bey’s sovereign authority that the French soldiers will prosecute their march. It is also as allies and auxiliaries that we hope to meet the Tunisian soldiers with the reinforcement with which we intend definitively to punish the misdeeds of the common enemies of the Bey and ourselves.

On receipt of these communications a council of state was at once convened. The Bey sent an urgent message to ask Mr. Reade to come to the Bardo, which was immediately complied with. “What am I to do?” asked Muhamed es Sadek. “M. Roustan has, I fear, got me here” (clasping his throat). Mr. Reade strongly urged on the Bey the necessity of proving his ability to preserve order by at once sending an army to the frontier under the command of the heir-apparent, in order to obviate all further ground of complaint on the part of France. The Bey demurred on the plea of an empty treasury, but as the council supported the plan proposed, the Government cashier offered to advance the necessary funds. A week later Ali Bey started for the frontier with several thousand men. From this moment the Bey seemed to take the whole direction of affairs into his own hands, and even Mustapha lost all real influence with him. The council sat for several hours in the Kasr-es-Said Palace, and the Bey himself dictated a long telegraphic despatch to the Sultan, and personally supervised the draft of the following letter to M. Roustan:—

_April 9th.—Muhamed es Sadek to M. Roustan._

We have received your letter of April 7th, 1881, by which you inform us that the Government of the Republic has resolved on inflicting a chastisement on some of the Tunisian tribes. We are surprised at such a decision being taken by a friendly government with which we have always striven to maintain the best relations and retain its friendship, but which in turn treats us with measures of this kind, which give us much pain. In the affair now engaging our attention we have hitherto seen only petty incidents customary with border tribes, and frequently belonging to the same state. Immediately on learning the existence of troubles in the direction of our frontiers, we hastened to send to the spot a commissioner, accompanied by a troop of horse. From the reports addressed to us by that delegate we became certain that tranquillity prevails in that direction, and that those tribes are uneasy rather as to their own safety, owing to the military movements they notice on French territory, of which they fancy themselves the object. However this may be, the troops we have just sent, and who will soon be followed by others, are more than sufficient to maintain permanent order and tranquillity. In the event of its being proved that some of our tribes have committed misdeeds, our delegate has the power of seizing the culprits and punishing them according to their crimes. Our having taken these measures should demonstrate to your Government the efforts we are constantly making in this matter for the purpose of reassuring the Government of the Republic as to what might disturb the tranquillity of Algeria. We cherish a hope that the French Government will not carry out its intentions. If, despite our assurances, it persists in that decision, we are bound at once to apprise it, that such a determination would bring us into discredit amongst our own population and Foreign States, and might raise other complications and dangers not at this moment to be foreseen. Moreover the entry of French troops on Tunisian territory would constitute a violation of our sovereign rights and would prejudice the interests of foreign governments in our country, and which are placed under our charge. It would, above all, constitute a violation of the rights of the Sublime Porte. From all the foregoing considerations, we inform you that we can in no way accept or accord the execution of the measure contemplated by your Government, and consisting of the entry of French troops on our territory. In case of that execution being effected against our will we hold the Government of the French Republic responsible for all the consequences which might result.

A circular and note were also prepared and transmitted simultaneously to the different members of the _corps consulaire_.

_April 9th.—Muhamed es Sadek to the Foreign Representatives at Tunis._

The Chargé d’Affaires of France has brought a complaint against the Khamírs who belong to our tribes. Correspondence having passed between that officer and our Government, we have thought it right to deliver to you herein enclosed a copy of these notes. As the entry of troops on our territory is an infringement of our rights and of that of the Sublime Porte, we have replied to M. Roustan, and written to the five Great Powers letters, copies of which are also enclosed. We bring this to your knowledge for your information and that of your Government, in order that you may be conversant with the situation.

_The Bey’s Note._

Our attention has recently been called to the conflicts which have taken place between the Tunisian and the neighbouring Algerian tribes near the Rekba, in which thefts and other crimes have been committed on both sides. We at once sent high officials to the spot with the mission of conferring with the French delegate and arranging these affairs after the manner of settlement in use between us in such matters. An understanding was not effected, and finally the Algerian delegate twice abstained from appearing at the conference on the appointed day, on the pretext that he was unwell and had no instructions. During this time other isolated acts of the same kind took place between individual members of the Tunisian tribe of the Khamírs and some individual members of the Algerian tribes—acts which are common among neighbouring clans, even when they belong to the same State.

As soon as news of the latter acts reached us, we sent an officer with a party of cavalry to make inquiries about them, to restore order, and prevent our tribes from committing acts of violence against their neighbours, even in case the latter had commenced the aggression. Our delegate has assured us that our tribes have done as we requested, and that order has not again been disturbed. Not content with that single measure, we have sent our Minister of War at the head of an expeditionary column, composed of regular troops and cavalry. We have also decided on sending our brother, Sidi Ali Bey, with another column, which is in process of mobilisation, with the object of definitively securing tranquillity in those parts and of settling the respective claims. Meanwhile, we receive the letter, a copy of which you will find enclosed, by which the French Chargé d’Affaires announces to us that the Government of the Republic has decided on chastising some Tunisian tribes. In the reply we have sent to him, and of which you will also find a copy enclosed, we pointed out to the French Chargé d’Affaires that we had already taken the needful measures with regard to our tribes. We have at the same time protested against the eventual entry of French troops on our territory, which is considered by us as a violation of our rights and of those of the Ottoman Empire, of which Tunis forms an integral part. We have also made to the Sublime Porte a detailed report of all that has passed, in order to free ourselves from responsibility in regard to it. The interests of foreigners, subjects of the European Powers at Tunis, being bound up with those of the Regency, we have deemed it right to address ourselves to you, as well as your colleagues, representatives of the Great Powers, requesting you to inform your respective Governments on the situation. We appeal to their well-known sentiments of justice and equity, that they may aid us with a view to protecting our rights and those of the Ottoman Empire. We beg them likewise to put an end to acts and menaces which would result in dangers for which we decline all responsibility.

On the 13th April the Bey received a long cipher telegram from the Sultan, expressing the entire satisfaction of the Porte at the steps already taken as regards the Khamírs, and urging the Tunisian Government to maintain the position it had assumed. Meanwhile the Cairoli Cabinet fell in consequence of a vote of want of confidence (presumably recorded by reason of its not sufficiently energetic policy concerning Tunis), but no other political combination was found capable of replacing it. The Bey continued to preserve the attitude taken up in his protests, and the French press divided its attention between Tunisian enormities and General Farre’s difficulties in getting together the troops necessary to punish them.

The foreign representatives met on the 12th April in solemn conclave at the French Consulate, to consider the precautions necessary for the preservation of order in the capital, and securing the safety of the European colonists throughout the country. M. Roustan prudently said nothing, but left it to his warm adherent, M. Theodorovich, the Austrian Consul, to suggest that they should collectively hold the Bey responsible for all eventualities. As this measure was not agreed to, the meeting broke up in confusion.

Next morning crowds of natives and Europeans repaired to the Bardo Palace to witness the start of the Tunisian army under the command of Ali Bey. The men were all fairly well equipped and armed, and it was a matter of general astonishment that so much had been done in the six days which had intervened since the Bey decided on the expedition. I shall describe in detail the Tunisian camp when I come to speak of the Khamír country, but it seemed to me there was hardly one of the spectators forming part of the enthusiastic crowd which witnessed the departure of the little force, who did not join in the cries of “May God give you success and bring you back in safety,” and hope that the Bey’s promptitude would obviate all necessity for the violation of his territory. The echoes of the salutes which announced the setting-out of the heir-apparent for the frontiers had hardly died away when M. Roustan arrived at the Kasr-es-Said Palace and sought an audience of the Bey. The French Chargé d’Affaires said that he had come to ask if the Bey intended to co-operate with the invading force and attack the Khamírs in the rear? Muhamed es Sadek replied that “he was ready to cut off his arm to maintain his old friendship with France, but that he could never be a party to exciting an inevitable insurrection in the country, by joining the French in a war on his own subjects.” He concluded with these words, “You yourself, as well as your friends, tell me that you are my only sincere well-wisher. If this is so, give me a proof of it, and testify to your Government what you really know about the Khamírs and the measures I have taken to give you any satisfaction that may be asked for.” “I will do so immediately,” said M. Roustan, as he took his departure.

On the following day the Havas telegram stated that a gunboat belonging to the French fleet had been fired on from the Tabarca forts, and soon after its receipt the interpreter Sumaripa was sent to inform the Bey that “France was determined to obtain satisfaction for the insult, and uphold the honour of her flag.” Messengers were at once despatched to the spot, and it was ascertained that the affront consisted entirely in the Governor having refused permission to the crews of some French boats “to land and march across the mountains into Algeria.”

Day after day passed away, and the expected move forward was still delayed. The activity of M. Roustan’s agents was redoubled. General Musalli and the Bey’s physician, Mascaro, undertook to convince the refractory Prince himself, while Sumaripa and the future “master-of-the- mint” Volterra, took charge of the Prime Minister. As soon as each successive post brought its burden of newspapers, the most warlike and menacing extracts were translated into Arabic and judiciously administered to the inmates of Kasr-es-Said, while every conceivable argument that ingenuity could suggest was employed to induce them to abandon the logically unassailable position they had almost spontaneously assumed. These efforts were seconded by official correspondence couched in increasingly angry language, but the Bey showed no signs of yielding and gained an advantage over M. Roustan in each calm and dignified reply. The letters exchanged on the 15th April have never yet been published.

_M. Roustan to the Bey._

TUNIS, _April 15th._

HIGHNESS,—The Government of the Republic has learned with infinite pain, that I have not been fortunate enough to secure your co-operation in the repression of the Khamírs, and the operations necessary to prevent the recurrence of disorders on the frontier. Nevertheless, it retains its conviction that energetic action is necessary.

In the presence of so grave a difference of opinion (of which the consequences may be still graver), I venture to renew my demands with that “respectueuse liberté” which your condescension towards me alone can justify. I cannot believe the decision arrived at is final, in spite of the declaration made to me by your Highness, and repeated yesterday by the Prime Minister to my interpreter (Sumaripa).

The departure of the camp yesterday morning affords a new proof in support of my arguments, and demonstrates conclusively that the present situation is wholly irrational. Amongst the troops which have set out under the command of Ali Bey, and the crowd which witnessed their departure, there was neither a soldier nor a spectator, who believed that they were marching against the Khamírs and _not_ against the French. This idea is not confined entirely to the natives; it is shared in by a great number of Europeans, as can be proved by the current of general public opinion since yesterday (_sic_).

I am aware that all this is entirely at variance with the wishes of your Highness, who has ordered the troops to retire on the approach of the French forces. But will these wise precautions guard against eventualities, which may arise from the exciting influence of people who say they are enemies of France, but are in reality enemies of your Highness? Nobody can say so, and it is this fact which encourages me to entreat your Highness to consult your true interests and trust entirely to the honour and friendship of a Power, the protection of which has never failed either the Hassanite dynasty or the country it rules.

_The Bey to M. Roustan_ (_April 18th_, 1881).

We have received the letter which you have been good enough to address to us under date 15th April, and we have taken note of its contents. When we explained to you, both verbally and in writing, the reasons which prevent us from consenting to the entry of the French troops into our territory, and the amalgamation of our own army with them in order to co-operate in their movements, we had hoped that you would have been struck by the truth of these reasons on looking into them, and that you would have taken into consideration the serious danger which would result from such co-operation.

We had thought, too, that the statesmen who govern France with such wisdom and equity, would also have understood how legitimate these reasons were, and would have found them just; this belief on our part was founded on the great faith we put in your kind offices as intermediary, knowing that you would place the matter before your Government in its right light, and that you would point out to them the serious consequences which would result from such a step, and which no one could prevent.

Unfortunately for us, your above-mentioned letter destroys all illusion on this matter.

We are therefore compelled, in order to protect the interests which are intrusted to us, and to avoid the disasters which we foresee must befall the inhabitants of our country, to bring again to bear the same reasons which we have already given you both verbally and in writing.

You are aware that we have spared no effort and no diligence in adopting those measures which the circumstances required, and which we put into execution thoroughly and loyally.

How then should we be obliged, by a neighbour (with whom we have been always careful to live in perfect union, and to protect his rights as an ally), to accept a position so little becoming to our dignity, and which would expose the whole population to serious perils, which it would be impossible for us to avert?

We believe that, up to the present, there exists between us no difference of opinion as to the programme which we propose to follow.

This plan is to make the Khamírs indemnify the victims of their depredations, to punish the authors of known outrages, and to take steps to prevent their recurrence.

Upon these points we are quite agreed, and we will carry them out by the means usually employed in this sort of affair.

The only secondary matter upon which we might differ, is the manner of executing this plan, but it is clear that once we are agreed upon the principle, the way of carrying it out cannot create a difficulty, especially when there is no question of such a nature as should be hard to solve, as you remark in your own letter.

You are also aware that the army commanded by our brother Ali Bey left last Thursday. The instructions given to its chief are to put himself in communication with the commander of the Algerian forces, in order to beg him to state the claims which the Algerians make against the Khamír or other tribes; to submit, also on his part, the demands of our tribes against the Algerians; to cause those who may be in the right to be indemnified for their just claims; to punish the guilty; and to take such steps as shall appear to us to be necessary to ensure the future tranquillity of the frontier.

Such being our intentions and our determination (as we have already declared to you, and as we have notified officially to the governors of our various provinces), we cannot conceal from you that it is with great sorrow we perceive from your above-mentioned letter, that you do not appear to have much confidence in the steps we propose to take in this affair, and that you have based your opinion on rumours, which, admitting that they were circulated, originated from people who are not only our enemies but those of your Government.

We have, however, assured you, by our letter of the 12th inst., as well as in the interview we had with you last Wednesday, that we would never under any circumstances allow our troops to oppose the French soldiers.

We have especially enjoined the commanders of our army that in the event (which we still hope will not take place) of the French troops entering upon Tunisian territory, in opposition to our wish, that they should cease all operations.

This is all that we can recommend to them.

In case this violation of our territory should cause unforeseen disorders to arise, we decline all responsibility, and we should find ourselves compelled to renew the declarations contained in our letter of the 8th inst.

We would, nevertheless, beg the Government of the Republic (counting always on its friendship), to leave us our liberty of action and not to cripple it by carrying out the determinations set forth by you, for the very probability of such a proceeding would neutralise the effect of the efforts made by us, and which we have enumerated above.

We hope, therefore, that by means of your valuable and friendly intervention, your Government, recognising the loyalty of our intentions, and the sincerity of the friendship which we heartily desire to maintain with it, will take into consideration the situation, and will help us to arrive at the object which is, according to your own showing, the reciprocal wish of us both.—_Written the 19th gomad El Aoul_ 1298.

Early, on the 20th April, a messenger arrived at Tunis with a letter from the Governor of Tabarca, informing the Bey that the commander of the forts had been invited on board the French ships, which had arrived on the coast, and strongly urged to surrender the fortress. The instructions sent to Colonel Taib Masmuri contained but four words:—“Yield only to force.” These were barely despatched, when a formal demand for the evacuation of Tabarca was made by M. Roustan.

_M. Roustan to the Bey (April 20th)._

HIGHNESS,—The Government of the Republic is justly astonished at the declarations contained in the letters which your Highness did me the honour to address to me some days ago, and reiterated in your communications to the foreign representatives at Tunis, which tend to repudiate the responsibility for any disorders which may occur in case the French troops enter on Tunisian territory to chastise the Khamírs. The French Government hoped that this unusual language on the part of a Sovereign was the consequence of your Highness’ pre-occupation for the public safety. Unfortunately the conversation of the Prime Minister with different people, and particularly with some members of the Consular Corps, no longer permits any misconception on the subject; but, on the contrary, establishes beyond doubt the threatening character of these declarations. My Government, which could not remain indifferent to this position of affairs, has consequently charged me to declare to your Highness that if any evil befalls our subjects or any other foreigners, it holds your Highness and your Prime Minister exclusively and personally responsible. I also take upon myself to inform your Highness, in the meantime, that the French troops must establish themselves at Tabarca for their operations against the Kroumírs, and to beg your Highness to be good enough to order the withdrawal of the Tunisian troops from that locality, in order to avoid any encounter, according to the promise which your Highness was good enough to make me some days ago. This precaution is the more necessary, as our flag has been received at Tabarca with gunshots by some soldiers in the service of your Highness, as I had the honour to inform you the day before yesterday.

The members of the Council were at once sent for, and after a long discussion drafts were approved for an answer to M. Roustan and another appeal to the foreign representatives.

_The Bey to M. Roustan (April 20th)._

We have received your letter of to-day, and have considered its contents. We are surprised at your complaint concerning our Prime Minister in the matter of the public safety, which you allege has induced your Government to change its opinion as to our declaration in this respect. Our Prime Minister has done nothing else than repeat our declarations to you and the other foreign representatives, which we resume thus:—We are constantly using our greatest efforts to maintain and ensure by every means in our power, public order and tranquillity. We repeat to you that under ordinary circumstances we can guarantee the safety of all the inhabitants, but in the extraordinary event of the invasion of our territory by French troops, which may produce complications and a general excitement in all parts of the Regency, it would be difficult for us, notwithstanding all the efforts that we continue to put forth, to guarantee the maintenance of order. It seems to us that it would be equally difficult for the Government of any other country to do so if it found itself in a position analogous to ours. In consequence, if public tranquillity is menaced by reason of these circumstances, it is not reasonable to hold the Sovereign of the country responsible. We are, therefore, unable to accept any such responsibility either for our Government or our Prime Minister. You also ask us to cause our troops to evacuate Tabarca, in order to allow of its occupation by French soldiers, and you base your request on our promise to you not to permit our troops to come into collision with the French. We reiterate this promise, and have instructed our officers accordingly, but we can never consent to the violation of our territory. It follows, therefore, that we cannot consent to the occupation of Tabarca demanded by you; but if the French troops enter by force on our territory our soldiers have instructions not to oppose them. We feel it our duty to tell you at the same time, that as the entry of French troops on Tunisian territory is contrary to our rights and to those of the Ottoman Empire, of which this Regency forms an integral part, we are compelled to renew the declaration we have made to you in our former letters, that we consider the occupation of any part of our territory as a violation of our rights, against which we solemnly protest, at the same time declaring that we can accept no responsibility for the consequences which may ensue from it.

_The Bey to the Corps Consulaire (April 21st)._

On the 20th of April the Chargé d’Affaires addressed us the letter, a copy of which is now subjoined. This letter relates to a demand we can never accept, as you will see from our answer to the same. You cannot ignore the fact that if the French soldiers enter on Tunisian territory, however large or small may be their number, a danger of very great gravity has been pointed out to you. We have organised and despatched an expedition for the settlement of the dispute; order and tranquillity reign up to this moment throughout the country—a fact which you can yourselves attest—but, if the French troops enter our territory, it is impossible for us to guard against the immense dangers which may result from such an invasion. We are, therefore, compelled to repudiate all responsibility for the consequences of such an event, and to throw it entirely on him who is the cause of it. We inform you of this for the protection of all interests involved, and beg you to acquaint your Government telegraphically of our declaration, which we trust, in its wisdom and equity, will lead it to admit the legality of the motives for the attitude we have assumed, and to bring to the examination of our difficulty the spirit of impartiality with which we know it to be endowed.