Chapter XLIV: Conclusion (1)

On the 22d of March, 1896, Trumbull made an argument before the Supreme Court at Washington City. On the 11th of April, although ailing from an unknown malady, he went to Belleville to attend the funeral of his old and faithful friend, Gustave Koerner, and to make a brief address over the remains. This journey was made against the advice of his physician. At the conclusion of his remarks he became ill at his hotel in Belleville. There was a consultation of physicians, who reached the conclusion that he would be able to go home if he should go at once. He decided not to delay, and he reached home on the morning of April 13. Here another consultation of physicians took place at which a surgical operation was decided upon. This led to the discovery of an internal tumor which, in their judgment, could not be removed without causing immediate death. He lingered till the 5th of June. Before his death he made a calm and careful adjustment of his business affairs and gave to his children and grandchildren keepsakes that he had for years preserved for them. He passed away at the age of eighty-two years, seven months, and twelve days. His funeral, which was largely attended, took place from his house, No. 4008 Lake Avenue, and his remains were interred in Oakwoods Cemetery.

There was a meeting of the Bar Association of Chicago to prepare a memorial on his life and services. On this occasion Hon. Thomas A. Moran, former judge of the appellate court, said:

At the end of his career in the United States Senate, Judge
Trumbull became a member of the Chicago Bar. He was thereafter
continuously, and up to the time of his death, engaged in the
active and laborious practice of his profession. The great
place that he had held in the councils of the nation, the
influence that he had exerted upon national legislation, and
the esteem in which he was held by the lawyers and the
statesmen of the country, entitled him to a lofty mien; but as
is well known to us all who had the privilege of his
acquaintance at the bar, while his demeanor was grave it was
also modest, and his manner was marked by a gentleness that was
most grateful to everybody with whom he came in contact. His
sincerity and honesty in the presentation of his case, his
respectful demeanor to any court in which he was engaged in a
legal contest, constituted him a model that the lawyers of our
bar might well imitate. He was in practice at the bar
forty-four years after he ceased to be a judge of the supreme
court of this state.... He was preeminently the grand old man
of this country. In his intercourse with his fellow citizens he
was a quiet, sincere, frank, honest American gentleman. Lyman
Trumbull was one of the very great men of the nation.

Eulogistic remarks were made also by Senator John M. Palmer, ex-Senator James R. Doolittle, and Judge Henry W. Blodgett. Mr. Doolittle said that of the sixty-six members of the United States Senate who were there when Secession began, only four were then living. They were Harlan, of Iowa, Rice, of Minnesota, Clingman, of North Carolina, and himself (Doolittle).

Trumbull's forte was that of a political debater well grounded in the law. Here he stood in the very front rank, both as a Senator addressing his equals and as an orator on the hustings. He was always ready to discuss the questions which he was required to face. He had a logical mind, and the ability to think quickly and to choose the right words to express his ideas. He never wasted words in ornament or display. He never lost his balance when addressing the Senate, or a public audience. He had perfect self-possession. He never stood in awe of any other debater or hesitated to reply promptly to question or challenge. Nor did he ever lose his dignity in debate. Once he came near to calling Sumner a falsifier, when the latter had described him as recreant to the principles of human liberty; but he restrained himself in time to avoid an infraction of the rules of the Senate. And he afterwards came to the defense of Sumner when the latter was deposed, by his more subservient colleagues, from the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations. On this occasion Sumner came forward holding out both hands, and with tears in his eyes thanked him for his generosity.

His rare forensic gifts would have been unavailing without confidence in the justice of his cause, and a clear conscience which shone in his face and pervaded him through and through. Although not endowed with oratorical graces he grasped the attention of his audience at once, and he never failed to convince his hearers that he had an eye single to the public good. It was hard for him to separate himself from the Republican party in 1871-72, but he considered it a duty that he owed to the country to expose the rottenness then pervading the national administration. He did not have General Grant in mind when he moved the investigation of custom-house frauds in New York. He did not aim at him directly or indirectly, but at the system which had grown up before his election. Grant's mental make-up was such that he considered any fault-finding with federal office-holders a reproach to himself, as the head of the Government, and accordingly braced himself against it; and this habit grew on him through the whole eight years of his presidency. Yet Trumbull uttered no reproach against him during the campaign of 1872, or later.

It was commonly said that Trumbull's nature was cold and unsympathetic. This was a mannerism merely. He did not carry his heart upon his sleeve for daws to peck at, but he was an affectionate husband and father and grandfather, most generous to his parents, brothers, and sisters, and one of the most unselfish men I ever knew. His poor constituents, who were often stranded in Washington, needing help to get home, seldom applied to him for assistance in vain, and this kind of drain was pretty severe during his whole senatorial service. He was fond of little children. He was often seen playing croquet with his own and others in Washington City. Mr. Morris St. P. Thomas, a member of the Chicago Bar who shared Trumbull's office during his later years, says that he never knew a warmer-hearted man than Trumbull. He was kindness and consideration itself to the people in his office. He was never cross or short, and every young man there always felt that he could go into the judge's room whenever he liked, and sit down and tell him his troubles. Once it devolved upon Mr. Thomas to engage a stenographer for the office. Of the several applicants the best was an unprepossessing, hump-backed girl. "I told the judge about her--that she was the ablest applicant, but very unprepossessing in appearance." "Why," said he, at once, "that's the very reason to take her, poor girl!" And they kept her for years.[133]

In short, he was a high-minded, kind-hearted, courteous gentleman, without ostentation and without guile. In business affairs he was punctual, accurate, and spotless. He never borrowed money, never bought anything that he could not pay cash for, never gave a promissory note in his life, not even in the purchase of real estate where deferred payments are customary. The best blood of New England coursed in his veins and he never dishonored it, in either private or public life.

It is perhaps too early to assign to Trumbull his proper place in the roll of statesmen of the Civil War period. Those who come after us and can look back one hundred years, instead of fifty, will doubtless have a better perspective and a clearer vision than those who lived with the actors of that momentous struggle. Some things, however, we may be sure of. One is that the man who drew the Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery in the United States and all places under the jurisdiction thereof, will never be forgotten as long as the love of liberty survives in this land. Not that the Thirteenth Amendment would not have been passed and incorporated in our system even if Lyman Trumbull had not been a Senator, or if he had never been born. It was a consequence of the taking-up of arms against the Union in 1861 that slavery should come to an end somehow. All that Lincoln did, all that Trumbull did, all that Congress did, was to seize the occasion to give direction to certain irresistible forces then called into existence for blessing or cursing mankind. There were different ways of bringing slavery to an end. That of constitutional amendment was the best of all because it removed the subject-matter from the field of dispute at once and forever. Lincoln paved the way for it. He prepared the public mind for it by his two proclamations of emancipation. Trumbull and Congress and the state legislatures did the rest.

It may be fairly said that Trumbull took the lead in putting an end to arbitrary arrests in the loyal states where the courts of justice were open, and in prescribing the process of the suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_. This was a difficult problem to handle and it cost Trumbull some popularity, since the loyal spirit of the North was very touchy on the subject of Copperheads and easily inflamed against anybody who was accused of sympathy with them. The law finally passed seems now to be altogether just, and well suited to be put in practice again if occasion for it should arise.

Trumbull's place as one of the "Seven Traitors" who voted not guilty on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson is now universally considered a proud position, and I think that that of his neighbor and friend, James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, who earned the title of traitor a year or two earlier, is entitled to a place in the same Valhalla. Both are deserving of monuments at the hands of their respective states.

The reader of these pages cannot fail to discern a marked change in Trumbull's course on Reconstruction about midway of the struggle on that issue. Gideon Welles said, under date January 16, 1867, "He [Trumbull] has changed his principles within a year.[134] The facts are that he agreed with Lincoln's plan of Reconstruction, embodied it in the Louisiana Bill, reported it favorably from the Judiciary Committee, tried to pass it in the closing days of the Thirty-eighth Congress, but was prevented by the filibustering tactics of Sumner. After Johnson became President he adhered to that plan until Johnson vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights Bills. He then believed that Johnson had betrayed the cause for which the nation had fought through a four years' war and that the freedom of the blacks would be endangered if Johnson were sustained by the loyal states. He accordingly went with his party, but with misgivings, halting now and then, putting blocks in the way of the radicals here and there. He ceased to be the leader of the Senate as he had hitherto been, on this class of questions, and he became a reluctant follower. When Sumner became angry and charged him in 1870 with betrayal of the cause of freedom, he hotly affirmed that he had voted for every measure for the equal rights of the freedmen that Congress had passed, including the three constitutional amendments. The truth was that he had put obstacles in the way of several measures that Sumner deemed indispensable, until it became plain that the Republican party was determined to pass them and that further resistance would be useless. Then he gave his assent to them. This course he pursued until the Anti-Ku-Klux Bill was agreed to, by the Judiciary Committee, in 1871. Against this measure he voted in the committee and in the Senate. He held it to be unconstitutional, and he used against it the same arguments in substance that Bingham had used in the House against the Civil Rights Bill; and both he and Bingham were right. Trumbull did not change his principles, but he made an error in common with his party and he corrected it as soon as he became convinced that it was an error. I am open to the same criticism."

Among interviews with men of note published in the Chicago press concerning the deceased was one with Mr. Joseph Medill, not a friendly critic but a political seer of the first class, who thought that Trumbull might have been President of the United States if he had voted, in the impeachment case, to convict Andrew Johnson.

If he had remained true to his party [said Mr. Medill], Judge
Trumbull, I believe, would have died with his name in the roll
of Presidents of the United States. I have always thought that
he could have been the successor of Grant. He stood so high in
the estimation of his party and the nation that nothing was
beyond his reach. Grant, of course, came before everybody, but
Trumbull was next, a man of great ability, undoubted integrity,
and stainless reputation, pure as the driven snow and nearly
as cold. He could have been President instead of Hayes, or
Garfield, or Harrison.[1]

Following the interview with Mr. Medill is one with Mr. Henry S. Robbins, a member of Trumbull's law firm from 1883 until 1890. Mr. Robbins did not find Trumbull a cold man.

All the time we were together [said Mr. Robbins] I never heard
him speak a cross word to a clerk in the office. Among children
he was a child again. He and his little grandson, the child of
Walter Trumbull, who died several years ago, were inseparable
companions when the grandfather was at home. They played
together and talked together like two little boys. All the
children in the neighborhood where he lived were wont to come
to him with their little troubles and always found him one who
could enter into fullest sympathy with them. Judge Trumbull had
no worldliness. He seemed to practice law as a mission, not as
a vocation by which to make money. With his reputation and his
ability combined he might have died a millionaire. It always
gave him a pang to charge a fee, and when he fixed the charge
it was usually about half what a modern lawyer would charge.[1]

Another partner, Mr. William N. Horner, said:

I came here from Belleville where Judge Trumbull formerly
lived, and people down there--some of them at least--used to
think that he was a cold man. I never found him so. I remember
the first day we moved into these offices and while we were
getting settled, Judge Trumbull worked harder than any of us.
He was more solicitous for our comfort than he was for his own.
He was always trying to do something for the comfort of others.
He had all the gentleness and sweetness of disposition and
patience of a woman.[135]

Mr. C. S. Darrow, who had charge of the Debs case in which Trumbull volunteered his services, said that

the socialistic trend of the venerable statesman's opinions in
his later years sprang from his deep sympathies with all
unfortunates; that sympathy that made him an anti-slavery
Democrat in his early years, and afterwards a Republican. He
became convinced that the poor who toil for a living in this
world were not getting a fair chance. His heart was with
them.[136]

A letter to myself from the widow of Walter Trumbull, who died in 1891, says:

After my husband died, I, with my two boys, lived with Judge
Trumbull until his death; and I wish I could tell you how
beautiful that home life was. He was so devoted to his family,
so sweet and tender and thoughtful for us all. Others never
realized this and often thought him cold. He was so great a man
and yet so gentle and simple in his ways that little children
clung to him.

Among the papers left by Trumbull was the following estimate of the character and career of Abraham Lincoln. It was addressed to his son Walter Trumbull and is here published for the first time:

MY DEAR SON: I have often been requested to give my estimate of
Mr. Lincoln's life and character. His death at the close of a
great civil war in which the Government of which he was the
head had been successful, and the manner of his taking off,
were not favorable to a candid and impartial review of his
character. The temper of the public mind at that time would not
tolerate anything but praise of the martyred President, and
even now it is questionable whether the truthful history of his
life by Mr. Herndon, his lifelong friend, and law partner for
twenty years, will be received with favor. As I could not give
any other than a truthful narration of Mr. Lincoln's character,
as he was known to me, I have hitherto declined to write
anything for the public concerning him. Having known him at
different times as a political adversary and a political
friend, my opportunities for judging his public life and
character were from different standpoints. We were members of
the Illinois House of Representatives in 1840. He was a Whig
and I a Democrat, but we had no controversies, political or
otherwise. Indeed, Mr. Lincoln took very little part in the
legislation of that session. It was the period when, as
related by Mr. Herndon, he was engaged in love affairs which
some of his friends feared had well-nigh unsettled his mental
faculties. I recall but one speech he made during the session.
In that he told a story which convulsed the House to the great
discomfiture of the member at whom it was aimed. Mr. Lincoln
was regarded at that time by his political friends as among
their shrewdest and ablest leaders, and by his political
adversaries as a formidable opponent. Contemporary with him in
the legislature of 1840 were Edward D. Baker, William A.
Richardson, William H. Bissell, Thomas Drummond, John J.
Hardin, John A. McClernand, Ebenezer Peck, and others whose
subsequent careers in the national councils, on the field of
battle, and in civil life have shed lustre on their country's
history. It is no mean praise to say of Mr. Lincoln that among
this galaxy of young men convened at the capital of Illinois in
1840, to whom may be added Stephen A. Douglas, although not
then a member of the legislature, he stood in the front rank.

As a lawyer Mr. Lincoln was painstaking, discriminating, and
accurate. He mastered his cases, and had a most happy and
fascinating way of presenting them. He was logical, fair, and
candid. It was said of him by one of the most eminent judges
who ever presided in Illinois, that after Mr. Lincoln had
opened a case he [the judge] fully understood both sides of it.
Some of Mr. Lincoln's contemporaries at the bar were more
learned, and better lawyers, but no one managed a case, which
he had time to thoroughly study and understand, more adroitly.
The breaking-up of the Whig and Democratic parties in 1854,
growing out of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the
opening of the territory to slavery, threw Mr. Lincoln and
myself together politically. We were both opposed to the spread
of slavery, and from the foundation of the Republican party
till his death we were in political accord. I do not claim to
have been his confidant, and doubt if any man ever had his
entire confidence. He was secretive, and communicated no more
of his own thoughts and purposes than he thought would subserve
the ends he had in view. He had the faculty of gaining the
confidence of others by apparently giving them his own, and in
that way attached to himself many friends. I saw much of him
after we became political associates, and can truthfully say
that he never misled me by word or deed. He was truthful,
compassionate, and kind, but he was one of the shrewdest men I
ever knew. To use a common expression he was "as cunning as a
fox." He was a good judge of men, their motives, and purposes,
and knew how to wield them to his own advantage. He was not
aggressive. Ever ready to take advantage of the public current,
he did not attempt to lead it. He did not promulgate the
article of war enacted by Congress forbidding army and navy
officers from employing their forces to return slaves to their
masters, under penalty of dismissal from the service, till more
than six months after its passage. It was more than nine months
after the enactment of a law by Congress declaring free all
slaves of rebels captured, or coming within the Union lines, or
found in any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards
occupied by the forces of the Union, that he issued the
proclamation declaring free the slaves then within the rebel
lines, all of whom, belonging to persons in rebellion, were
made free by the act of Congress as soon as the Union forces
occupied the country, and till then the proclamation could not
be enforced. When applied to by a friend, just previous to the
meeting of the convention at Baltimore which nominated him for
a second term, to indicate what resolutions or policy he
desired the convention to adopt, he declined to suggest any.
These and many other illustrations might be given to show that
Mr. Lincoln was a follower and not a leader in public affairs.
Without attempting to form or create public sentiment, he
waited till he saw whither it tended, and then was astute to
take advantage of it. Some of Mr. Lincoln's admirers, instead
of regarding his want of system, hesitancy, and irresolution as
defects in his character, seek to make them the subject of
praise, as in the end the rebellion was suppressed, and slavery
abolished, during his administration, ignoring the fact that a
man of more positive character, prompt and systematic action,
might have accomplished the same result in half the time, and
with half the loss of blood and treasure.

Mr. Lincoln was by no means the unsophisticated, artless man
many took him to be. Mr. Swett, a lifelong friend and admirer,
writing to Mr. Herndon, says: "One great public mistake of his
character, as generally received and acquiesced in, is that he
is considered by the people of this country as a frank,
guileless, and unsophisticated man. There never was a greater
mistake. Beneath a smooth surface of candor, and apparent
declaration of all his thoughts and feelings, he exercised the
most exalted tact, and the widest discrimination.... In dealing
with men he was a trimmer, and such a trimmer as the world has
never seen."[137]

Herndon in his "Lincoln," at page 471, says: "He had a way of
pretending to assure his visitor that in the choice of his
advisers he was free to act as his judgment dictated, although
David Davis, acting as his manager at the Chicago Convention,
had negotiated with the Pennsylvania and Indiana delegations,
and assigned places in the Cabinet to Simon Cameron and Caleb
Smith, besides making other arrangements which Mr. Lincoln was
expected to satisfy."

Another popular mistake is to suppose Mr. Lincoln free from
ambition. A more ardent seeker after office never existed. From
the time when, at the age of twenty-three, he announced himself
a candidate for the legislature from Sangamon County, till his
death, he was almost constantly either in office, or struggling
to obtain one. Sometimes defeated and often successful, he
never abandoned the desire for office till he had reached the
presidency the second time. Swett says, "He was much more eager
for it [a second nomination] than for the first," and such was
known to his intimate friends to be the fact, though his manner
to the public would have indicated that he was indifferent to a
second nomination. When first a candidate for the presidency
Mr. Herndon tells us, "He wrote to influential party workers
everywhere," promising money to defray the expenses of
delegates to the convention favoring his nomination.

While ardently devoted to the Union, Mr. Lincoln had no
well-defined plan for saving it, but suffered things to drift,
watching to take advantage of events as they occurred. He was a
judge of men and knew how to use them to advantage. He brought
into his Cabinet some of the ablest men in the nation, and left
to them the management of their respective departments. This
country never had an abler head of the Treasury Department than
Salmon P. Chase. To his skillful management of the finances the
country was indebted for the means to carry on the war of the
rebellion, and bring it to a successful issue. For the
distinguished ability with which the State and War Departments
were managed during the rebellion the country is greatly
indebted to Mr. Seward and Mr. Stanton. Other members of Mr.
Lincoln's Cabinet were men of great executive ability. Lincoln
was unmethodical and without executive ability, but he selected
advisers who possessed these qualities in an eminent degree.

To sum up his character, it may be said that as a man he was
honest, pure, kind-hearted, and sympathetic; as a lawyer,
clear-headed, astute, and successful; as a politician,
ambitious, shrewd, and farseeing; as a public speaker,
incisive, clear, and convincing, often eloquent, clothing his
thoughts in the most beautiful and attractive language, a
logical reasoner, and yet most unmethodical in all his ways; as
President during a great civil war he lacked executive ability,
and that resolution and prompt action essential to bring it to
a speedy and successful close; but he was a philanthropist and
a patriot, ardently devoted to the Union and the equality and
freedom of all men. He presided over the nation in the most
critical period of its history, and lived long enough to see
the rebellion subdued, and a whole race lifted from slavery to
freedom. The fact that he was at the head of the nation when
these great results were accomplished, and of his most cruel
assassination, before there was time to fully appreciate the
great work that had been done during his administration, will
forever endear him to the American people, and hand his name
down to posterity as among the best, if not the greatest, of
mankind.

Another manuscript, addressed to Mrs. Gershom Jayne, the mother of the first Mrs. Trumbull, in answer to a communication from her, gives Trumbull's views on religion:

CHICAGO, Apr. 22, 1877.

DEAR MOTHER: I scarcely know how to reply to your texts of
Scripture and your solicitude for me. If the fervent prayers of
the righteous avail, it would seem as if yours and those of my
departed Julia should have their influence, and I sometimes
feel as if the spirit of my dear Julia was even now not far
away. That I am not what I should be is too true: I feel it
and I know it, and yet I trust the influence and prayers of
those who have loved me have not been entirely thrown away. I
have abundant reason to be thankful to our Heavenly Father for
his protection and ten thousand kindnesses to me which I know I
have not deserved. How often when the way was dark before me
has an unseen hand carried me safely through! And yet, whilst
ever ready to acknowledge my own imperfection and impotence, I
suppose I know nothing of, or at best see but as through a
glass dimly, that change of heart of which the converted speak,
and which comes of a faith it has not been given me to possess.
I certainly hope through the Saviour's interposition for a
happy hereafter, but at the same time am obliged to confess
that the way is to me dark and mysterious, and by no means as
discernible as it appears to some others. I rejoice that they
can see it clearly and wish that I could too....

Affectionately yours,
LYMAN TRUMBULL.

Three sons of Lyman Trumbull reached mature years: Walter, Perry, and Henry. The latter died unmarried, January 20, 1895.

Walter, the eldest, was married September, 1876, to Miss Hannah Mather Slater. Three sons were born of this union. The first of these, Lyman Trumbull, Jr., died in infancy. The second, Walter S., was born in 1879, married Miss Marjorie Skinner, of Hartford, Connecticut, in 1905, and now resides in New York City. The third, Charles L., born in 1884, married in 1910 Miss Lucy Proctor, of Peoria, Illinois, and now resides in Chicago. Walter Trumbull died October 25, 1891.

Perry Trumbull was married to Mary Caroline Peck, daughter of Ebenezer Peck, judge of the United States Court of Claims, in 1879. Four children were born to them: (1) Julia Wright, married to H. Thompson Frazer, M.D., now resides at Asheville, North Carolina; (2) Edward A., married Anna Whitby, and resides at Seattle, Washington; (3) Charles P., married, resides at Las Vegas, New Mexico; (4) Selden, resides in Chicago. Perry Trumbull died December 10, 1902.

Mrs. Mary Ingraham Trumbull, widow of Lyman Trumbull, resides at Saybrook Point, Connecticut.

FOOTNOTES:

[133] Interview, June 13, 1910.

[134] _Diary of Gideon Welles_, III, 21.

[135] Chicago _Times_, June 26, 1896.

[136] Chicago _Times_, June 26, 1896.

[137] Herndon's _Life of Lincoln_, 537, 538.

THE END

INDEX

Throughout the Index, the Initial T., standing alone, represents the subject of the book.

Abolition movement, the, and the murder of Lovejoy, 10.

Act of March 27, 1868, purpose of, 328, 329;
passed by Congress, and vetoed, 329;
passed over veto, 330;
its application to McCardle case glaringly unjust, 330.

Adams, Charles Francis, Seward's dispatches of April, 1861, and
July, 1862, to, 210 _ff._;
proposed for Liberal Republican nomination for President, 372, 373,
374, 381;
his attitude regarding the nomination, 377, 378;
defeated by Greeley, 383, 384;
why Blair and Brown opposed him, 385 and _n._;
a stronger candidate than T., 402, 403; xxi, 182, 389, 390.

Adams, Charles Francis, Jr., _The Trent Affair_, etc., 349 _n._; 353,
378.

Adams, John, xxiii.

Adams, John Quincy, xxii, 27, 103.

Adams, John Quincy, 2d, nominated for Vice-President by dissentient
Democrats (1872), 394;
declines, 394.

Akerman, Amos T., succeeds Hoar as Attorney-General, 350.

Alabama, admission of, xxix;
and the 13th Amendment, 229;
order for reconstruction of, 238.

Alabama Claims, T. on, 348;
Grant's great service in settling, 362.

Aldrich, Cyrus, 68.

Alien and Sedition laws, xxiii.

Allen, G. T., 42, 43, 46 _n._

Allen, Robert, 13.

Allison, John, 69.

Allison, William B., Senator, 304, 346.

Altgeld, John P., Governor, and the Pullman strike, 414.

Alton, Ill., T. removes to, 21.

Alton riot, the, 8-10.

American Bottom, locus of slavery in Ill., in 1783, 23.

_American Historical Review_, quoted, 174.

American Railway Union, 413.

Ammen, Jacob, General, 206, 208.

Amnesty, Johnson's proclamation of, 239.

Amnesty bill, debated in Senate, 359;
amended by Sumner, and rejected, 359;
reintroduced and passed, 359, 360.

Anderson, Robert, Major, proposed recall of, from Sumter, 122, 123;
128, 155.
_And see_ Sumter.

Andrew, John A., Governor, 287, 307 _n._

Anthony, Henry B., Senator, his attitude on ousting of Sumner from
Foreign Affairs Committee, 347; 314, 364, 366, 367.

Anti Ku-Klux bill. _See_ Ku-Klux Bill

Anti-Nebraska Democrats, in Ill. legislature, 41 _ff._;
and the Senatorial election of 1854, 46 _n._

Archer, William B., 69.

"Arm-in-Arm Convention." _See_ National Union Convention.

Armstrong, postmaster at St. Louis, 81.

Arnold, I. N., Congressman, 207.

Arrests, arbitrary, T's resolution of inquiry concerning, 191 _ff._;
censured by Democratic Convention, 193;
license to make, transferred to Stanton, 197;
effect of change, 197, 198;
action of Democrats on, 197;
T. took lead in stopping, in loyal states, 422, 423.
_And see_ Habeas corpus.

Arthur, Chester A., appointed Collector of New York, 368.

Asay, E. G., 208.

Ashley, James M., Congressman, 228 _n._

Atchison, David R., Senator, his advice to Missourians, 52; 49, 54.

Atkinson, Edward, 353.

Atzerodt, conspirator, 289.

Babcock, Orville E., sent by Grant to San Domingo, 342, 362, 369.

Bacon Academy, 3.

Badger, George E., 49.

Bailey, G., quoted on Dred Scott case, 83.

Baker, Edward D., Senator, 10, 132, 427.

Baker, Henry L., 42, 43, 46.

Baldwin, J. B., and Lincoln's offer to evacuate Sumter, 159, 160;
his version contradicted by Botts, 160, 161;
R. L. Dabney's account of interview of, with Lincoln, 161, 162.

Bancroft, George, wrote Johnson's first message, 244, 245.

Banks, Nathaniel P., General, 36, 87, 102, 232, 233.

Barney, Hiram, Collector of New York, 147, 181, 182.

Barrett, A. B., quoted, 117.

Bates, Edward, candidate for Republican nomination in 1860, 103;
and enforcement of Confiscation Act, 177; 104, 150.

Bayard, James A., Senator, 200, 201, 228.

Bayard, Thomas F., Senator, 366.

Beecher, Henry W., 287.

Belknap, William W., General, 362.

Belleville, Ill., T. settles at, 5, 6;
described by Dickens, 14, 15.

Belleville _Advocate_, the, 323.

Belmont, August, quoted, on Liberal Republican movement, 373, 374.

Benjamin, Judah P., Senator, on the Dred Scott case, 82;
his reply to Douglas, 95, 96;
contrasts Douglas and Lincoln, 96.

Benton, Thomas H., Senator, 126.

Bigelow, Israel B., quoted, 217.

Bigelow, John, his Diary quoted, 403 _n._

Bingham, John A., Congressman, opposes Civil Rights bill, 271, 272,
281;
on Reconstruction Committee, 281;
proposes amendment to Constitution, 282;
amends Georgia bill, 298, 299; 196, 304, 309, 339, 424.

Bird, Frank W., quoted, on Cincinnati nominations, 385 _n._; 387.

Birney, James G., 37, 40.

Bishop, Mr., killed in Alton riot, 9.

Bissell, W. H., Governor, quoted, 10, 69, 70, 74, 88, 427.

Black, Jere. S., counsel for McCardle, 327.

Blaine, James G., interview of, with author, on revenue reform, 354.

Blair, Austin, Congressman, 397, 398.

Blair, F. P., General, Democratic candidate for Vice-President (1868),
333;
and the Cincinnati convention, 385 and _n._; 37, 120, 382.

Blair, Gist, quoted, 220 _n._

Blair, Montgomery, quoted, on Cameron's appointment, 151;
on Cameron's emancipation hobby, 172 _n._;
his resignation as Postmaster General and Fremont's withdrawal, 220
and _n._;
on reconstruction, 293; 83, 112, 157, 234, 307 _n._

Blatchford, Samuel J., Justice, 275.

Blodgett, Henry W., 419.

Blow, Henry T., 281.

Bonifant, U. S. Marshal, 195.

Booth, J. Wilkes, 289.

Border Ruffians. _See_ Missourians in Kansas.

Borders, Sarah, 28, 29.

Borie, Adolph, appointed Secretary of Navy, 337;
resigns, 337.

Boston _Advertiser_, 300.

Botts, John Minor, his _Great Rebellion_ quoted on Lincoln's offer to
evacuate Sumter, 159, 160;
denies Baldwin's story, 160, 161.

Boutwell, George S., Congressman, appointed Secretary of Treasury,
336, 337;
and the Leet and Stocking scandal, 364, 365; 281, 291, 304, 309,
339.

Bowles, Samuel, 86, 353, 387.

Bradley, Joseph P., Justice, 275, 276, 409.

Brainard, Daniel, 80.

Brayman, Mason, 13.

Breckinridge, John C., elected Vice-President (1856), 70;
nominated for President (1860), by seceding delegates, 96.

Brinkerhoff, R., 353.

Brooks, Preston S., Congressman, his assault on Sumner, 65.

"Brother Jonathan," 2 _n._

Brown, Albert G., Senator, 63.

Brown, B. Gratz, elected governor of Mo. as a liberal, 352;
candidate for Liberal Republican nomination, 377, 378;
arrives at Cincinnati, 382;
withdraws in favor of Greeley, 383;
nominated for Vice-President, 384;
divers views of his course, 384, 385 and _n._;
nominated by Democrats, 394; 220, 285, 389, 402.

Brown, George T., 80.

Brown, John, his raid on Harper's Ferry, 96-100;
author's impression of, 97;
his own view of his mission, 97, 98;
T. on moral and legal aspects of the raid, 98, 99; 53.

Brown, Joseph, 375.

Brown, William G., quoted, xxxiv.

Brown, W. H., 87.

Browning, Orville H., Secretary of Interior, his views on question of
territorializing states, 291; 92, 194, 197, 285, 307.

Brownlow, W. G., reconstruction governor of Tenn., 237.

Bryan, Silas L., 375.

Bryan, William J., student in T.'s office, 407;
author's meeting with (1893), 413.

Bryant, John H., quoted, 67 and _n._; 375.

Bryant, William Cullen, refuses to support Greeley, 385;
correspondence with T. thereon, 386, 387; 139, 140, 141, 145, 287,
353, 375, 391.

Buchanan, James, elected President, 70;
appoints Walker Governor of Kansas, 71;
and the Lecompton Constitution, 73;
his message to Congress on Topeka and Lecompton constitutions,
answered by T., 76, 77, and by Douglas, 77;
said to favor rejection of pro-slavery clause, 78;
recommends admission of Kansas under Lecompton Constitution, 81;
his message thereon discussed by T., 81, 82;
Chief Justice Caton on his attitude toward Lecomptonism, 84, 85;
and Justice McLean, 122, 123 and _n._;
policy of his government toward secessionists, 127, 128;
takes sides for the Union under pressure, 128; 74, 75, 113.

Buchanan Democrats in Ill., adopt name of National Democracy, 89;
Lincoln quoted concerning, 90;
their small poll, 91;
their poll in 1860 even smaller, 96.

Buckalew, Charles R., Senator, 285, 329.

Buckingham, William A., Senator, 366.

Bull Run, first battle of, described by T. in letters to Mrs. T.,
165-167.

Bullock, Rufus P., reconstruction governor of Georgia, 297, 298,
299, 300.

Burchard, Horatio C., Congressman, 354.

Burke, Edmund, 358.

Burlingame, Anson, 86, 88.

Burnside, Ambrose E., General, orders arrest of Vallandigham, 204;
his proceedings against the Chicago _Times_, 206-209;
his order revoked by Lincoln, 208;
defeated at Fredericksburg, 211.

Butler, Benjamin F., Congressman, reports Georgia bill, 298;
author of 10th article of impeachment, 311; 304, 309, 359, 362.

Butler, Fanny Kemble, xxxiv.

Butler, William, quoted, 148; 149, 151.

Cabinet, Pres. Johnson's, discussion of Tenure-of-Office bill by,
302, 303;
unanimous in advising veto, 303, 311.

Cabinet officers, and the Tenure-of-Office Act, 301, 302.

Cadwalader, George, 195.

Calhoun, John, and the Lecompton Constitution, 73; 18, 75, 84.

Calhoun, John C., Senator, and the doctrine of Nullification, xxv and
_n._, xxvii; 4.

Cameron, Simon, history of his inclusion in Lincoln's Cabinet, 142
_ff._;
visits Lincoln at Springfield, 144;
Lincoln promises portfolio to, 144, 429;
urgent opposition to, from McClure, T., and others, 144, 145, 146,
147 _ff._;
and Fremont, 172;
his report in favor of freeing and arming slaves suppressed by
Lincoln, 172 and _n._;
and the War Department frauds, 178 _ff._;
and T. A. Scott, 184, 185;
Nicolay and Hay on causes of his leaving Cabinet, 185, 186;
made Minister to Russia, 186;
McClure on his dismissal, 186, 187;
censured by House in Cummings affair, 186;
his confirmation as Minister to Russia opposed by T. and others,
187, 188,
but favored by Sumner, 188;
his statement to Hamlin, 188;
vote on Confirmation of, 189;
how he repaid Sumner, 189; 108, 343, 371.

Carlile, John S., Senator, opposes habeas corpus suspension act, 199.

Carlin, Thomas, 11.

Carpenter, Matthew H., Senator, counsel in McCardle case, 327, 329;
300, 358;
report on Louisiana election, 405;
speech before Electoral Commission, 411.

Carpetbaggers, and the San Domingo treaty, 350; 241.

Cass, Lewis, Senator, his Nicholson letter on squatter sovereignty,
94; 48, 63, 125.

Castle Pinckney, 129.

Catiline, steamer, 179, 180, 181, 182.

Caton, John D., quoted, on Buchanan's attitude toward Lecomptonism,
84, 85; 20.

Caulfield, B. G., 208.

Cavalry, fraudulent contracts for purchase of horses for, 182, 183.

_Century Magazine_, cited, 245 _n._, 307 _n._, 321 _n._

Chandler, Zachariah, Senator, and T.'s connection with the McCardle
case, 331, 332; 150, 166, 233, 355, 363, 371.

Channing, William Ellery, xxxii.

Charleston Convention of 1860, 107.

Chase, Salmon P., Chief Justice, quoted, 67;
and Cameron's dismissal, 186;
presides at impeachment trial, 309;
on the 11th article, 311;
his ruling on evidence of Johnson's intent to make a case for the
Supreme Court, overruled by the Senate, 313;
vote for, in Cincinnati convention (1872), 383;
T's estimate of, as Secretary of Treasury, 429, 430; 79, 102, 103,
107, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 170, 234, 240, 274, 289, 320, 372.

Cheever, Rev. George B., 220.

Cherokee Tract, the, 5.

Chesnut, James, 99.

Chicago, rioting at, in Pullman strike, 414;
troops ordered to, 414;
meeting at, addressed by T., 414, 415.

Chicago _Advance_, T.'s article in, on restriction of suffrage, 294.

Chicago Bar Association, and T.'s death, 418, 419.

Chicago _Evening Journal_, quoted, on T.'s speech on Chicago Times
matter, 208; 93.

Chicago _Times_, publication of, forbidden by Burnside, 206-209;
meeting of protest against the order, 207;
the order revoked by Lincoln, 208; 415, 424, 425.

Chicago _Tribune_, quoted, on the duty of Senators in impeachment
trial, 315, 316; 372, 389, 390.

Cincinnati, Liberal Republican Convention at (1872), 374 _ff._;
how composed, 379, 380;
difficulties of, on tariff question, result in compromise, 381, 382;
Greeley nominated for President by, 383, 384.

Cincinnati _Commercial_, 372.

Citizens of U. S., definition of, in 14th Amendment, 283.

Civil Rights bill, introduced by T., 257;
T.'s proposed amendment to, debated in Senate, 265 _ff._;
passes Senate, 271, and House, 272;
vetoed by Johnson, 272;
passed over veto, 272, 273;
held constitutional by Circuit Court of U. S., 274;
in Supreme Court, 275 _ff._;
Bingham's objections to, 281;
relation of 14th Amendment to, 282, 283;
T.'s course on, 424, 425.

Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S., 275, 276.

Civil service, demoralization of, under Grant, 341, 342.

Civil-service reform, T. on, 359, 376.

Civil War, the, could not have been averted, xxi, xxii.

Clark, Daniel, Senator, 262, 264.

Clay, Clement C., Senator, his farewell speech in Senate, 121; 100.

Clay, Henry, xxvi, xxxi, 27, 39, 125.

Clayton, John M., 63 _n._

Cleveland, Grover, orders troops to Chicago, 414; 413.

Clifford, Nathan, Justice Sup. Court, 289, 409.

Clingman, Thomas L., Senator, 419.

Cochrane, John, General, nominated for Vice-President by anti-Lincoln
Republicans (1864), 219, 220.

Cole, Cornelius, Senator, 314.

Coles, Edward, and the "Anti-convention"

Contest in Ill., 27, 28.

Colfax, Schuyler, elected Vice-President (1872), 333;
and Grant, 393, 394;
and the Credit-Mobilier, 402; 80, 331, 359.

Collamer, Jacob, Senator, speech of, on Kansas affairs, 65;
attacks T.'s Confiscation bill, 173, 174; 55, 102, 198.

Collins, James H., 30.

Colonization Society, xxxi.

Compromise of 1860, xxi, 34, 124, 125.

Confederate States. _See_ States, seceding.

Confiscation bill, concerning slaves only, introduced by T., and
passed by Congress, 168.

Confiscation bill (II), introduced by T. (Dec. 1861), 173, 176;
debated all the session, 173 _ff._;
report of Conference committee on, adopted, 175;
Lincoln proposes to veto, 175;
passage of joint resolution interpreting, 175;
the first step toward full emancipation, 176;
trifling proceeds of confiscation under, 176;
controversy over enforcement of, 176, 177.

Congress, adopts Missouri Compromise, xxx;
passes Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37;
Pres. Pierce's special message to, on Kansas affairs, 55;
Pres. Buchanan's first message to, 76;
Buchanan recommends admission of Kansas to, 81;
passes first Confiscation bill, 168;
debate on second Confiscation bill in, 173 _ff._;
Pres. Johnson's first message to, 244, 245;
power of, to pass laws for ordinary administration of justice in
states, 258-260, 265 _ff._;
attacked by Johnson, 286;
radicals in, and the Milligan case, 289, 290;
makes general of the army virtually independent of the President,
291;
measures of reconstruction passed by, over vetoes, 291-295;
and impeachment of Johnson, 303 _ff._;
intensity of contest in, 312;
and the McCardle case, 328-330;
passes Act of March 27, 1868, over veto, 330;
and the 15th Amendment, 338-340;
Pres. Grant's message to, on Ku-Klux-Klans, 356;
and the Amnesty bill, 359, 360;
and the Credit-Mobilier, 402.
_And see_ House of Representatives, Reconstruction, Committee on, and
Senate.

Congress of the Confederation, and Jefferson's ordinance concerning
slavery (1784), xxviii, xxix;
passes Ordinance of 1787, 24, 25, 29.

_Congressional Globe_ of 1860-61, 114.

Conkling, Roscoe, Senator, 281, 331, 339, 355, 362, 363.

Connecticut, opposed to nomination of Seward, 103.

Constitution of U. S., obstacles to ratification of, xxii and _n._;
its "educational work," xxvi, xxvii;
and the power to free slaves, 222, 223;
projects of amending, in that regard, 223;
the James F. Wilson resolution, 223;
the Henderson resolution, 223,
reported by T. in amended form, 224.
_Amendment_ XIII, reported by T. in Senate, 224;
his speech thereon, 224-226;
favored by Henderson and R. Johnson, 227;
adopted by both branches, 228;
scene in House described by Julian, 228 and _n._;
ratified by States, 229, 252;
Seward's interpretation of, 229;
discussed in connection with Freedmen's Bureau bill, 258, 260;
and the Civil Rights bill, 267, 269, 270;
construed by Supreme Court in U.S. v. Harris, 275, 358,
and in Civil Rights Cases, 276, 277;
T.'s connection with, 422.
_Amendment_ XIV, construed by Supreme Court in U.S. v. Harris, 275,
358,
and in Civil Rights Cases, 276;
prepared and reported by Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 282,
283;
provisions of, 283;
passes both houses, 283;
history of framing of, 284 _n._;
Southern States refuse to ratify, and why, 287;
and the power of Congress to enforce ordinary civil law in the
states, 356, 357, 358.
_Amendment_ XV, construed by Supreme Court in U.S. _v._ Harris, 276,
358;
history of, 338-340;
passed by Congress, 339;
text of, 340;
ratified by States, 340.

"Convention party," the, attempts to amend Illinois constitution to
legalize slavery, 25, 26; defeat of, 27.

Cook, Burton C., 41, 43, 45, 46 _n._, 93.

Cook, Daniel P., in the "anti-convention" contest, 27, 28;
Cook County, Ill., named for, 27.

Cooper Union, Liberal Republican meeting at, 376, 377.

Copperheadism, Vallandigham the incarnation of, 203.

Corbett, Henry W., Senator, 314.

Corning, Erastus, 205.

Corwin, Thomas, Congressman, 112, 117.

Cotton-gin, results of invention of, xxxii.

Cowan, Edgar, Senator, attacks T.'s Confiscation bill, 173;
his great speech in favor of _habeas corpus_ suspension act, 201;
on Civil Rights bill, 269, 271, 272; 146, 261, 262, 285, 286, 323.

Cox, Jacob D., appointed Secretary of Interior, 337, 338;
why he resigned, 349, 350; 353, 373.

Credit-Mobilier scandal, the, 401, 402.

Cresswell, John A. J., appointed Postmaster General, 337.

Crittenden, John J., Senator, his compromise measure, debated and
rejected by Senate, 115-117; 48, 60, 66.

Crittenden Compromise, debated, 115, 116;
T's speech against, 115, 123-138;
rejected by Senate, 117;
letters to T. from Illinoisans concerning, 117-119.

Cullom, Shelby M., Senator, quoted, 293;
defeats T. for governor of Ill., 412.

Cummings, Alexander, one of Cameron's agents, 143, 178;
the leading figure in War Dep't scandal, 178 _ff._;
a candidate for office under Johnson, 181 _n._

Curry, J. L. M., letter of, to Doolittle, as to Southern views, 255,
256.

Curtin, Andrew G., Governor, vote for in Cincinnati Convention, 383;
106, 144, 374, 377, 378.

Curtis, Benjamin R., of counsel for Pres. Johnson, 309.

Curtis, George W., 338, 368.

Curtis Commission on Civil Service Reform, 376.

Dabney, Rev. R. L., his account of the Lincoln-Baldwin Interview, 161,
162.

"Danites." _See_ Buchanan Democrats.

Darrow, Clarence S., quoted, on T.'s "socialistic trend," 425, 426;
414.

Davidson, G. C., 179, 180.

Davis, David, and Cameron's appointment, 142 _ff._;
bargains with delegates from Penn. and Ind., 142, 429;
his influence with Lincoln, 143 and _n._;
opinion of, in Milligan case, 289;
candidate for Liberal Republican nomination at Cincinnati, 377, 378;
his candidacy objected to by editors, 380, 381;
and the Electoral Commission (1877), 409; 178, 384.

Davis, Garrett, Senator, on Civil Rights bill, 270; 161, 234.

Davis, Henry Winter, Congressman, opposes Lincoln's reelection, 220.

Davis, Jefferson, and "Squatter Sovereignty," 94, 95;
his resolutions aimed at Douglas's nomination, 95;
not a hothead, 110;
his speech of Jan. 10, 1861, 110;
his last speeches in Senate, 114, 115;
his farewell speech, 121;
his Rise and _Fall of the Confederate States_, 123 _n._; 83.

Dawes, Henry L., Congressman, on purchases of cavalry horses, 182,
183;
on corruption in government service, 184;
replies to Cameron's statement to Hamlin, 188, 189; 304, 354.

Dayton, William L., Senator, 69, 142.

Debs, Eugene V., and the Pullman strike, 413-415;
T. counsel for, 414, 415.

Delahay, M. W., opposition to his appointment as district judge, 213,
214;
appointed, impeached, and resigns, 214; 100, 101 and _n._

Dement, Isaac T., on affairs in Kansas, 53.

Democratic National Convention at Baltimore (1860), nominates Douglas,
96;
Southern delegates secede from, 96; 107;
(1872) adopts platform and candidate of Liberal Republicans, 394.

Democratic party, in North, split by Kansas-Nebraska bill, 37.

Democrats, condemn suspension of habeas corpus and arbitrary arrests,
194, 197;
in Senate, oppose habeas corpus suspension bill, 198, 199,
and filibuster against it, 200-203;
in North, protest against Vallandigham's trial and sentence, 205;
in Congress, oppose 13th Amendment, 228,
but not unanimously, 228 _n._;
union of, with Liberal Republicans, suggested by M. D. Sands, 353;
sympathy of, with that movement, 372 _ff._, 379;
dissentient (in 1872), nominate O'Conor and Adams, 394.

Denver, John A., appointed Governor of Kansas, 73.

Develin, John E., 179.

Dexter, Wirt, 208.

Dickens, Charles, describes Belleville, Ill., in _American Notes_, 14,
15.

Disfranchisement, chief cause of bad conditions in South, 356.

Dixon, Archibald, Senator, and repeal of Missouri Compromise, 34; 49.

Dixon, James, Senator, opposes inquiry as to arbitrary arrests, 192,
193;
his vote
against Impeachment, 323; 247, 261, 264, 265, 285, 313.

Dodge, Augustus C., Senator, 35.

Dodge, Grenville M., General, 227, 334 _n._, 394.

Dodge, William E., 365.

Doolittle, James R., Senator, on Tenure-of-Office bill, 303;
his vote against impeachment, 323;
his resignation demanded, 323; 150, 194, 220, 233, 247, 261, 273
_n._, 285, 313, 329, 419, 423.

Dougherty, John, 18, 89, 90.

Douglas, Robert M., 32 _n._

Douglas, Stephen A., appointed to Ill. Supreme Court, 10;
elected U. S. Senator, 19;
his early career, 32 and _n._, 33;
his position in the Democratic party, 33;
his personal appearance, 33;
his talents and character, 33;
reports Nebraska bill, 33;
accepts Dixon Amendment repealing Missouri Compromise, 34;
offers amendment dividing the territory, 34;
his reasons, 35,
and why not convincing, 35, 36;
not a pro-slavery man, 36;
his reasons for repealing Missouri Compromise, 36, 37;
Lincoln's reply to his Springfield speech (1854), 39, 40 and _n._;
and the senatorial election of 1854, 46 _n._;
his report on affairs in Kansas, 55;
attached by T., 56;
his sophistry, 57, 58, 62;
his debate with T., 59 _ff._;
declares T. not a Democrat, 60, 66;
further debate with T. on Kansas, 63 _ff._;
T. a match for, in debate, 65, 66;
denounces Cabinet conspiracy regarding referendum on Lecompton
Constitution, 72, 73;
his motion for that action, 74, 75;
his anti-Lecompton speech, 77, 78;
for the first time, opposes wishes of South, 77;
was he sincere? 77, 78;
his lack of principle, 78;
contemplates alliance with Republicans, 78-80;
opposes English bill for admission of Kansas, 84;
his attitude toward slavery, 78, 86;
his aid indispensable in defeating Lecompton bill, 86;
appeals to imagination of Eastern Republicans, 86;
distrusted by Republicans of Ill., 86-88, 91, 92;
his instability, 88;
his campaign for reelection in 1858, 89 _ff._;
his health impaired, 89;
reaffirms doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, 94;
answered by J. Davis, 95;
his speech of May 15, 1860, 95;
answered by Benjamin, 95, 96;
nominated for President at Charleston, and by one faction at
Baltimore, 96;
favors Crittenden Compromise, 116;
his views on causes of disunion, 116, 117;
his last days devoted to the Union, 152, 153;
speaks to Ill. legislature, 153;
his influence alone saves Southern Ill., 153;
his death, 153;
T.'s eulogy of, 153, 154;
G. Welles's account of his attitude in 1861,
and his interview with Seward, 163, 164; 42, 47, 49, 76, 85, 100,
104, 107, 108, 169, 427.

Douglass, Frederick, 236, 237.

Drake, Charles D., Senator, 296, 298, 352.

Dred Scott case, opinion of Supreme Court, criticized by T., 82; 64.

Drummond, Thomas, Justice, enjoins executor of Burnside's order
against Chicago _Times_, 206;
his order disregarded, 207; 10, 208, 427.

Dubois, Jesse K., quoted, 79, 87, 216, 217; 213, 375.

Duncan, Joseph, Governor, 11.

Dunning, William A., his _Reconstruction_, quoted, 274, 321 _n._; 244.

Durell, Edward H., Justice, and the contested election in Louisiana,
404.

Durkee, Charles, Senator, 150.

Dyer, Thomas, 91.

Eaton, Major, 178.

Edmunds, George F., Senator, 339, 346, 358, 363.

Edwards, Ninian, Governor, 11, 45.

Electoral Commission (1877), composition of, 409;
decision of, 410, 411;
its purpose, "not to do justice between man and man, but to save the
Republic," 411.

Eliot, Thomas D., 172.

Ellsworth, Oliver, xxii _n._

Emancipation, Seward on actual date of, 222;
doubt regarding President's power in relation to, 222, 223.
_And see_ Slavery, Slaves.

Emancipation movement, history of, xxviii.

Emancipation Proclamation, issued, 200;
distasteful to Democrats, 200;
force and extent of, 222;
doubt as to its legal effect, 229, 230.

Embargo, the, xxiv.

Emerson, Dr., Dred Scott's master, 82.

Emigrant Aid Co. (Worcester), 50, 59 _n._

Emigrant Aid societies, 59 _n._

Emory, William H., General. 9th article of impeachment based on
alleged conversation of Johnson with, 310.

England, mission to, offered to T., 347, 348,
and declined, 348;
T.'s speech on claims against, 348, 349;
and demands surrender of Mason and Slidell, 349 and _n._

English, William H., Congressman, his bill for admission of Kansas,
passed by Congress, 83, 84,
but rejected by people, 84.

Equal Rights Act (1875) held unconstitutional by Supreme Court, 275.

Europe, and Lincoln's death, 231.

Evarts, William M., of counsel for Pres. Johnson, 309.

Farragut, David G., Admiral, 221.

Federalist party, xxiii.

Fenton, Reuben E., 386, 390.

Fessenden, William P., Senator, Chairman of Reconstruction Committee,
281, 282;
opposes conviction of Johnson, 313;
abused by radicals, 313;
"read out" of Republican party, 324;
called upon to resist Greenback heresy in Maine, 324;
his death and character, 324;
T's eulogy of, 324, 325; 82, 83, 89, 102, 168, 194, 202, 287, 292,
316, 317, 335.

Field, Alexander P., 11.

Field, D. D., 147.

Field, Stephen J., Justice, 275, 289, 409.

Fillmore, Millard, candidate for Pres., in 1856, 70; 92, 108.

Finkelnburg, Gustavus A., Congressman, 354.

Fish, Hamilton, appointed Secretary of State, 335;
letter of, to T., offering English mission, 347, 348; 362.

Flack, Horace E., history of the 14th Amendment, 284 _n._

Florida, and the 13th Amendment, 229;
order for reconstruction of, 238;
disputed returns from (1876), 408 _ff._

Flournoy, Charles G., 212.