Chapter II: Part 2
[Footnote 17: Havelok [_or_ Hanelock, as it is sometimes read]
is quite as like Anlaf, whence the blunder noticed in note 1,
p. xviii. In the form Hablok, it is not unlike _Blecca_, who was a
great man in _Lindesey_ soon after the days of _Æthelberht_ of
Kent; see Saxon Chronicle, An. DCXXVII.]
§ 18. Turning however to local traditions, we find that Camden briefly alludes to the story in a contemptuous manner (p. 353; ed. 8vo, Lond. 1587); but Gervase Holles is far from being disposed to regard it as fabulous. In his MSS. collections for Lincolnshire, preserved in MS. Harl. 6829, he thus speaks of the story we are examining.[18]
"And it will not be amisse, to say something concerning y^e Common
tradition of her first founder Grime, as y^e inhabitants (with a
Catholique faith) name him. The tradition it thus. _Grime_ (say
they) a poore Fisherman (as he was launching into y^e Riuer for fish
in his little boate vpon Humber) espyed not far from him another
little boate, empty (as he might conceaue) which by y^e fauour of
y^e wynde & tyde still approached nearer & nearer vnto him. He
betakes him to his oares, & meetes itt, wherein he founde onely a
Childe wrapt in swathing clothes, purposely exposed (as it should
seeme) to y^e pittylesse [rage] of y^e wilde & wide Ocean. He moued
with pitty, takes itt home, & like a good foster-father carefully
nourisht itt, & endeauoured to nourishe it in his owne occupation:
but y^e childe contrarily was wholy deuoted to exercises of
actiuity, & when he began to write man, to martiall sports, & at
length by his signall valour obteyned such renowne, y^t he marryed
y^e King of England's daughter, & last of all founde who was his
true Father, & that he was Sonne to y^e King of Denmarke; & for y^e
comicke close of all; that _Haueloke_ (for such was his name)
exceedingly aduanced & enriched his foster-father Grime, who thus
enriched, builded a fayre Towne neare the place where Hauelocke was
founde, & named it Grimesby. Thus say some: others differ a little
in y^e circumstances, as namely, that Grime was not a Fisherman, but
a Merchant, & that Hauelocke should be preferred to y^e King's
kitchin, & there liue a longe tyme as a Scullion: but however y^e
circumstances differ, they all agree in y^e consequence, as
concerning y^e Towne's foundation, to which (sayth y^e story)
Hauelocke y^e Danish prince, afterward graunted many immunityes.
This is y^e famous Tradition concerning Grimsby w^ch learned Mr.
Cambden gives so little creditt to, that he thinkes it onely _illis
dignissima, qui anilibus fabulis noctem solent protrudere_."
And again, after shewing that _by_ is the Danish for _town_, and quoting a passage about Havelock's father being named Gunter, which may be found in Weever (Ancient Funeral Monuments, fol. Lond. 1631, p. 749), he proceeds:
"that Hauelocke did sometymes reside in Grimsby, may be gathered
from a great blew Boundry-stone, lying at y^e East ende of
Briggowgate, which retaines y^e name of _Hauelock's-Stone_ to this
day. Agayne y^e great priuiledges & immunityes, that this Towne hath
in Denmarke aboue any other in England (as freedome from Toll, & y^e
rest) may fairely induce a Beleife, that some preceding favour, or
good turne called on this remuneration. But lastly (which proofe I
take to be _instar omnium_) the Common Seale of y^e Towne, & that a
most auncient one," &c. [Here follows a description of the Seal.]
"The singular fact," adds Sir F. Madden, "alluded to by Holles, of the Burgesses of Grimsby being free from toll at the Port of Elsineur, in Denmark, is confirmed by the Rev. G. Oliver, in his Monumental Antiquities of Grimsby, 8vo, Hull, 1825, who is inclined from that, and other circumstances, to believe the story is not so totally without foundation." There is also an absurd local story that the church at Grimsby, which has now but one turret, formerly had four, three of which were kicked down by Grim in his anxiety to destroy some hostile vessels. The first fell among the enemy's fleet; the second dropped in Wellowgate, and is now Havelock's stone; the third fell within the churchyard, but the fourth his strength failed to move. Perhaps amongst the most interesting notices of the story are the following words by Sir Henry Havelock, whose family seems to have originally resided in Durham. His own account, however, is this. "My father, William Havelock, descended from a family which formerly resided at Grimsby in Lincolnshire, and was himself born at Guisborough in Yorkshire."[19] And it may at least be said with perfect truth, that if the name of _Havelock_ was not famous formerly, it is famous now.
[Footnote 18: His account has been printed in the _Topographer_,
V. i. p. 241. sq. 8vo, 1789. We follow, as usual, the MS. itself,
p. 1.]
[Footnote 19: Quoted in Brock's Biography of Sir H. Havelock,
1858; p. 9.]
§ 19. The last evidence for the legend is the still-existing seal of the corporation of Great Grimsby. The engraving of this seal, as it appears in the present edition, was made from a copy kindly furnished to the E.E.T.S. by the Mayor of Grimsby, and I here subjoin a description of it, communicated to me by J. Hopkin, Esq., Jun., of Grimsby, which was first printed, in a slightly different form, in Notes and Queries, 2nd Series, vol. xi. p. 41; see also p. 216.
"The ancient Town Seal of Great Grimsby is engraven on a circular
piece of brass not very thick; and on the back, which is rather
arched, is a small projecting piece of brass, placed as a substitute
for a handle, in order when taking an impression the more easily to
detach the matrix from the Wax. This seal is in an excellent state
of preservation, and is inscribed in Saxon characters 'Sigillvm
Comunitatis Grimebye' and represents thereon Gryme ('Gryem') who by
tradition is reported to have been a native of Souldburg in Denmark,
where he gained a precarious livelihood by fishing and piracy; but
having, as is supposed, during the reign of Ethelbert,[20] been
accidentally driven into the Humber by a furious storm, he landed on
the Lincolnshire Coast near Grimsby, he being at this time miserably
poor and almost destitute of the common necessaries of life; for
Leland represents this 'poor fisschar' as being so very needy that
he was not 'able to kepe his sunne Cuaran for poverty.' Gryme,
finding a capacious haven adapted to his pursuits, built himself a
house and commenced and soon succeeded in establishing a very
lucrative Trade with Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Other Merchants
having in process of time settled near him, attracted by the
commercial advantages offered by this excellent Harbour, they
jointly constructed convenient appendages for extensive Trade, and
the colony soon rose into considerable importance, and became known
at an early period by the name of Grimsby. For not only was Grimsby
constituted a borough so early as the seventh century, but Peter of
Langtoft speaks of it as a frontier Town and the boundary of a
Kingdom erected by the conquests of Egbert in the year 827, which he
states included all that portion of the Island which lay between
'the maritime Towns of Grymsby and Dover.' So that even at that
period, Grimsby must have been a place of peculiar strength and
importance. Gryme is represented on the seal as a man of gigantic
stature with comparatively short hair, a shaven chin, and a
moustache, holding in his right hand a drawn sword and bearing on
his left arm a circular shield with an ornate boss and rim. The
sleeveless tunic above his under vest is most probably the panzar or
panzara of the Danes. Between his feet is a Conic object, possibly
intended for a helmet, as it resembles the chapelle-de-fer worn by
William Rufus on his Great Seal, and which in the laws of Gula is
distinguished as the Steel hufe. On the right hand of Gryme stands
his protégé Haveloc ('Habloc'), whom, during one of his mercantile
excursions soon after his arrival in Lincolnshire, Gryme had the
good fortune to save from imminent danger of Shipwreck, and who
proved to be the Son of Gunter, King of Denmark, and who was
therefore conveyed to the British Court, where he subsequently
received in marriage Goldburgh, the Daughter of the British
Sovereign. Above Gryme is represented a hand, being emblematical of
the hand of providence by which Haveloc was preserved, and near the
hand is the star which marks the point where the inscription begins
and ends. Haveloc made such a favourable representation of his
preserver at the British and Danish Courts, that he procured for him
many honours and privileges. From the British Monarch Gryme, who had
already realised an abundance of wealth, received a charter, and was
made the chief governor of Grimsby; and the Danish Sovereign granted
to the Town an immunity (which is still possessed by the Burgesses
of Grimsby) from all Tolls at the Port of Elsineur. Gryme afterwards
lived in Grimsby like a petty prince in his Hereditary Dominions.
Above Haveloc is represented a crown and in his right hand is a
battle axe, the favourite weapon of the Northmen, and in his right
hand is a ring which he is presenting to the British Princess
Goldburgh ('Goldebvrgh'), who stands on the left side of Gryme and
whose right hand is held towards the Ring. Over her head is a Regal
Diadem, and in her left hand is a Sceptre. Sir F. Madden states that
it is certain that this seal is at least as old as the time of
Edward I. (and therefore contemporaneous with the MS.) as the legend
is written in a character which after the year 1300 fell into
disuse, and was succeeded by the black letter, or _Gothic_."
[Footnote 20: Æthelberht of Kent reigned from A.D. 560-616 (56
years).]
§ 20. SKETCH OF THE STORY OF "Le Lai d'Aueloc."[21]
It is my intention to offer some remarks on the probable sources of the legend, and to fix a conjectural date for the existence of Havelok. But it is obviously convenient that a sketch of the story should first be given. It appears, however, that the resemblance between the French and English versions is by no means very close, and it will be necessary to give separate abstracts of them. I begin with the French version, in which I follow the Norfolk MS. rather than the abridgment by Gaimar. I have already said that the former is printed in Sir F. Madden's edition, and that it was reprinted by M. Michel with the title "Lai d'Havelok le Danois," Paris, 1833, and by Mr Wright for the Caxton Society in 1850.
The Britons made a lay concerning King Havelok, who is surnamed
Cuaran. His father was Gunter, King of the Danes. Arthur crossed the
sea, and invaded Denmark. Gunter perished by the treason of Hodulf,
who gained the kingdom, and held it of Arthur. Gunter had a fine
castle, where his wife and son were guarded, being committed to the
protection of Grim. The child was but seven years old; but ever as
he slept, an odorous flame issued from his mouth. Hodulf sought
to kill him, but Grim prepared a ship, and furnished it with
provisions, wherein he placed the queen and the child, and set
sail from Denmark. On their voyage they encountered pirates
("outlaghes"), who killed them all after a hard fight, excepting
Grim, who was an acquaintance of theirs, and Grim's wife and
children. Havelok also was saved. They at last arrived at the haven,
afterwards named "Grimesbi" from Grim. Grim there resumed his old
trade, a fisherman's, and a town grew up round his hut, which was
called Grimsby. The child grew up, and waxed strong. One day Grim
said to him, "Son, you will never thrive as a fisherman; take your
brothers with you, and seek service amongst the King's servants." He
was soon well apparelled, and repaired with his two foster-brothers
to Nicole [Lincoln].[22] Now at that time there was a king named
Alsi, who ruled over all Nicole and Lindesie;[23] but the country
southward was governed by another king, named Ekenbright, who had
married Alsi's sister Orewen. These two had one only daughter, named
Argentille. Ekenbright, falling ill, committed Argentille to the
care of Alsi, till she should be of age to be married to the
strongest man that can be found. At Ekenbright's death, Alsi reigned
over both countries, holding his court at Nicole. Havelok, on his
arrival there, was employed to carry water and cut wood, and to
perform all menial offices requiring great strength. He was named
Cuaran, which means--in the British language--a scullion. Argentille
soon arrived at marriageable age, and Alsi determined to marry her
to Cuaran, which would sufficiently fulfil her father's wish--Cuaran
being confessedly the strongest man in those parts. To this marriage
he compelled her to consent, hoping thereby to disgrace her for
ever. Havelok was unwilling that his wife should perceive the
marvellous flame, but soon forgot this, and ere long fell asleep.
Then had Argentille a strange vision--that a savage bear and some
foxes attacked Cuaran, but dogs and boars defended him. A boar
having killed the bear, the foxes cried for quarter from Cuaran, who
commanded them to be bound. Then he would have put to sea, but the
sea rose so high that he was terrified. Next she beheld two lions,
at seeing which she was frightened, and she and Cuaran climbed a
tree to avoid them; but the lions submitted themselves to him, and
called him their lord. Then a great cry was raised, whereat she
awoke, and beheld the miraculous flame. "Sir," she exclaimed, "you
burn!" But he reassured her, and, having heard her dream, said that
it would soon come true. The next day, however, she again told her
dream to a chamberlain, her friend, who said that he well knew a
holy hermit who could explain it. The hermit explained to Argentille
that Cuaran must be of royal lineage. "He will be king," he said,
"and you a queen. Ask him concerning his parentage. Remember also to
repair to his native place." On being questioned, Cuaran replied
that he was born at Grimsby; that Grim was his father, and Saburc
his mother. "Then let us go to Grimsby," she replied. Accompanied by
his two foster-brothers, they came to Grimsby; but Grim and Saburc
were both dead. They found there, however, a daughter of Grim's,
named Kelloc, who had married a tradesman of that town. Up to this
time Havelok had not known his true parentage, but Kelloc thought it
was now time to tell him, and said: "Your father was Gunter, the
King of the Danes, whom Hodulf slew. Hodulf obtained the kingdom as
a grant from Arthur. Grim fled with you, and saved your life; but
your mother perished at sea. Your name is HAVELOK. My husband will
convey you to Denmark, where you must inquire for a lord named
'Sigar l'estal;' and take with you my two brothers." So Kelloc's
husband conveyed them to Denmark, and advised Havelok to go to Sigar
and show himself and his wife, as then he would be asked who his
wife is. They went to the city of the seneschal, the before-named
Sigar, where they craved a night's lodging, and were courteously
entertained. But as they retired to a lodging for the night, six men
attacked them, who had been smitten with the beauty of Argentille.
Havelok defended himself with an axe which he found, and slew five,
whereupon the sixth fled. Havelok and his party fled away for refuge
to a monastery, which was soon attacked by the townsmen who had
heard of the combat. Havelok _mounted the tower_, and defended
himself bravely, _casting down a huge stone on his enemies_.[24] The
news soon reached the ears of Sigar, who hastened to see what the
uproar was about. Beholding Havelok fixedly, he called to mind the
form and appearance of Gunter, and asked Havelok of his parentage.
Havelok replied that Grim had told him he was by birth a Dane, and
that his mother perished at sea; and ended by briefly relating his
subsequent adventures. Then Sigar asked him his name. "My name is
Havelok," he said, "and my other name is Cuaran." Then the seneschal
took him home, and determined to watch for the miraculous flame,
which he soon perceived, and was assured that Havelok was the true
heir. Therefore he gathered a great host of his friends, and sent
for the horn which none but the true heir could sound, promising a
ring to any one who could blow it. When all had failed, it was given
to Havelok, who blew it loud and long, and was joyfully recognized
and acknowledged to be the true King. Then with a great army he
attacked Hodulf the usurper, whom he slew with his own hand. Thus
was Havelok made King of Denmark.
But after he had reigned four years, his wife incited him to return
to England. With a great number of ships he sailed there, and
arrived at Carleflure;[25] and sent messengers to Alsi, demanding
the inheritance of Argentille. Alsi was indeed astonished at such a
demand as coming from a scullion, and offered him battle. The hosts
met at Theford,[26] and the battle endured till nightfall without a
decisive result. But Argentille craftily advised her lord to support
his dead men by stakes, to increase the apparent number of his army;
and the next day Alsi, deceived by this device, treated for peace,
and yielded up to his former ward all the land, from Holland[27] to
Gloucester. Alsi had been so sorely wounded that he lived but
fifteen days longer. Thus was Havelok king over Lincoln and Lindsey,
and reigned over them for twenty years. Such is the lay of Cuaran.
[Footnote 21: For this latter portion of the Preface I am
entirely responsible.]
[Footnote 22: _Nicole_ is a French inversion of Lincoln. It is
not uncommon.]
[Footnote 23: The northern part of Lincolnshire is called
_Lindsey_.]
[Footnote 24: Hence the obvious origin of the legend of
"Havelok's stone," and the local tradition about Grim's casting
down stones from the tower of Grimsby church.]
[Footnote 25: Possibly Saltfleet, suggests Mr Haigh. Such, at
least, is the position required by the circumstances.]
[Footnote 26: In the Durham MS. it is Tiedfort, i.e. Tetford,
not far from Horncastle, in Lincolnshire.]
[Footnote 27: A name given to the S.E. part of Lincolnshire.]
§ 21. The chief points to be noticed in Gaimar's abridgment are the few additional particulars to be gleaned from it. We there find that Havelok's mother was _Alvive_, a daughter of King _Gaifer_; that the King of Nicole and Lindeseie was a _Briton_, and was named Edelsie; that his sister, named Orwain, was married to Adelbrit, a _Dane_, who ruled over Norfolk; and that Edelsie and Adelbrit lived in the days of Costentin (Constantine), who succeeded Arthur. It is also said that the usurper Hodulf was brother to Aschis, who is the Achilles of Geoffrey of Monmouth. Another statement, that Havelok's kingdom extended from Holland to _Colchester_, seems to be an improvement upon "from Holland to _Gloucester_."
The words of Mr Petrie, in his remarks upon the lay in Monumenta Historica Britannica, vol. i., may be quoted here. "Although both [French versions] have the same story in substance, and often contain lines exactly alike, yet, besides the different order in which the incidents are narrated, each has occasionally circumstances wanting in the other, and such too, it should seem, as would leave the story incomplete unless supplied from the other copy. Thus, the visit to the hermit, which is omitted in Gaimar, was probably in the original romance; for without it Argentille's dream tells for nothing; and in the Arundel copy there is a particular account of Haveloc's defence of a tower by hurling stones on his assailants, which in Gaimar is so obscurely alluded to as to be hardly intelligible. On the other hand, instead of the description of the extraordinary virtues of Sygar's ring in Gaimar, it is merely said in the Arundel copy that Sygar would give his _anel d'or_ to whoever could sound the horn; and, to omit other instances, a festival is described in Gaimar on the authority of _l'Estorie_, of which no notice whatever occurs in the Arundel MS."
§ 22. SKETCH OF THE ENGLISH POEM.
The "Lay of Havelok" has been admirably paraphrased by Professor Morley, in his "English Writers," vol. i. pp. 459-467, a book which should be in every reader's hands, and which should by all means be consulted. I only intend here to give a briefer outline, for the sake of comparing the main features of our poem with those of the French _Lai_.
Hear the tale of Havelok! There was once a good king in England,
named Athelwold, renowned and beloved for his justice. He had but
one child, a daughter named Goldborough. Knowing that his end was
approaching, he sent for all his lords to assemble at Winchester,
and there committed Goldborough to the care of Godrich, the earl of
Cornwall; directing him to see her married to the strongest and
fairest man whom he could find. But Godrich imprisoned her at Dover,
and resolved to seize her inheritance for his own son. At that time
there was also a King of Denmark, named Birkabeyn, who had one son,
Havelok, and two daughters, Swanborough and Helfled. At the approach
of death, he committed these to the care of Earl Godard. But Godard
killed the two girls, and only spared Havelok because he did not
like to kill him with his own hand. He therefore hired a fisherman,
named Grim, to drown Havelok at sea. But Grim perceived, as Havelok
slept, a miraculous light shining round the lad, whereby he knew
that the child was the true heir, and would one day be king. In
order to avoid Godard, Grim fitted up a ship, and provisioned it,
and with his wife Leve, his three sons, his two daughters, and
Havelok, put out to sea. They landed in Lindesey at the month of the
Humber, at a place afterwards named Grimsby after Grim. Grim worked
at his old trade, a fisherman's, and Havelok carried about the fish
for sale. Then arose a great dearth in the land, and Havelok went
out to seek his own livelihood, walking to Lincoln barefoot. He was
hired as a porter by the earl of Cornwall's cook, and drew water and
cut wood for the earl's kitchen. One day some men met to contend in
games and to "put the stone." At the cook's command, Havelok also
put the stone, hurling it further than any of the rest.[28] Godrich,
hearing the praises of Havelok's strength, at once resolved to
perform his oath by causing him to marry Goldborough; and carried
his design into execution. As goon as the pair were married, Havelok
suddenly quitted Lincoln with his wife, and returned to Grimsby,
where he found that Grim was dead, but that his five children are
yet alive. At night, Goldborough perceived a light shining round
about Havelok, and observed a cross upon his shoulder. At the same
time she heard an angel's voice, telling her of good fortune to
come. Then he awoke, and told her a dream; how he had dreamt that
all Denmark and England became his own. She encouraged him, and
urged him to set sail for Denmark at once. He accordingly called to
him Grim's three sons, and narrated to them his own history, and
Godard's treachery, asking them to accompany him to Denmark. To this
they assented, and sailed with him and Goldborough to Denmark. There
he sought out a former friend of his father's, Earl Ubbe, who
invited him and his friends to a sumptuous feast. After the feast,
Havelok and Goldborough and Grim's sons went to the house of one
Bernard Brown, whose house was that night attacked by sixty thieves.
By dint of great prowess, the friends at length slew all their sixty
assailants, and Ubbe was so amazed at Havelok's valour that he
resolved to dub him a knight, and invited him to sleep in his own
castle. At night, he peeped into Havelok's chamber, and beheld the
marvellous light, and saw a bright cross on his neck. Rejoiced at
heart, he did homage to Havelok, and commanded all his friends and
dependents to do the same. He also dubbed him knight, and proclaimed
him King. With six thousand men he set out to attack Godard, whom he
defeated and made prisoner, and afterwards caused to be flayed,
drawn, and hung. Then Havelok swore that he would establish at
Grimsby a priory of black monks, to pray for Grim's soul; and
Godrich, having heard that Havelok has invaded England, raised a
great army against him. An indecisive combat took place between Ubbe
and Godrich, but a more decisive one between Godrich and Havelok;
for Havelok cut off his foe's hand and made him prisoner. Then the
English submitted to Goldborough, and acknowledged her as queen; but
Godrich was condemned and burnt. Havelok rewarded both his own
friends and the English nobles; for he caused Earl Reyner of Chester
to marry Gunild, Grim's daughter, and Bertram, formerly Godrich's
cook, to marry Levive, another of Grim's daughters; bestowing upon
Bertram the earldom of Cornwall. Then were Havelok and Goldborough
crowned at London, and a feast was given that lasted forty days. The
kingdom of Denmark was bestowed upon Ubbe, who held it of King
Havelok. Havelok and Goldborough lived to the age of a hundred
years, and their reign lasted for sixty years in England. They had
fifteen children, who were all kings and queens. Such is the _geste_
of Havelok and Goldborough.
[Footnote 28: Here again is an allusion to "Havelok's stone."]
§ 23. POSSIBLE DATE OF HAVELOK'S REIGN.
The various allusions to the story of Havelok already cited naturally lead us to consider the question as to what date we should refer such circumstances of the story as may have some foundation in truth, or such circumstances as may have originated the story. I do not look upon this as altogether a hopeless or profitless inquiry, for it seems to me that a theory may be constructed which will readily and easily fit in with most of the statements of our authorities. In the first place, to place Havelok's father in the time of Alfred, as is done by Peter de Langtoft and his translators, is absurd, and evidently due to the confusion between the names of Gunter and Godrum or Guthrum. We may even adduce Langtoft's evidence against himself, as he alludes to Grimsby as being the boundary of Egbert's kingdom; and indeed, the mere fact of its being a British lay points to a time before the establishment of the Heptarchy. As already suggested in § 16, some of the authorities point to the sixth century. But the evidence of the French poem and of Gaimar points still more steadily to a similar early date. There we find Gunter appearing as the enemy, not of Alfred, but of Arthur. The French prose chronicle of the Brute places Adelbright and Edelfi after the death of Constantine, and it is clear that there is some close connection between the British lay of Havelok and the British Chronicle. The _Godrich_ of the English version is the _Alsi_ of the French poem, the _Edelsi_ of Gaimar, the _Adelfrid_[29] or _Edelfrid_ of the Eulogium Historiarum, the _Elfroi_ of Wace, the _Æluric_ of La[gh]amon, the _Æthelfrith_ who succeeded to the throne of Northumbria A.D. 593, according to the Saxon Chronicle. The _Athelwold_ of the English version is the _Adelbrict_ of Gaimar, the _Ekenbright_ of the French poem, the _Athelbert_ of the Eulogium Historiarum, the _Aldebar_ of Wace, and the _Æthelbert_ of La[gh]amon, i.e. no other than the celebrated _Æthelberht_ of Kent, who was baptized by St Augustine A.D. 596, according to the Saxon Chronicle. This is the right clue to the _names_, from which, when once obtained, the rest follows easily. The variations between the English and French versions are very great, and it is clear that each poet proceeded much as poets are accustomed to do. Taking a legend as the general guide or thread of a narrative, it is the simplest and easiest plan to dress it up after one's own fashion, and to draw upon the materials that are supplied by the _general surroundings_ of the story. I feel confident that the narrators of the Lay of Havelok must have used materials not much unlike those used by La[gh]amon, and a mere comparison of the French and English lays with La[gh]amon will amply suffice to elucidate this. Æluric is first mentioned at p. 195 of vol. iii. of La[gh]amon, as edited by Sir F. Madden; if we allow ourselves a margin on both sides of this, we may find many things akin to the lay of Havelok between pages 150 and 282 of that volume, as I will now shew. The character of the good king Athelwold is taken from that of Æthelberht of Kent, and his love of justice may remind us of the ancient collection of laws which are still extant as having been made by that king. His extensive rule, such as is also attributed to Godrich and Havelok, may point to the title of _Bretwalda_, which Æthelberht so long coveted, and at last obtained. Our poet, in describing Birkabeyn, repeats this character so exactly, and makes the circumstances of the deaths of Athelwold and Birkabeyn so similar, that they are almost indistinguishable; a fault which he doubles by repeating the character of Godrich in describing that of Godard. Both of these answer to La[gh]amon's Æluric, who was "the wickedest of all kings" (La[gh]. iii. 195). So far, perhaps, the connection of the various stories is not very evident, but I will now mention an obvious coincidence. The quarrel and reconciliation between Athelbert and Edelfrid, as told in the Eulogium Historiarum, &c., exactly answers to the quarrel and reconciliation between Cadwan and Æluric as told in La[gh]amon (vol. iii. p. 205); where Cadwan has come forward in place of Æthelbert, who has by this time dropped out of La[gh]amon's narrative. Again, the Gunter or Gurmond who was Havelok's father reminds us of the Gurmund of La[gh]amon (p. 156), who is curiously described as king of Africa; but the name is Danish. The character of Grim is fairly paralleled by that of Brian, who makes sea-voyages, and goes about as a merchant (La[gh]amon, iii. 232). In several respects Havelok may have been drawn from Cadwalan, whose gallant attempts to gain the king of Northumberland are recorded in La[gh]amon (iii. 216-254); his opponent being Edwin, who has replaced Ethelfrid as La[gh]amon's narrative proceeds. At last he overthrows him and slays him in the great battle of Heathfield or Hatfield, which took place, according to the Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 633. This great battle resembles the decisive one between Havelok and Godrich. As Cadwalan was well supported by his liegeman Penda (La[gh]amon, iii. 251), so was Havelok by Ubbe. Again, Cadwalan marries Helen, whom he found at
--þan castle of Deoure
on þere sæ oure; (La[gh]amon, iii. 250),
which reminds us of Havelok's wife Goldborough, who was imprisoned at
--doure
þat standeth on þe seis oure; (l. 320).
The very name Helen, though not the name of Havelok's wife, was that of his mother, who was killed by the pirates. For the connection between La[gh]amon's Helen and pirates, see Sir F. Madden's note, vol. iii. p. 428. There is a most curious contradiction in the English lay about Havelok's religion; in l. 2520 he is a devout Christian, but in l. 2580 Godrich speaks of him as being a cruel pagan. Now it was just about this very time that Paulinus preached in Lindsey, "where the first that believed was a powerful man called _Blecca_, with all his followers" (A.S. Chron. ed. Thorpe, vol. ii. p. 21; A.D. 627). Havelok, according to some, was buried at Stonehenge; but so was Constantine (La[gh]amon, iii. 151). A dearth in mentioned in the English lay (l. 824); cf. La[gh]amon, iii. 279. And I may here add another coincidence, of an interesting but certainly of a very circuitous nature. A close examination of the Lay of King Horn shews that there is no real connection between the story therein contained and that of Havelok. Yet there is a connection after a sort. Though by different authors, and in different metre, both lays are found in English in the same MS.; both versions belong to the same date; both are from French versions, written by Englishmen from British sources; and now, if we compare King Horn with the very part of La[gh]amon now under consideration, there is at once seen to be a most exact resemblance in one point. The story of the ring given by Horn to Rymenhild (K. Horn, ed. Lumby, ll. 1026-1210) is remarkably like that of the ring whereby Brian is recognized by his sister (La[gh]amon, iii. 234-238). But it is hardly worth while to pursue the subject further. It may suffice to suppose that the period of the existence of Havelok and Grim may be referred to the times of Æthelberht of Kent and Æthelfrith and Eadwine of Northumbria.[30] It is exceedingly probable that Havelok was never more than a chief or a petty prince, and whether he was a Danish or only a British enemy of the Angles is not of very great importance. If, however, more exact dates be required, they may be found in "The Conquest of Britain by the Saxons," by Daniel P. Haigh, London, 8vo, 1861, pp. 363-367; where the following dates are suggested. Havelok's father slain, A.D. 487; his expedition to Denmark, A.D. 507; his reign in England, A.D. 511-531, or a little later. These dates follow a system which is here about 16 years earlier than the dates in the A.S. Chronicle. His results are obtained from totally different considerations. On the whole, let us place Havelok in the _sixth_ century, at _some_ period of his life.
[Footnote 29: Hence, by confusion, the placing of Havelok's
father in the time of _Ælfred_.]
[Footnote 30: Or, as I should prefer to say, earlier than those
times. The two kings spoken of in the Lay may have had names
somewhat similar to these, which may have been replaced by the
more familiar names here mentioned.]
§ 24. It is, perhaps, worthy of a passing remark that some of the circumstances in the Lay may have been suggested by the romantic story of Eadwine of Northumbria, who was also born at the close of the sixth century. For he it was who really married the _daughter of Æthelberht_, and it was the _archbishop of York_, Paulinus, who performed the ceremony. The relation of how Eadwine was persecuted by _Æthelfrith_, how he fled and was protected by Rædwald, king of the East Angles, how he saw a vision of an angel who promised his restoration to the throne and that his rule should exceed that of his predecessors, how, with the assistance of Rædwald, he overthrew and _slew Æthelfrith_ in a terrible battle beside the river Idle, may be found in Beda's Ecclesiastical History, bk. II. ch. 9-16.[31] In the last of these chapters there is again mention of _Blecca, the governor of the city of Lincoln_. Sir F. Madden, in his note to l. 45, speaks of the extraordinary proofs of the peaceable state of the country in the reign of Ælfred; but Beda uses similar language in speaking of the reign of Eadwine; and the earlier instance is even more remarkable. "It is reported that there was then such perfect peace in Britain, wheresoever the dominion of King Edwin extended, that, as _is still proverbially said_, a woman with her new-born babe might walk throughout the island, from sea to sea, without receiving any harm. That king took such care for the good of his nation, that in several places where he had seen clear springs near the highways, he caused stakes to be fixed, with brass dishes hanging at them, for the conveniency of travellers; nor durst any man touch them for any other purpose than that for which they were designed, either through the dread they had of the king, or for the affection which they bore him, &c."[32] Readers who are acquainted with the pleasing poem of "Edwin of Deira," by the late Alexander Smith, will remember his adventures; and it may be noted, as an instance of the manner in which poets alter names at pleasure, that Mr Smith gives to Æthelfrith the name of Ethelbert, to Eadwine's wife Æthelburh, that of Bertha, and to his father Ælle, that of Egbert. My theory of the Lay of Havelok is then simply this, that I look upon it as the general result of various narratives connected with the history of Northumbria and Lindesey at the close, or possibly the beginning, of the sixth century, gathered round some favourite local (i.e. Lincolnshire) tradition as a nucleus. A similar theory may be true of the Lay of Horn.
[Footnote 31: Cf. Lappenberg's History of England, tr. by
Thorpe, vol. i. pp. 145-154.]
[Footnote 32: See the same statement in Fabyan's Chronicles,
p. 112; ed. Ellis, 1811.]
§ 25. ON THE NAMES "CURAN" AND "HAVELOK."
The French version tells us that _Coaran_, _Cuaran_, or _Cuheran_ is the British word for a scullion. This etymology has not hitherto been traced, but it may easily have been perfectly true. A glance at Armstrong's Gaelic Dictionary shews us that the Gaelic _cearn_ (which answers very well to the Old English _hirne_, a corner) has the meaning of a _corner_, and, secondly, of a _kitchen_; and that _cearnach_ is an adjective meaning _of or belonging to a kitchen_. But we may come even nearer than this; for by adding the diminutive ending _-an_ to the Gaelic _cocaire_, a cook, we see that _Cuheran_ may really have conveyed the idea of _scullion_ to a British ear, and this probably further gave rise to the story of Havelok's degradation. It is a common custom--one which true etymologists must always deplore--to invent a story to account for a derivation; and such a practice is invariably carried out with greater boldness and to a greater extent if the said derivation chances to be false. For it is possible that Curan may be simply the Gaelic _curan_, a brave man, and the Irish _curanta_, brave. The derivation of Havelok is certainly puzzling. Professor Rask declared it to have no meaning in Danish. It bears, however, a remarkable resemblance to the Old English _gavelok_, which occurs in Weber's _Kyng Alisaunder_, l. 1620, and which is the A.S. _gafeluc_, Icel. _gaflak_, Welsh _gaflach_, a spear, dart, or javelin. This is an appropriate name for a warrior, and possibly reappears in the instance of Hugh _Kevelock_, earl of Chester (Bp. Percy's Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, i. 128). It is remarkable that the Gaelic and Irish _corran_ has the same sense, that of _a spear_, whilst _curan_, as above-mentioned, means _a brave man_. It is best, perhaps, to stop here; for etymology, when pursued too far, is wont to beguile the pursuer into every possible quagmire of absurdity.
§ 26. DESCRIPTION OF THE MS., &c.
The MS. from which the present poem is printed is in the Laudian collection in the Bodleian Library, where its old mark is K 60, and its present one Misc. 108. Being described in the old printed catalogue merely as _Vitæ Sanctorum_, the romance was in consequence for a long time overlooked. The Lives of the Saints occupy a large portion of the volume, and are probably to be ascribed to the authorship of Robert of Gloucester. "These Lives or Festivals," says Sir F. Madden, "are [here] 61 in number, written in long Alexandrine verse. Then succeed the Sayings of St Bernard and the Visions of St Paul, both in six-line stanzas; the _Disputatio inter Corpus et Animam_, the English Romance of Havelok, the Romance of Kyng Horn, and some additions in a hand of the 15th century, including the lives of St Blaise, St Cecilia, and St Alexius, and an alliterative poem intitled _Somer Soneday_, making in all the Contents of the Volume to amount to 70 pieces." The lays of Havelok and Horn are written out in the same handwriting, of an early date, certainly not later than the end of the thirteenth century. The Havelok begins on fol. 204, and is written in double columns, each column containing 45 lines. A folio is lost between fol. 211 and 212, but no notice of this has been taken in numbering the folios; hence the catchword which should have been found at the bottom of fol. 215 _b_, appears at the bottom of fol. 214 _b_ (see l. 2164). The poem terminates at the 27th line on fol. 219 _b_, and is immediately followed by Kyng Horn in the same column. The character of the handwriting is bold and square, but the words are very close together. The initial letter of every line is written a little way apart from the rest, as in William of Palerne, and other MSS. Both the long and short _s_ ([s] _and_ s) are used. The long _s_ is in general well distinguished from _f_, and on this account I have taken the liberty of printing both _esses_ alike, as my experience in printing the Romans of Partenay proved that the difficulty of avoiding misprints is greater than the gain of representing the difference between them. The chief point of interest is that, as in _early_ MSS., the long _s_ is sometimes found at the _end_ of a word, as in "u[s]" in l. 22, and "i[s]" in l. 23. The following are all the examples of the use of this letter in the first 26 lines; [s]o (4), wicte[s]te (9), [s]tede (10), cri[s]t, [s]childe (16), Kri[s]t, [s]o (17), [s]o (19), [s]chal (21), Kri[s]t, u[s] (22), i[s] (23), [s]talworþi (24), [s]talworþe[s]te (25), [s]tede (26). With this exception, the present reprint is a faithful representation of the original; for, as the exact fidelity of a text is of the first importance, I have been careful to compare the proof-sheets with the MS. twice throughout; besides which, the original edition is itself exceedingly correct, and had been re-read by Sir F. Madden with the MS. His list of errata (nearly all of them of minor importance) agreed almost exactly with my own. A great difficulty is caused by the use of the Saxon letter _w_ ([w]). This letter, the thorn-letter (þ), and _y_, are all three made very nearly alike. In general, the _y_ is dotted, but the dot is occasionally omitted. Wherever the letter really appears to be a _w_, I have denoted it by printing the _w_ as an italic letter. The following are, I believe, the _only_ examples of it. _W_it-drow = withdrew, l. 502; _w_e, 1058; _w_as, 1129 (cf. "him was ful wa," _Sir Tristr._ f. iii. st. 43); ber_w_en, 1426 (written "berwen" in l. 697); _w_at = known, 1674; _w_e, miswritten for _w_o = who, 1914; to which perhaps we may add _w_it, 997. This evidence is interesting as shewing that this letter was then fast going out of use, and I think that we may safely date the final disappearance of this letter from MSS. at about the year 1300. As regards the _th_, we may remark that at the end of a word both þ and _th_ are used, as in "norþ and suth," l. 434; sometimes _th_ occurs in the middle of a word, as "sithen," l. 1238, which is commonly written "siþen," as in l. 399. The words þe, þat, þer, &c., are hardly ever written otherwise. But the reader will remark many instances in which _th_ final seems to have the hard sound of _t_, as in _brouth_, 57, _nouth_, 58, _lith_, 534, _þouth_, 1190, &c.; cf. § 27. The letter _t_ is sometimes shortened so as nearly to resemble _c_, and _c_ is sometimes lengthened into _t_. The letters _n_ and _u_ are occasionally alike, but the difference between them is commonly well marked. The _i_ has a long stroke over it when written next to _m_ or _n_. On the whole, the writing is very clear and distinct, after a slight acquaintance with it. The poem is marked out into paragraphs by the use of large letters. I have introduced a slight space at the end of each paragraph, to shew this more clearly.
§ 27. ON THE GRAMMATICAL FORMS OCCURRING IN THE POEM.
The following peculiarities of spelling may be first noted. We frequently find _h_ prefixed to words which it is usual to spell without one. Examples are: _holde_ for _old_, _hete_ for _ete_ (eat), _het_ for _et_ (ate), _heuere_ for _euere_, _Henglishe_ for _Englishe_, &c.; see the Glossary, under the letter H. This enables us to explain some words which at first appear puzzling; thus _her_ = _er_, ere; _hayse_ = _ayse_, ease; _helde_ = _elde_, old age; _hore_ = _ore_, grace; _hende_ = _ende_, which in one passage means _end_, but in another _a duck_. The forms _hof_, _hus_, _hure_, for _of_, _us_, _ure_ are such as we should hardly have expected to find. On the other hand, _h_ is omitted in the words _auelok_, _aueden_, _osed_, and in _is_ for _his_ (l. 2254). These instances, and other examples such as follow, may readily be found by help of the Glossarial Index. Again, _d_ final after _l_ or _n_ was so slightly sounded as to be omitted even in writing. Examples are: _lon_ for _lond_, _hel_ for _held_, _bihel_ for _biheld_, _shel_ for _sheld_, _gol_ for _gold_. But a more extraordinary omission is that of _r_ final in _the_, _neythe_, _othe_, _douthe_, which does not seem to be satisfactorily explained even by the supposition that the scribe may have omitted the small upward curl which does duty for _er_ so frequently in MSS. For we further find the omission of _l_ final, as in _mike_ for _mikel_, _we_ for _wel_, and of _t_ final, as in _bes_ for _best_; from which instances we should rather infer some peculiarity of pronunciation rendering final letters indistinct, of which there are numerous examples, as _fiel_ for _field_, in modern provincial English. Cf. _il_ for _ilk_, in ll. 818, 1740; and _twel_ for _twelf_. "From the same license," says Sir F. Madden, "arises the frequent repetition of such rhythm as _riden_ and _side_, where the final _n_ seems to have been suppressed in pronunciation. Cf. ll. 29, 254, 957, 1105, 1183, 2098, &c, and hence we perceive how readily the infinitive verbal Saxon termination glided into its subsequent form. The broad pronunciation of the dialect in which the poem was written is also frequently discernible, as in _slawen_, l. 2676, and _knaue_, l. 949, which rhyme to _Rauen_ and _plawe_.[33] So likewise, _bothe_ or _bethe_ is, in sound, equivalent to _rede_, ll. 360, 694, 1680." Other peculiarities will be noticed in discussing the Metre. Observe also the Anglo-Saxon _hw_ for the modern _wh_, exemplified by _hwo_, 368, _hwan_, 474, _hweþer_, 294, _hwere_, 549, _hwil_, 301; compare also _qual_, _qui_, _quan_, meaning _whale_, _why_, _when_.[34] The letter _w_ (initial) is the modern provincial _'oo_, as in _wlf_, _wluine_, _wman_; cf. _hw_, _w_, both forms of _how_; and _lowerd_ for _louerd_. In particular, we should notice the hard sound of _t_ denoted by _th_ in the words _with_, _rithe_, _brouth_, _nouth_, _ricth_, _knicth_, meaning _white_, _right_, _brought_, _naught_, _right_, _knight_; so too _douther_, daughter, _neth_, a net, _uth_, out, _woth_, wot, _leth_, let, _lauthe_ (_laught_), caught, _nither-tale_ (_nighter-tale_), night-time.[35] On the other hand, _t_ stands for _th_ in _hauet_, 564, _seyt_, 647, _herknet_, 1, _wit_, 100. When _th_ answers to the modern sound, it seems equivalent to A.S. ð rather than to A.S. þ; examples are _mouth_, 433, _oth_, 260, _loth_, 261. _Y_ and _g_ are interchangeable, as in _yaf_, _gaf_, _youen_, _gouen_; _g_ even occurs for _k_, as in _rang_, 2561. In MSS., _e_ is not uncommonly written by mistake for _o_; this may perhaps account for _helde_, 2472, _meste_, 233, _her_, 1924, which should rather be _holde_, 30, _moste_, and _hor_, 235; there is a like confusion of _weren_ and _woren_; and perhaps _grotinde_ should be _gretinde_.[36] The vowel _u_ is replaced by the modern _ou_ in the words _prud_, 302, _suth_, 434, _but_, 1040, _hus_, 740, _spusen_, 1123; cf. _hws_ in l. 1141. Mr Ellis shews, in his Early English Pronunciation, chap. v, that in pure specimens of the _thirteenth_ century, there is no _ou_ in such words, and in the _fourteenth_ century, no simple _u_. This furnishes a ready explanation of the otherwise difficult _sure_, in l. 2005; it is merely the adverb of _sour_, _sourly_ being used in the sense of _bitterly_; to _bye it bitterly_, or _bye it bittre_, is a common phrase in Piers Plowman. Other spellings worth notice occur in _ouerga_, 314, _stra_, 315 (spelt _strie_ in l. 998), _hawe_, 1188, _plawe_, 950, _sal_, 628 (commonly spelt _shal_). Note also _arum_ for _arm_, _harum_ for _harm_, _boren_ for _born_, 1878, and _koren_ for _corn_, 1879. There are several instances of words joined together, as _haui_, 2002, _biddi_, 484; _shaltu_, 2186, _wiltu_, 905, _wenestu_, 1787; _wilte_, 528, _thenkeste_, 578, _shaltou_, 1800; _thouthe_, 790, _hauedet_, _youenet_, _hauenet_; _sawe_, 338; _latus_, 1772; where the personal pronouns _i_, _þu_, _he_, _it_, _we_, _us_ are added to the verb. Hence, in l. 745, it is very likely that _calleth_ is written for _callet_, i.e. call it; and on the same principle we can explain _dones_; see _Es_ in the Glossary. In like manner _goddot_ is contracted from _God wot_; and _þerl_ from _þe erl_.
_Nouns._ As regards the nouns employed, I may remark that the final _e_ is perhaps always sounded in the oblique cases, and especially in the dative case; as in _nedè_, _stedè_, &c. (see ll. 86-105), _willè_, 85, _gyuè_, 357, _blissè_, 2187, _cricè_, 2450; cf. the adjectives _longè_, 2299, _wisè_, 1713; also the nominatives _rosè_, 2919, _newè_, 2974. _Frend_ is a pl. form; cf. _hend_, which is both a plural (2444) and a dat. sing. (505). In the plural, the final _e_ is fully pronounced in the adjectives _allè_, 2, _hardè_, 143, _starkè_, 1015, _fremdè_, 2277, _bleikè_, 470, and in many others; cf. the full form _boþen_, 2223. Not only does the phrase _none kines_, of no kind, occur in ll. 861, 1140, but we find the unusual phrase _neuere kines_, of never a kind, in l. 2691. Among the numerals, we find not only _þre_, but _þrinne_.
_Pronouns._ The first personal pronoun occurs in many forms in the nominative, as _i_, _y_, _hi_, _ich_, _ic_, _hic_, and even _ihc_; the oblique cases take the form _me_. For the second person, we have _þu_, _þou_, in the nominative, and also _tu_, when preceded by _þat_, as in l. 2903. We may notice also _hijs_ for _his_, l. 47; _he_ for _they_; _sho_, 112, _scho_, 126, _sche_, 1721, for _she_; and, in particular, the dual form _unker_, of you two, 1882. The most noteworthy possessive pronouns are _minè_, pl. 1365, _þinè_, pl. 620; _his_ or _hise_, pl. _hisè_, 34; _ure_, 606; _youres_, 2800; _hirè_, 2918, with which cf. the dat. sing. _hirè_ of the personal pronoun, 85, 300. _þis_ is plural, and means _these_, in l. 1145. As in other old English works, _men_ is frequently an impersonal pronoun, answering to the French _on_, and is followed by a singular verb; as in _men ringes_, 390, _men seyt and suereth_, 647, _men fetes_, 2341, _men nam_, 900, _men birþe_, 2101, _men dos_, 2434; cf. _folk sau_, 2410; but there are a few instances of its use with a plural verb, as _men haueden_, 901, _men shulen_, 747. The former is the more usual construction.
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The Lay of Havelok the DaneChapter II: Part 2
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