Chapter XX: The Three Weeks’ War

Although by a diplomatic fiction Tunis was supposed to be in a profound state of peace on the 1st May 1881, an invading force was slowly but surely closing in around the capital. General Forgemol and his subordinate columns were already chasing the Khamírs from ridge to ridge of their native mountains, General Logerot was advancing from Kef along the Medjerdah valley, while General Bréart was in undisputed possession of the town of Bizerta. In spite of all this the Bey seemed doggedly determined to hold out, and the widespread ill feelings amongst the Arabs induced the British and Italian colonists to present petition after petition, asking for the presence of ships of war to ensure their personal safety. During the 1st May the Bey received two communications, neither of which was calculated to diminish his anxiety. Ali Bey sent him a very graphic and highly coloured report of the conflict between the French and the Sheikhia tribesmen at Ben Bachir, and the Governor of Bizerta wrote that the French flag had already supplanted the Tunisian standard on the _Kasbah_. The former document ran as follows:—

“The chaouch (sergeant-major) Chaaban and the squadron of cavalry which had been sent to protect the railway arrived at the camp this evening.

“The _chaouch_ has stated to me that a French column has arrived from Algeria this morning, and that the General commanding the troops at Souk-el-Arba sent yesterday an armed force to the Gendouba, Ouled Bou Salem, and Sheikhia tribes to demand from each a contribution of 300 horses for the _spahis_ and a certain number of mules. The two former clans pleaded that their poverty prevented their compliance with the request, but the Sheikhia formally refused to do as they were asked.

“In consequence of this refusal, a strong detachment of French troops entered the Sheikhia country and attacked them. The Sheikhia defended themselves; the French burned their _douars_, killing men and women; the wounded were taken to the General, who ordered them to be beheaded one after the other. The women were not even spared. . . . The _chaouch_ himself reports that he saw a burned _douar_ containing two women. . . . Such were the horrors that met his eyes that the _chaouch_ was forced to take another road to avoid the dreadful sight.”

The sensation produced by the publicity given to this letter at Tunis can well be imagined. A council was at once called as usual, and a protest and appeal to the foreign representatives were drawn up. They were never presented, and in the evening an effort was even made to suppress Ali Bey’s letter. Mr. Perkins’ inquiries made it very probable that the _goums_ or Algerian irregulars who led the assault, committed various excesses according to their wont, but the picture of General Logerot superintending a systematic decapitation of the wounded is palpably overdrawn. The treatment of the Sheikhia on the 30th March was, however, signally avenged by the Arabs exactly six months later at Oued Zerga.

In fairness to the French I must place on record the version of the occurrence given me by M. Joel Le Savoureux, the correspondent of the _République Française_, who was near the spot at the time. “At five o’clock on the morning of the 30th March,” says M. Le Savoureux, “a reconnaissance, consisting of two battalions of the 1st Regiment of Zouaves commanded by Colonel Hervé, was sent in the direction of Ben Bachir, about four miles to the north of the railway. The evening before, the tribe of Ouled Bou Salem had asked the General to send them some troops in order to protect them from their neighbours. The captain of the _goums_ approached to within thirty yards of a _douar_, and called out that the French soldiers would do no harm either to life or property. The answer was a discharge of musketry from behind a cactus hedge. On this the Zouaves were placed in position, and reinforcements were sent for, which consisted of two battalions of riflemen, two of Zouaves, and two squadrons of _chasseurs d’Afrique_ and hussars. The Ouled Bou Salem were slowly driven back, and entered the valley which was to become the real battlefield. This valley is almost in a line with the plain, from which it is only separated by hills of trifling height. Its other side is formed of steep mountains. The resistance now became stronger on account of the assistance of the Sheikhia, who rushed down from their hills. It is believed also that some Khamírs took part in the engagement, but the total number of combatants did not exceed 1500. As soon as the reinforcements arrived, the cavalry executed a movement on both flanks and drove back the Arabs to the end of the valley, where the Zouaves and riflemen attacked them with the bayonet. The Arabs defended themselves bravely. As the French troops advanced they found the _douars_ abandoned and set fire to them. When obliged at last to yield, the Arabs sought to gain the mountain tops. At this juncture they were harassed by the projectiles from a battery in the plain. At five P.M. the enemy was no longer in sight and the retreat was sounded. As no wounded were found it was supposed that the Arabs had themselves given them the _coup-de-grace_. Amongst the dead were two women. They had been shot fighting, and had ammunition upon them and guns in their hands. Eleven prisoners were brought to the camp. The _goumiers_ collected over 2000 head of cattle.”

It is almost impossible to reconcile these very different versions of one event. General Logerot emphatically and repeatedly denied the truth of _chaouch_ Chaban’s report as endorsed by the heir-apparent, but even according to the most favourable statement of the facts, there can be no doubt, that the rout at Ben Bachir was unnecessarily destructive of human life. At any rate, it quite convinced the Arabs of the fallacy of the Bey’s assurances, and effectually prepared the way for reprisals and revenge.

The Bey was not the only person at Tunis to receive astounding intelligence on the 1st May. On the same day M. Roustan wrote to Mr. Reade that at the battle of Aïn Ismain on the 26th of April a European had been observed _in the ranks_ of the Khamírs, and that moreover the person in question had shot dead Lieutenant Fayet, an officer of the 22d Regiment. “His description,” added M. Roustan, “corresponds exactly to that of Mr. Perkins.” This story was never seriously persisted in, and at length formally withdrawn. When details were asked for, the offender was said to have worn “a black cloak and broad felt hat.” It was of course proved by many witnesses that Mr. Perkins was always dressed in an Arab costume and red cap, and “the broad felt hat” turned out to be quite as apocryphal as the “ranks” of the Khamírs. The accusation of M. Roustan and the correspondents’ test of General Farre were both prompted by the same motive—a desire to keep things quiet. They were eminently unworthy of the great nation in whose name they were made, and the authors have both since fallen under the lash of that very public opinion they sought to stifle. The wholesale suppression of telegrams during the crisis has only been atoned for by the excellent manner in which the service has been carried on ever since.

The excitement of the 1st May was followed by an anxious pause. The Sultan sent repeatedly cipher telegrams to the Bey of a reassuring nature, and transmitted a copy of the circular sent to all the Turkish ambassadors abroad concerning the Tunisian question.

CONSTANTINOPLE, _May 3d_.

My several circular despatches will have informed you of the present state of affairs at Tunis and the standpoint we have ever taken up respecting the question. A mere local accident—namely, a foray of some barbarous tribes on Algerian territory, which, from the outset, the Tunisians had expressed their readiness to punish—has, however, to our great surprise, led to an expedition of French troops to Algeria. It appears from the latest information received from the Pacha of Tunis, that French troops are advancing into the interior of the country, after seizing on several fortified positions. His Highness thinks that so important a military movement, and so rapid a march through his province, in spite of the declarations of France to the effect that she is not actuated by any idea of conquest, seems to denote one of two objects, either the taking possession and occupation, or a protectorate of Tunisia. In the presence of such a state of things, the gravity of which no one can overlook, His Highness and the population imperatively call upon us to exercise those sovereign rights which, without contest, belong to the Porte, in order to come to their aid, and protect a province which forms an integral part of the Ottoman Empire. Relying on our rights, and entertaining a deep sense of the duties that devolve upon us regarding a population which is subject to the Sultan, we lately proposed to the signatory Powers of the Treaty of Berlin to come to an understanding with them, or directly with France, to bring about a settlement calculated to give satisfaction to the grievances of the French Republic. That appeal has remained unanswered, and we are driven to inquire whether the Powers, departing from their sense of equity and justice, mean to retain their passive attitude in that respect. As for ourselves, we cannot regard with indifference the events taking place in a portion of our master’s dominions, and we cannot help questioning whether immutable justice always guides European Cabinets, or whether they mean to remain passive while might triumphs over right. It would be painful to us to have to come to such a conclusion. It would lead to a perturbation of the general peace which the Porte and the Powers desire, and would henceforth create a commotion which would be most serious in the present state of the East. We therefore entertain a confident hope that our appeal will not be disregarded by the signataries of the Berlin Treaty, which guarantees the vital interests of the Ottoman Empire, and that they will be good enough to entertain our proposal for a frank and conciliatory understanding, which might bring about an appeasement of the Tunisian conflict to the satisfaction of all parties, and in conformity with the desires of the French Government. You will communicate this despatch to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Government to which you are accredited.

(Signed) ASSIM.

Even these messages were powerless to remove the uneasiness produced by the continued silence of the Powers. After much delay both English and Italian ships at last arrived at the Goletta. On the 5th May it was decided at a council held at Mustapha’s house to telegraph by way of Palermo a second appeal to the five Governments. I was present at this meeting, but everybody felt that we were now hoping against hope. Notwithstanding this conviction and the redoubled assiduity of M. Roustan’s three emissaries, the Bey and his minister still remained firm. The message despatched on the 5th May was as follows:—

_The Bey of Tunis to Lord Granville, London._

I now confirm my telegraphic despatch to your Excellency in date the 25th of April, in which I informed you of the invasion of this Regency by the troops of the French Republic, under circumstances which I submit are contrary to the law of nations, and against which I have most solemnly protested in my own name and in that of my august sovereign. The Government of the Republic has assured alike the cabinets of Europe and myself that its intentions are exclusively to punish the Khamír tribes for some predatory acts, which, it is alleged, were committed on the Algerian frontier. In spite of these explicit declarations, my city of Kef has been occupied; the French troops are now marching on Beja; my forts at Tabarca have been destroyed and the site occupied; other tribes besides the Khamírs have been attacked, and a French garrison now holds my city of Bizerta, over the citadel of which the French flag now floats. What other measures are contemplated concerning this country I know not. I call on the foreign representatives at Tunis once more to bear witness, both to the success of my efforts to give satisfaction to the Government of the Republic in the matter of the Khamírs, who all submitted readily to my authority, and to the efficient order I have maintained till this day throughout my dominions. It is impossible to foresee what disaster may befall the inhabitants of this country if this invasion is continued. Under these circumstances, I leave unreservedly my own fate and the destiny of this state to the decision of the Great Powers and my suzerain, imploring those ancient allies with whom I have maintained unbroken faith to adopt such measures of mediation as may stay the scourge of war which has visited the peaceful inhabitants of my dominions, and equitable adjudication on any complaints which the Government of the Republic may entertain against my government or myself.

Next morning (May 6th), the Bey learned that several tribes were preparing to set his waning authority at defiance. The Caids of Medjer, Sharen, Ouled Bou Ghanem, and Ouled Ayar, arrived at the Bardo, and asked for an audience to tell their tale. They said that on the defeat of the Sheikhias on the 30th April their surviving chiefs wrote letters in blood (purporting to be that of their slain women and children), asking them for help to resist the French, and avenge their wrongs. It was at first agreed to place their request before the Bey, but unluckily they captured a messenger who was bringing an official letter from Tunis to Sy Ali Bey. To their dismay they found that this despatch, far from holding out any encouragement to resistance, directed him to retreat before the French forces, and maintain a strict neutrality. As soon as this was known, the anger of the Arabs was entirely directed against the Bey, whom they accused of betraying his country to the French. The Caids took refuge from the general indignation in a neighbouring _zaouia_, but it was at last agreed that they should be allowed to go to Tunis to see the Bey in person. Muhamed es Sadek met this deputation of the untutored lords of the interior in the hall of justice, in which for nearly a quarter of a century he had almost personified absolute power. The chiefs bent before him and kissed his hand as usual, but it was evident to everybody that they were not convinced by his half-hearted assurances. At last he promised to give them a letter under his sign manual, which, he said, must satisfy all his faithful subjects. I subsequently obtained a copy of the Bey’s declaration, which took the form of a circular. Its text was as follows:—

_To all the Caids and Governors of the Regency of Tunis._

We have previously ordered that our recommendations to preserve order in your districts be brought to your knowledge. We have learned that you have done your best to carry out our wishes and we express our satisfaction.

It has, however, come to our ears that the entrance of the French troops upon our territory for the affair of the Khamírs, has produced excitement amongst certain tribes. We have protested against the violation of our territory, which has been perpetrated without there being any reason for hostility between us and the Government of the French Republic or any declaration of war. In any case, this matter will be arranged _diplomatically and pacifically_. To this end we are now engaged, in concert with the Imperial Ottoman Government, and with the aid of other friendly Powers.

In consequence, it is the duty of each individual to preserve order everywhere, to allow of a favourable solution being arrived at with moderation and without disturbance. We recommend you not to abandon your posts, in order to prevent by your presence the people under your rule from doing any act contrary to our desire. You will enjoin this course of conduct upon them in the most urgent manner, and you will deter them from listening to interested people who wish to stir up strife. You will also explain to them the consequences which disobedience of these injunctions may entail upon them.

The five Caids rode away with their message of peace, but the tribes refused to be convinced. One of these very Caids was the first to proclaim the treason of the Bey, and he is at the present moment an exile in Tripoli.

Incessant rain now caused a momentary lull in the military movements, but French newspapers were not allowed to want copy. The European public were informed that “Mustapha, the Tunisian Prime Minister, being apprised of the occupation of Bizerta, summoned the principals of the religious bodies to confer with him, and they (the principals or the religious bodies?) afterwards proceeded to Kairwán, with the object, it is stated, of preaching a holy war,” and “that Signor Pestalozza, the dragoman of the Italian consulate, repaired in disguise to the camp of Ali Bey on a secret mission, and after his return conferred with General Bacouch.” Such intelligence as this may well provoke a smile now, but it was then the old story of the boys who pelted the frogs. Telegrams of this kind effectually sealed the fate of Tunis, and the long-suffering Bey acquired the reputation of a crafty and bloodthirsty fanatic.

In the interval strong reinforcements disembarked at Bizerta, and by the 8th May the two brigades of Generals Maurand and Bréart were prepared to march. On that day I happened to go early to the Kasr-es-Said Palace. The excitement felt amongst its inmates had, if possible, increased since my last visit. Soon after my arrival General Bacouch entered the little saloon, used as an office on the ground-floor, with an open letter in his hand. A mounted messenger had brought it to the Bey, after a ride of fifty miles through the torrential rains of the preceding night. The missive in question was from the Khalifa or sub-governor of the rich district of Mater. In two sentences the Bey was informed that one Hmed Ben Yusef, an Algerian envoy, had arrived at Mater from Bizerta, and had invited the tribes of the province to sign a declaration “in which they acknowledged the French supremacy, and agreed to receive the French troops as brothers.” The Khalifa reported that the Mater tribes were already showing their teeth. At General Bacouch’s request I proceeded to draft the following protest to M. Roustan, although the absence of a table presented a formidable difficulty:—

_The Bey of Tunis to M. Roustan (May 8th)._

M. Roustan, Chargé d’Affaires of France, Tunis,—The Caid of Mater has informed us that an emissary sent by the Commander of the French troops now at Bizerta has asked him whether the tribe of Bajaoua, the inhabitants of Mater, as well as the mountain tribes of Mogod and Hozels and others, were willing to receive the French troops, and has insisted on obtaining an answer to this demand before midday to-day. This intelligence has caused us as much pain as surprise. You have assured us repeatedly that the expedition against which we have protested had no other scope on the part of the French Republic than the settlement of the Khamír frontier. To-day it is proposed to occupy the most important parts of the Regency. Even admitting that we had consented to the entry of the French troops to punish the Khamírs, and that we had not protested against this violation of the Tunisian territory, as we have uniformly done, it is not the less a fact that the proposed occupation has no relation to the Khamír country, and that we are unable with force to resist the projected movements. Nevertheless, we have issued instructions to the Caid of Mater to prevent any resistance to the French troops in this province. We confirm our former declaration and once more call your attention to the dangers attending this increasing invasion. At the same time, we renew our protestation, in our name and in that of the Sublime Porte, against the occupation of the province of Mater as contrary to the law of nations.

Before this business was finished, the Prime Minister entered the room. He seemed much agitated, and spoke with unusual rapidity. He said that M. Saint-Hilaire had assured Lord Granville the French meant to punish the Khamírs and nothing more, but the proposed occupation of Mater showed him that these assurances had deceived alike the British Government and the Bey. He said:—

“What has the province of Mater to do with the Khamírs? I now see clearly, in spite of all that has been said to the contrary, the French are determined to pick a quarrel with us and create a pretext for further action. Mater is one of our richest provinces, and its mountain tribes are powerful and some of them warlike. If they resist when they see their crops destroyed and _douars_ burned, who can tell what accusation will be brought against us? Where is the French programme to stop? While M. Saint-Hilaire is giving pacific assurances at London and Rome, and the Sultan is trying to interest Europe in our fate, we are being subjected to threats and menaces in which the Khamírs are not even mentioned.”

He continued:—

“Yesterday, Dr. Mascaro, the Bey’s physician, told his Highness that great evils would befall him and our country if he did not at once ask M. Roustan what the French wanted, but the Bey told him to attend to his physic and leave politics alone. Dr. Mascaro, however, asked me privately if the Bey was waiting to have his palace surrounded, and I to have my hands manacled (crossing his wrists) before we accepted M. Roustan’s terms. I asked him to bring his propositions in writing, but he refused. What does it all mean? England has been told one story, but you must let her know what is being asked from us here.”

While Mustapha Ben Ismael was yet speaking it was announced that M. Roustan’s carriage had arrived at the gates of the garden, and terror took the place of excitement. “In a few minutes,” said the Minister, “we shall know our fate. Wait and you shall hear it.” He hastily retired, and entered the Bey’s private rooms. On the previous day M. Sumaripa, the French dragoman, had complained of one of the attendants failing to rise on his approach, but neither he nor M. Roustan could complain of the homage they received on this occasion. The audience lasted exactly eighteen minutes, and during this time perfect silence prevailed in the crowded ante-chambers. No one was present but the Prime Minister, M. Conti (first interpreter), M. Roustan, and M. Sumaripa. On quitting the Bey, M. Roustan passed bowing and smiling through a double line of Tunisian officials to his carriage, and an audible sigh of relief passed from one end of the palace to the other as soon as his carriage disappeared on the Tunis road. The Minister re-entered the apartments near the entrance and said to me—“You want, I suppose, to know M. Roustan’s _ultimatum_, but I have a surprise for you. He asked for nothing at all. After the almost hourly messages of Dr. Mascaro and others we expected to hear of the protectorate, an indemnity, and other similar conditions, but M. Roustan referred to none of these things. He told the Bey that the visit was a private one, but that he had come to assure His Highness of his real affection both for his person and for Tunis. He said the Bey was not to be deceived by appearances. France was the true ally of Tunis, and had no quarrel whatever with the Bey. What does it all mean? Is it possible that France is bound by the promises which Lord Granville and M. Cairoli announce, and that M. Roustan’s friends are trying to induce us to seek ourselves conditions which the Bey regards as opposed alike to his religious and moral duties? We both want Europe to know what is passing under the cloak of this Khamír business, so that she may duly weigh M. Saint-Hilaire’s assurances before we are destroyed.”

The two columns now left Bizerta almost simultaneously. That under General Maurand took the direction of Mater, following the shore of the Bizerta lake, while General Bréart marched towards Tunis. The rain fell incessantly, and the soldiers were often nearly knee-deep in mud. This circumstance necessarily occasioned great delay. Halts were frequently called, and Jedeida was not reached till the 10th May. The march was exceptionally fatiguing, and the Société Marseillaise were considerate enough to entertain the superior officers at a substantial breakfast, on the troops passing through the historical domain of Sidi Tabet.

The news of the arrival of the “allies” in the immediate vicinity of the capital, extinguished the faint hopes of foreign mediation in the hearts of the Tunisians. I went to Mustapha’s palace in the afternoon. The blank despair on the faces of its inmates contrasted strangely with the undisguised glee discernible on the countenances of Musalli, Mascaro, and Volterra, who now mustered in great force. Signor Pestalozza was with the Prime Minister when I arrived, and as usual counselled firmness and “consideration for the interests of the Great Powers.” “Don’t talk to me any more of the Great Powers,” cried Mustapha, “what in God’s name have the Great Powers done for us?” When Signor Pestalozza left that room he knew that the _rôle_ of Italy was played out in Tunis. I found the Tunisian Premier alone with M. Conti. “I do not blame you,” began Mustapha, “you have done what you could, but I have been deceived by”—— Here he abruptly stopped. After an awkward pause he continued, “Can you suggest any remedy even now? Is there anything further to be done? Are all the Powers leagued with France against us? I answered _faute de mieux_ that the last move of France had been a sudden one, and that the European Cabinets might be apprised of what had taken place by telegram. He looked at his watch. It was already past three o’clock, and the Italian boat started for Cagliari at six. After reflecting a moment he said, “Send the messages, they can do no harm;” and turning to me he added, “This may perhaps be the last kindness you can do us; at any rate, you will testify that I did my best to save Tunis from France.” The indefatigable M. Conti at once set to work, and the Italian packet left an hour late with the messages on board.

_The Bey of Tunis to Lord Granville, London._

The advance of the French troops in this Regency continues. Hitherto we have succeeded in reassuring our subjects by reiterated declarations that the French operations would be strictly confined to the punishment of the Khamírs. We believed that the assurances given to the Powers and to our suzerain justified our so doing. Notwithstanding these protestations, the French camp is to-day within seventeen miles of our capital, and during their march the French forces approached it even nearer. These undeniable facts tend materially to lessen the effect of the injunctions we have given our subjects, and have even led to our own conduct being very seriously animadverted on in our own dominions. We have redoubled our efforts to persuade our subjects to offer no resistance to this invasion, but our task becomes more difficult as a disregard of the assurances given becomes more apparent. Is it possible for us to tell how long we may be able to maintain order among the unoffending tribes, who see their dwellings, herds, and crops sacrificed by the march of the French troops? In these circumstances, and in view of the extreme urgency of the case, we implore the British Government, as well as the Governments of the other Great Powers, to take such measures as may at least induce the Government of the Republic to declare its intentions in respect to our Regency and make known the complaints which it may consider itself justified to prefer against us.

MUHAMED ES SADEK.

Before this telegram reached London all was over.

The night of the 11th May was spent in anxious watchfulness by the inmates of Kasr es Said. A council of state sat for hours, the Bey’s carriages being kept in readiness till its session was ended. It was first proposed that Muhamed es Sadek should follow the example of many of his ancestors and find a temporary refuge in Holy Kairwán. The Bey, however, had neither the moral courage nor the _physique_ necessary for such a bold step as this, and the project was dismissed. Mustapha Ben Ismael urged his sovereign to go that very night to the Dar-el-Bey or city palace in Tunis, and close all the town gates, leaving it to the French to have recourse to actual violence. The more timid counsellors opposed the plan as likely to cause a tumult, and it was also abandoned. It was finally decided that the Bey must remain where he was and trust to _kismet_ for a solution of his difficulties. On the eventful evening in question I paid a visit to Hammida Ben Khoja, the _Sheikh-el-Islam_ or supreme ecclesiastical authority in Tunis, who lived in the very centre of the Arab city. Sy Hammida was at the same time one of the handsomest and fattest old men I ever saw, indeed he appeared to have arrived at such a pitch of rotundity that he was unable to stand without overbalancing himself. In a huge turban consisting of a twisted Cashmere shawl, seated on a Kairwán carpet, and surrounded by illuminated Korans on arabesque lecterns and a circle of white-robed _ulema_ or disciples, Sy Hammida Ben Khoja presented just such a picture as Hodgson would delight to paint. As might be expected, Sy Hammida was full of the woes of his country and his faith, and at once proceeded to discuss the _quæstio vexata_ in classic Arabic. He said that since the troubles began, his son, brothers, and himself had preached assiduously, both publicly and privately, patience, forbearance, non-resistance, and implicit obedience to the Bey in the mosques of Tunis. They had written letters to the same effect to their subordinates at Kairwán and throughout the Regency. Nevertheless, he had heard that it had been announced in Europe that a religious war had been advocated, and that a revolutionary conspiracy had been discovered in the chief mosque of Tunis. This was absolutely false. He had told the people that they, being weak, could not resist the invaders. If they wanted the sympathy of Europe they must gain it by forbearance. Even if their flocks and herds, which were the sole wealth of the Tunisians, were destroyed, this patience would ultimately entitle them to the good offices of the friendly nations when the injustice of the invasion became known, as it ultimately must. Europe must now see that the punishment of the Khamírs really meant at least a French protectorate of Tunis, which was utterly opposed to the civil and religious duties of the Tunisian people. The invasion of the Regency was unnecessary, for the Khamírs submitted before the commencement of it, and it was especially cruel as involving ingratitude for the continued services rendered by Tunis to France. For fifty years the European nations had refused the extradition of political prisoners, but Tunis always surrendered fugitives from Algeria, maintaining complete neutrality in all troublesome times, especially during 1870. France ignored this now. He should exert himself to second the Bey’s efforts to maintain order, but he was certain that his teachings would be almost powerless, especially among the tribes of the interior when homes, crops, and herds were destroyed. If no other European nation had an interest in Tunis, he hoped that justice and humanity would prompt a friendly intervention. The Tunisians knew how the English press had been just to them in their sore trial, and should not easily forget it.

The next chapter will show how much Muhamed es Sadek, Mustapha Ben Ismael, and Ahmed Ben Khoja were mistaken in their estimate of European justice and humanity.