Chapter XXV: Book X: The Natural History of Birds (6)

[625] He calls it Canis, evidently thinking that “Cynos” was its Greek appellation only: as meaning the “Dogs’” river.

[626] Or the mountain “with the Three Peaks.”

[627] Stephanus mentions this as an island of the Erythræan Sea. Hardly any of these places appear to have been identified; and there is great uncertainty as to the orthography of the names.

[628] From which came the myrrh mentioned by Pliny in B. xii. c. 36.

[629] Or the Tent-Dwellers, the modern Bedouins.

[630] By some geographers identified with the Ocelis or Ocila, mentioned in c. 26, the present Zee Hill or Ghela, a short distance to the south of Mocha, and to the north of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. Hardouin says, however, that it was a different place, Acila being in the vicinity of the Persian Gulf, in which he appears to be correct.

[631] Nothing relative to Numenius beyond this fact has been recorded.

[632] Hardouin and Ansart think that under this name is meant the island called in modern times Mazira or Maceira.

[633] There seem to have been three mythical personages of this name; but it appears impossible to distinguish the one from the other.

[634] Or “Dioscoridis Insula,” an island of the Indian Ocean, of considerable importance as an emporium or mart, in ancient times. It lay between the Syagrus Promontorium, in Arabia, and Aromata Promontorium, now Cape Guardafui, on the opposite coast of Africa, somewhat nearer to the former, according to Arrian, which cannot be the case if it is rightly identified with Socotorra, 200 miles distant from the Arabian coast, and 110 from the north-east promontory of Africa.

[635] So called from Azania, or Barbaria, now Ajan, south of Somauli, on the mainland of Africa.

[636] Now Cape Fartash, in Arabia.

[637] Their country is supposed to have been the Sheba of Scripture, the queen of which visited king Solomon. It was situate in the south-western corner of Arabia Felix, the north and centre of the province of Yemen, though the geographers before Ptolemy seem to give it a still wider extent, quite to the south of Yemen. The Sabæi most probably spread originally on both sides of the southern part of the Red Sea, the shores of Arabia and Africa. Their capital was Saba, in which, according to their usage, their king was confined a close prisoner.

[638] The Persian Gulf to the Red Sea.

[639] The modern district of Hadramaut derives its name from this people, who were situate on the coast of the Red Sea to the east of Aden. Sabota, their capital, was a great emporium for their drugs and spices.

[640] Still known as Mareb, according to Ansart.

[641] Hardouin is doubtful as to this name, and thinks that it ought to be Elaïtæ, or else Læanitæ, the people again mentioned below.

[642] A name which looks very much like “fraud,” or “cheating,” as Hardouin observes, from the Greek ἀπάτη.

[643] Off the Promontory of Ras-el-Had.

[644] Probably in the district now known as Akra. It was situate on the eastern coast of the Red Sea, at the foot of Mount Hippus.

[645] See B. v. c. 12, where this town is mentioned.

[646] Whose chief city was Petra, previously mentioned.

[647] Supposed by some writers to have been the ancestors of the Saracens, so famous in the earlier part of the middle ages. Some of the MSS., indeed, read “Sarraceni.”

[648] Their town is called Arra by Ptolemy.

[649] Their district is still called Thamud, according to Ansart.

[650] Still called Cariatain, according to Ansart.

[651] A ridiculous fancy, probably founded solely on the similarity of the name.

[652] A story as probable, Hardouin observes, as that about the descendants of Minos.

[653] The Arabs of Yemen, known in Oriental history by the name of Himyari, were called by the Greeks Homeritæ.

[654] An inland city, called Masthala by Ptolemy.

[655] Agatharchides speaks of a town on the sea coast, which was so called from the multitude of ducks found there. The one here spoken of was in the interior, and cannot be the same.

[656] Hardouin observes, that neither this word, nor the name Riphearma, above mentioned, has either a Hebrew or an Arabian origin.

[657] Probably the same place as we find spoken of by Herodotus as Ampe, and at which Darius settled a colony of Miletians after the capture of Miletus, B.C. 494.

[658] Hardouin remarks that Mariaba, the name found in former editions, has no such meaning in the modern Arabic.

[659] Mentioned by Ovid in the Metamorphoses, B. v. l. 165, _et seq._ Sillig, however, reads “Ciani.”

[660] An intimate friend of the geographer Strabo. He was prefect of Egypt during part of the reign of Augustus, and in the years B.C. 24 and 25. Many particulars have been given by Strabo of his expedition against Arabia, in which he completely failed. The heat of the sun, the badness of the water, and the want of the necessaries of life, destroyed the greater part of his army.

[661] By adoption, as previously stated.

[662] The town of the Calingii, mentioned above.

[663] Or wandering tribes.

[664] Its uses in medicine are stated at length in the last Chapter of B. xxi.

[665] Another form of the name of Atramitæ previously mentioned, the ancient inhabitants of the part of Arabia known as Hadramant, and settled, as is supposed, by the descendants of the Joctanite patriarch Hazarmaveth.

[666] Arabia at the present day yields no gold, and very little silver. The queen of Sheba is mentioned as bringing gold to Solomon, _1 Kings_, x. 2, _2 Chron._ ix. i. Artemidorus and Diodorus Siculus make mention, on the Arabian Gulf, of the Debæ, the Alilæi, and the Gasandi, in whose territories native gold was found. These last people, who did not know its value, were in the habit of bringing it to their neighbours, the Sabæi, and exchanging it for articles of iron and copper.

[667] B. xii.

[668] The “mitra,” which was a head-dress especially used by the Phrygians, was probably of varied shape, and may have been the early form of the eastern turban.

[669] The Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

[670] Or Heroöpolis, a city east of the Delta, in Egypt, and situate near the mouth of the royal canal which connected the Nile with the Red Sea. It was of considerable consequence as a trading station upon the arm of the Red Sea, which runs up as far as Arsinoë, the modern Suez, and was called the “Gulf” or “Bay of the Heroes.” The ruins of Heroöpolis are still visible at Abu-Keyscheid.

[671] This place, as here implied, took its name from Cambyses, the son of Cyrus.

[672] In c. 9 of the preceding Book. “Dictum,” however, may only mean, “called” the Delta.

[673] Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Tzetzes, mention this, not with reference to Sesostris, but Necho, the grandson of Sesostris.

[674] Ptolemy Philadelphus, son of Ptolemy Soter, or Lagides.

[675] Now known by the name of Scheib. They derived their name from the saline flavour and deposition of their waters. These springs were strongly impregnated with alkaline salts, and with muriate of lime washed from the rocks which separated the Delta from the Red Sea. The salt which they produced being greatly valued, they were on that account regarded as the private property of the kings.

[676] The “not thirsty” route, so called by way of antiphrasis.

[677] See B. v. c. 9.

[678] In c. 26 of the present Book.

[679] Or “narrow necks,” apparently, from the Greek στηναὶ δειραὶ. If this be the correct reading, they were probably so called from the narrow strait which ran between them.

[680] An island called Halonnesus has been already mentioned in B. iv. c. 23. None of these islands appear to have been identified.

[681] See B. xxxvii. c. 32.

[682] This seems to be the meaning, though, literally translated, it would be, “These were the prefects of kings.”

[683] It obtained this title of πάγχρυσος, or “all golden,” from its vicinity to the gold mines of Jebel Allaki, or Ollaki, from which the ancient Egyptians drew their principal supply of that metal, and in the working of which they employed criminals and prisoners of war.

[684] Or ἐπὶ δειρῆς, “upon the neck.” It was situate on the western side of the Red Sea, near the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.

[685] Ansart suggests that the modern island of Mehun is here meant. Gosselin is of opinion that Pliny is in error in mentioning two islands in the Red Sea as producing the topaz.

[686] Called Theron, as well as Epitheras. It was an emporium on the coast of the Red Sea for the trade with India and Arabia. It was chiefly remarkable for its position in mathematical geography, as, the sun having been observed to be directly over it forty-five days before and after the summer solstice, the place was taken as one of the points for determining the length of a degree of a great circle on the earth’s surface.

[687] From the Greek ἐπὶ θήρας, “for hunting.”

[688] In B. ii. c. 75.

[689] In the same Chapter.

[690] So called from Azania, the adjoining coast of Africa, now known as that of Ajan. It was inhabited by a race of Æthiopians, who were engaged in catching and taming elephants, and supplying the markets of the Red Sea coast with hides and ivory.

[691] Now called Seyrman, according to Gosselin.

[692] Its name was Adule, being the chief haven of the Adulitæ, of mixed origin, in the Troglodytic region, situate on a bay of the Red Sea, called Aduliticus Sinus. It is generally supposed that the modern Thulla or Zulla, still pronounced Azoole, occupies its site, being situate in lat. 15° 35′ N. Ruins are said to exist there. D’Anville, however, in his map of the Red Sea, places Adule at Arkeeko, on the same coast, and considerably to the north of Thulla. According to Cosmas, Adule was about two miles in the interior.

[693] Pliny gives a further description of this ape in B. viii. c. 21., and B. x. c. 72. They were much valued by the Roman ladies for pets, and very high prices were given for them.

[694] Now called Dahal-Alley, according to Gosselin.

[695] Hardouin, from Strabo, suggests that the reading ought to be Coracios.

[696] The “False Gates.”

[697] The “Gates.”

[698] D’Anville and Gosselin think that this is the island known as the French Island.

[699] Ansart thinks that this promontory is that known as Cape de Meta, and that the port is at the mouth of the little river called Soul or Soal.

[700] In his Æthiopian expedition. According to Strabo, he had altars and pillars erected there to record it.

[701] Under the impression entertained by the ancients, that the southern progress of the coast of Africa stopped short here, and that it began at this point to trend away gradually to the north-west.

[702] Coro. Salmasius seems with justice, notwithstanding the censures of Hardouin, to have found considerable difficulty in this passage. If it is Pliny’s meaning that by sea round the south of the Promontory of Mossylum there is a passage to the extreme north-western point of Africa, it is pretty clear that it is not by the aid of a north-west wind that it could be reached. “Euro,” “with a south-east wind,” has been very properly suggested.

[703] By this name he means the Æthiopian Troglodytæ. Of course it would be absurd to attempt any identification of the places here named, as they must clearly have existed only in the imagination of the African geographer.

[704] The supposed commencement of the Atlantic, to the west of the Promontory of Mossylum.

[705] From the Greek ἀσκὸς, a “bladder,” or “inflated skin.” It is not improbable that the story as to their mode of navigation is derived only from the fancied origin of their name.

[706] Apparently meaning in the Greek the “jackal-hunters,” θηροθῶες. For an account of this animal, see B. viii. c. 52, and B. xv. c. 95.

[707] Heliopolis, described in B. v. c. 4.

[708] Considering it as part of Asia.

[709] Conformably with the usage of modern geographers, and, one would almost think, with that of common sense.

[710] Of the river Nile.

[711] As to Syene and the Catadupi, see B. v. c. 10.

[712] This place was also called in later times Contrapselcis. It was situate in the Dodecaschœnus, the part of Æthiopia immediately above Egypt, on an island near the eastern bank of the river, a little above Pselcis, which stood on the opposite bank. It has been suggested that this may have been the modern island of Derar. The other places do not appear to have been identified, and, in fact, in no two of the MSS. do the names appear to agree.

[713] Or the “Great Wall.”

[714] Meaning, “the people who live in seventy villages.”

[715] Or western side of the Nile, between Syene and Meroë.

[716] Ὕπατον, the “supreme,” or perhaps the “last.”

[717] Dion Cassius also mentions this expedition. From Seneca we learn that Nero dispatched two centurions to make inquiry into the sources of the Nile.

[718] Dion Cassius calls him Caius Petronius. He carried on the war in B.C. 22 against the Æthiopians, who had invaded Egypt under their queen Candace. He took many of their towns.

[719] Du Bocage is of opinion that this place stood not far from the present Ibrim.

[720] Supposed by Du Bocage to have stood in the vicinity of the modern Dongola.

[721] He was clearly a mythical personage, and nothing certain is known with respect to him. Tombs of Memnon were shown in several places, as at Ptolemais in Syria, on the Hellespont, on a hill near the mouth of the river Æsepus, near Palton in Syria, in Æthiopia, and elsewhere.

[722] Her story has been alluded to in the account of Joppa, B. v. c. 34. Cepheus, the father of Andromeda, though possessing the coasts of Syria, was fabled to have been king of Æthiopia.

[723] See B. v. c. 10, where Meroë is also mentioned.

[724] Or the sacred “sycamore tree.”

[725] Situate beyond the Great Cataract, and on the western bank.

[726] See the Notes to the preceding Chapter, in p. 95.

[727] Or dog’s-headed ape, described in B. viii. c. 80. It is supposed to be the baboon.

[728] Hesychius says that it was also called Aëria, probably from the time of its king Ægyptus, who was called Aërius.

[729] “Ubi desiimus.” This appears to be a preferable reading to “ubi desinit,” adopted by Sillig, and apparently referring to the river Nile. It is not improbable that our author here alludes, as Hardouin says, to his words in the preceding Chapter, “Hinc in ora Æthiopiæ,” &c. See p. 96.

[730] Ansart thinks that the country of this people was the modern Kordofan. This, however, could not be the case, if the Macrobii, _opposite_ to them, dwelt on the African side of the river.

[731] Or “long-livers.”

[732] Mentioned again in c. 2 of the next Book.

[733] Who is mentioned again in B. xxxvi. c. 19.

[734] Ptolemy, however, speaks of Esar and Daron as the names of towns situate on the island of Meroë.

[735] On the eastern side of the Nile, and bearing no reference, as Hardouin remarks, to the people of modern Nubia.

[736] There is considerable doubt as to the correctness of these names, as they are differently spelt in the MSS.

[737] Marcus thinks that these mountains are those which lie to the west of the Nile, in Darfour, and Dar-Sale, or Dizzela, mentioned by Salt, in his _Travels in Abyssinia_.

[738] From this it would appear that Pliny, with Dalion, supposed that the Nile ran down to the southern ocean, and then took a turn along the coast in a westerly direction; the shore being skirted by Syrtes, or quicksands, similar to those in the north of Africa.

[739] So called from the Greek—“Eaters of wild beasts.”

[740] The “all-eaters.”

[741] Or the “livers on the milk of the dog.”

[742] In c. 8 of the preceding Book.

[743] They were thence called by the Greeks “Acridophagi.” According to Agatharchides, these people dwelt in what is modern Nubia, where Burkhardt found the people subsisting on lizards.

[744] Hardouin remarks, that the length is measured from south-east to south-west; and the breadth from south to north.

[745] The supposed Southern Ocean, which joins the Atlantic on the west.

[746] Or the “Chariot of the gods,” mentioned also in Book ii. c. 110, and B. v. c. 1. It is supposed to have been some portion of the Atlas chain; but the subject is involved in the greatest obscurity.

[747] Or the “Western Horn.” It is not known whether this was Cape de Verde, or Cape Roxo. Ansart thinks that it is the same as Cape Non. It is mentioned in c. 1 of B. v. as the “promontorium Hesperium.”

[748] See notes to B. v. c. 1, in vol. i. p. 378.

[749] Marcus says that these islands are those called the “Two Sisters,” situate to the west of the Isle of Socotra, on the coast of Africa. They are called by Ptolemy, Cocionati.

[750] The position of this island has been much discussed by geographers, as being intimately connected with the subject of Hanno’s voyage to the south of Africa. Gosselin, who carries that voyage no further south than Cape Non, in about 28° north lat., identifies Cerne with Fedallah, on the coast of Fez, which, however, is probably much too far to the north. Major Rennell places it as far south as Arguin, a little to the south of the southern Cape Blanco, in about 20° 5′ North latitude. Heeren, Mannert, and others, adopt the intermediate portion of Agadir, or Souta Cruz, on the coast of Morocco, just below Cape Ghir, the termination of the main chain of the Atlas. If we are to trust to Pliny’s statement, it is pretty clear that nothing certain was known about it in his day.

[751] The “Pillars.” Marcus thinks that these were some small islands near the Isle of Socotra.

[752] Hardouin says that this is not the Atlantis rendered so famous by Plato, whose story is distantly referred to in B. ii. c. 92 of this work. It is difficult to say whether the Atlantis of Plato had any existence at all, except in the imagination.

[753] Medusa and her sisters, the daughters of Phorcys and Ceto. The identity of their supposed islands seems not to have been ascertained. For the poetical aspect of their story, see Ovid’s Met., B. iv.

[754] It is not improbable that these were the skins of a species of uran-outang, or large monkey.

[755] The Purpurariæ, or “Purple Islands,” probably the Madeira group.

[756] Or Islands of the Blessed—the modern Canaries.

[757] Supposed to be the modern island of Fuerteventura.

[758] Supposed to be that now called Ferro.

[759] Probably the modern Gomera. In B. iv. c. 36, Pliny mentions them as six in number, there being actually seven.

[760] He does not appear on this occasion to reckon those already mentioned as belonging to the group of the Fortunatæ Insulæ.

[761] The present Isle of Teneriffe.

[762] Supposed to be that now called Gran Canaria.

[763] The smoothness of its surface.

[764] It is impossible to see clearly what he means. Littré says that it has been explained by some to mean, that from the Purpurariæ, or Madeira Islands, it is a course of 250 miles to the west to the Fortunatæ or Canary Islands; but that to return from the Fortunatæ to the Purpurariæ, required a more circuitous route in an easterly direction.

[765] Or Pluvialia, the Rainy Island, previously mentioned.

[766] Salmasius thinks that the sugar-cane is here alluded to. Hardouin says that in Ferro there still grows a tree of this nature, known as the “holy tree.”

[767] Or the Lesser Junonia; supposed to be the same as the modern Lanzarote.

[768] Or “Snow Island,” the same as that previously called Invallis, the modern Teneriffe, with its snow-capped peak.

[769] So called from its canine inhabitants.

[770] As to the silurus, see B. ix. c. 17.

[771] Hardouin takes this to mean, both as to the continent, with the places there situate, and the seas, with the islands there found; the continent being the interior, and the seas the exterior part. It is much more likely, however, that his description of the _interior_ of the earth is that given in the 2nd Book, while the account of the exterior is set forth in the geographical notices contained in the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th.

[772] The Straits of Gades or Cadiz.

[773] The Straits of Gades.

[774] Littré has the following remark: “Is it possible that Pliny can have imagined that the extent of a surface could be ascertained by adding the length to the breadth?” It is just possible that such may not have been his meaning; but it seems quite impossible to divine what it was.

[775] He means to say that the interior is not inhabited beyond a distance of 250 miles from the sea-coast.

[776] See B. v. c. 9.

[777] He is probably speaking only of that part of Asia which included Egypt, on the eastern side of the river Nile, according to ancient geography. His mode, however, of reckoning the breadth of Asia, _i. e._ from south to north, is singular. See p. 104.

[778] On a rough calculation, these aliquot parts in all would make 42643/42900 parts of the unit. It is not improbable that the figures given above as the dimensions are incorrect, as they do not agree with the fractional results here given by Pliny.

[779] B. iv. c. 26.

[780] In p. 111.

[781] See end of B. iii.

[782] See end of B. ii.

[783] See end of B. iii.

[784] See end of B. ii.

[785] See end of B. iii.

[786] See end of B. iii.

[787] See end of B. iii.

[788] See end of B. v.

[789] See end of B. ii.

[790] See end of B. v.

[791] See end of B. iii.

[792] See end of B. ii.

[793] See end of B. iii.

[794] The famous Roman historian, a native of Padua. He died at his native town, in the year A.D. 17, aged 76. Of his Annals, composed in 142, only 35 Books have come down to us.

[795] L. Annæus Seneca, the Roman philosopher and millionnaire. He was put to death by Nero.

[796] P. Nigidius Figulus, a Roman senator, and Pythagorean philosopher, skilled in astrology and other sciences. He was so celebrated for his knowledge, that Aulus Gellius pronounces him, next to Varro, the most learned of the Romans. He was an active partisan of Pompey, and was compelled by Cæsar to live at a distance from Rome. He died in exile, B.C. 44. There is a letter of consolation addressed to him by Cicero in his Epistles “ad Familiares,” which contains a warm tribute to his worth and learning.

[797] See end of B. v.

[798] For Hecatæus of Miletus, see end of B. iv. Hecatæus of Abdera was a contemporary of Alexander the Great and Ptolemy Lagides. He is thought to have accompanied the former in his Asiatic expedition as far as Syria. He was a pupil of the sceptic Pyrrho, and is called a philosopher, critic, and grammarian. He was the author of a History of Egypt, a work on the Hyperborei, and a History of the Jews.

[799] See end of B. iv.

[800] See end of B. iv.

[801] For Eudoxus of Cnidos, see end of B. ii. Eudoxus of Cyzicus was a geographer and a native of Egypt, who was employed by Ptolemy Euergetes and his wife Cleopatra in voyages to India. He made attempts to circumnavigate Africa by sailing to the south, but without success. He is supposed to have lived about B.C. 130. See B. ii. c. 67 of the present work.

[802] See end of B. ii.

[803] See end of B. v.

[804] See end of B. iv.

[805] He commanded the fleets of Ptolemy Philadelphia, and of Seleucus Nicator, by whose orders he paid a visit to the coasts of India. Strabo speaks of his account of India as the best guide to the geography of that country.

[806] A native of Miletus—see the tenth Chapter of this Book. He appears to have written a geographical work on Asia, from which Pliny derived considerable assistance.

[807] Son of Deinon, the historian; he accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, and wrote a history of it. Quintus Curtius censures him for his inaccuracy. Cicero, Quintilian, and Longinus, also speak in slighting terms of his performance.

[808] See end of B. ii.

[809] He alludes to the letters of that monarch, and the journals which were kept on the occasion of his expeditions. In the middle ages several forged works were current under his name.

[810] See end of B. iv.

[811] See end of B. ii.

[812] See end of B. v.

[813] See end of B. iv.

[814] See end of B. ii.

[815] See end of B. iv.

[816] See end of B. iv.

[817] See end of B. iv.

[818] See end of B. iv.

[819] See end of B. iv.

[820] See end of B. iii.

[821] See end of B. ii.

[822] A Greek writer of uncertain date, who wrote, as Pliny tells us, (c. 20 of the present Book), a work on the people called Attaci or Attacori. He also wrote another, describing a voyage, commenced at Memphis in Egypt.

[823] See end of B. iii.

[824] See end of B. ii.

[825] See end of B. ii.

[826] The admiral of Alexander, who sailed down the river Indus, and up the Persian Gulf. It is not known when or where he died. After the death of Alexander, he supported the cause of Antigonus. He left a history or journal of his famous voyage.

[827] See end of B. v.

[828] Mentioned by Pliny in c. 21. He measured the distances of the marches of Alexander the Great, and wrote a book on the subject.

[829] See end of B. v.

[830] A native of Soli. He is mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, as the author of a work on Æthiopia, of which some few fragments are preserved. Varro and Pliny mention him, also, as a writer on agriculture.

[831] A writer on geography and botany, again mentioned by Pliny in B. xx. c. 73. He is supposed to have lived in the first century after Christ. See also c. 35.

[832] Said to have been a native of Meroë, and to have written a History of Æthiopia; nothing else seems to be known of him.

[833] The author of a work on India, of which the second Book is quoted by Athenæus. From what Pliny says, in c. 35, he seems to have also written on Æthiopia. He is mentioned by Agatharchides as one of the writers on the East: but nothing more seems to be known of him.

[834] See end of B. iii.

[835] We here enter upon the third division of Pliny’s Natural History, which treats of Zoology, from the 7th to the 11th inclusive. Cuvier has illustrated this part by many valuable notes, which originally appeared in Lemaire’s _Bibliotheque Classique_, 1827, and were afterwards incorporated, with some additions, by Ajasson, in his translation of Pliny, published in 1829; Ajasson is the editor of this portion of Pliny’s Natural History, in Lemaire’s Edition.—B.

[836] This remark refers to the five preceding books, in which these subjects have been treated in detail.—B.

[837] We have a similar remark in Cicero, De. Nat. Deor, ii. 47.—B.

[838] Ajasson remarks, that trees have two barks, an outer, and an inner and thinner one; but seems to think that by the word “gemino” here, Pliny only means that the bark of trees is sometimes double its ordinary thickness.

[839] It seems to have been the custom among the ancients to place the newborn child upon the ground immediately after its birth.

[840] Pliny appears to have followed Lucretius in this gloomy view of the commencement of human existence. See B. v. l. 223, _et seq._

[841] This term of forty days is mentioned by Aristotle, in his Natural History, as also by some modern physiologists.—B.

[842] We may hence conclude, that the practice of swathing young infants in tight bandages prevailed at Rome, in the time of Pliny, as it still does in France, and many parts of the continent; although it has, for some years, been generally discontinued in this country. Buffon warmly condemned this injurious system, eighty years ago, but without effect.—B.

[843] “Feliciter natus;” this appears so inconsistent with what is stated in the text, that it has been proposed to alter it into _infeliciter_, although against the authority of all the MSS.; but it may be supposed, that Pliny, as is not unusual with him, employs the term ironically.—B.

[844] This reminds us of the terms of the riddle proposed to Œdipus by the Sphinx: “What being is that, which, with four feet, has two feet and three feet, and only one voice; but its feet vary, and where it has most it is weakest?” to which he answered, That it is man, who is a quadruped (going on feet and hands) in childhood, two-footed in manhood, and moving with the aid of a staff in old age.

[845] He alludes to the gradual induration of the bones of the head which takes place in the young of the human species, and imparts strength to it. Aristotle, in his Hist. Anim., states the general opinion of the ancients, that this takes place with the young of no other class of animated beings.

[846] There is little doubt that new forms and features of disease are continually making their appearance among mankind, and even the same peoples, and have been from the earliest period; it was so at Rome, in the days of the Republic and of the Emperors. It is not improbable that these new forms of disease depend greatly upon changes in the temperature and diet. The plagues of 1348, 1666, and the Asiatic cholera of the present day, are not improbably various features of what may be radically the same disease. At the first period the beverage of the English was beer, or rather sweet-wort, as the hop does not appear to have been used till a later period. At the present day, tea and coffee, supported by ardent spirits, form the almost universal beverage.

[847] Pliny forgets, however, that infants do _not_ require to be taught how to suck.

[848] According to Cicero, this opinion was more particularly expressed by Silenus and Euripides. Seneca also, in his Consolation to Marcia, expresses a very similar opinion. It was a very common saying, that “Those whom the gods love, die young.” It will be observed that Pliny here uses the significant word “aboleri,” implying utter annihilation after death. It will be seen towards the end of this Book, that he laughed to scorn the notion of the immortality of the soul.

[849] By the use of the word “luctus” he may probably mean “tears;” but there is little doubt that all animals have their full share of sorrows, brought upon them either by the tyranny and cruelty of man, or their own unrestrained passions.

[850] This is said hyperbolically by Pliny. The brutes of the field have as strong a love of life as man, although they may not be in fear of death, not knowing what it is. That they know what pain is, is evident from their instinctive attempts to avoid it.

[851] Under this name he evidently intends to include all systems of religion, which he held in equal contempt.

[852] Ajasson seems to think that he alludes to man’s craving desire for posthumous fame; but it is pretty clear that he has in view the then prevalent notions of the life of the soul after the death of the body.

[853] Pascal has a similar thought; he says that “Man is a reed, and the weakest reed of nature.” The machinery of his body is minute and complex in the extreme, but it can hardly be said that his life is exposed to as many dangers dependent on the volition of, or on accidents arising from, other animated beings, as that of minute insects.

[854] Ajasson refers to various classical authors for a similar statement. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that it is contrary to many well-known facts.—B. The cravings of hunger and of the sexual appetite, are quite sufficient to preclude the possibility of such a happy state of things among the brutes as Pliny here describes.

[855] It was this feeling that prompted the common saying among the ancients, “Homo homini lupus”—“Man to man is a wolf;” and most true it is, that

“Man’s inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn.”

[856] He alludes to the description already given in his geographical Books, of man taken in the aggregate, and grouped into nations.

[857] These are less known, as being less easy of access to travellers, and it is accordingly in connection with these, that we always meet with the most wonderful tales.—B.

[858] This feeling is well expressed in the old and hackneyed adage, “Omne ignotum pro mirifico”—“Everything that is unknown is taken for marvellous.”

[859] Cuvier remarks, that Pliny generally employs this kind of oratorical language when he is entering upon a part of his work in which he betrays a peculiar degree of credulity, and a total want of correct judgment on physical topics.—B.

[860] Being debarred from holding converse, the first great tie of sociality.

[861] Ajasson does not hesitate to style this remark, “ridiculum sane;” as every one knows that the Greeks were more noted for their lively imagination, than for the correctness of their observations.—B. Surely Ajasson must have forgotten the existence of such men as Aristotle and Theophrastus!

[862] Pliny has previously denominated the Scythians “Anthropophagi;” and in B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 20, he employs the word as the proper name of one of the Scythian tribes.—B.

[863] See B. iii. c. 9.

[864] See B. xxxvi. c. 5.

[865] There can be no doubt, that cannibalism has existed at all times, and that it now exists in some of the Asiatic and Polynesian islands; but we must differ from Pliny in his opinion respecting the near connection between human sacrifices and cannibalism; the first was strictly a religious rite, the other was the result of very different causes; perhaps, in some cases, the want of food; but, in most instances, a much less pardonable motive.—B. Still, however, if nations go so far as to sacrifice human beings, there is an equal chance that a religious impulse may prompt them to taste the flesh; and when once this has been done, there is no telling how soon it may be repeated, and that too for the gratification of the palate. According to Macrobius, human sacrifices were offered at Rome, down to the time of Brutus, who, on the establishment of the Republic, abolished them. We read, however, in other authorities, that in 116, B.C., two Gauls, a male and a female, were sacrificed by the priests in one of the streets of Rome, shortly after which such practices were forbidden by the senate, except in those cases in which they had been ordered by the Sibylline books. Still we read, in the time of Augustus, of one hundred knights being sacrificed by his orders, at Perusia, and of a similar immolation in the time of the emperor Aurelian, A.D. 270. These, however, were all exceptional cases, and do not imply a custom of offering human sacrifices.

[866] Pliny, in describing the Riphæan mountains, B. iv. c. 26, calls them “gelida Aquilonis conceptacula,” “the cold asylum of the northern blasts;” but we do not find the cavern mentioned in this or any other passage. The name here employed has been supposed to be derived from the Greek words, γης κλειθρον, signifying the limit or boundary of the earth.—B. “Specuque ejus dicto,” most probably means “the place called its cave,” and not the “cave which I have described,” as Dr. B. seems to have thought.

[867] They are merely enumerated among other tribes of Scythians, inhabiting the country beyond the Palus Mæotis. See B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 19.—B.

[868] The figures of the Gryphons or Griffins are found not uncommonly on the friezes and walls at Pompeii. In the East, where there were no safe places of deposit for money, it was the custom to bury it in the earth; hence, for the purpose of scaring depredators, the story was carefully circulated that hidden treasures were guarded by serpents and dragons. There can be little doubt that these stories, on arriving in the western world, combined with the knowledge of the existence of gold in the Uralian chain and other mountains of the East, gave rise to the stories of the Griffins and the Arimaspi. It has been suggested that the Arimaspi were no other than the modern Tsheremis, who dwelt on the left bank of the Middle Volga, in the governments of Kasan, Simbirsk, and Saratov, not far from the gold districts of the Uralian range.

[869] It has been conjectured, that these fabulous tales of the combats of the Arimaspi with the Griffins, were invented by the neighbouring tribes of the Issedonæ or Essedones, who were anxious to throw a mystery over the origin of the gold, that they might preserve the traffic in their own hands. The Altai Mountains, in the north of Asia, contain many gold mines, which are still worked, as well as traces of former workings. The representation of an animal, somewhat similar to the Griffin, has been found among the sculptures of Persepolis, and is conceived to have had some allegorical allusion to the religion of the ancient inhabitants of the place. Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. iv. c. 27, gives an account of the Griffin, and its contests with the Indians, for the gold, similar to that here given.—B.

[870] We have an account of the Arimaspi, and of Aristeas, in Herodotus, B. iv. cc. 13, 15, and 27. Most of the wonderful tales related in this Chapter may be found in Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4. We have an account, also, of the Arimaspi in Solinus, very nearly in the words of Pliny. We have some valuable remarks by Cuvier, on the account given by Pliny of the Arimaspi and the Griffins, and on the source from which it appears to have originated, in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 16, and Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 164, 165.—B.

[871] The modern Himalaya range.

[872] Aulus Gellius relates this, among other wonderful tales, which are contained in his Chapter “On the Miraculous Wonders of Barbarous Nations,” B. ix. c. 4. He cites, among his authorities, Aristeas and Isigonus, whom he designates as “writers of no mean authority.”—B.

[873] In B. iv. c. 26, and B. vi. c. 29.

[874] One of the pleasures promised to the Gothic warriors, in the paradise of Odin, was to drink out of the skulls of their enemies.—B.

[875] The variety of the human species to which the term Albino has been applied, from the whiteness of their hair and skin, is supposed by Cuvier to be more frequently found in the close valleys of mountainous districts, and may therefore have been very often met with in Albania, which is composed of valleys in the Caucasian range.—B.

[876] “Tertio die;” literally, “on the third day.” In reckoning the time between two periods, the Romans included both of those periods in the computation, whereas we include but one of them.

[877] In countries where serpents abound, there have been, at all times, jugglers, who profess to have a supernatural power, by which they are rendered insensible to the poison of these animals. This is the case with the Egyptians, and some of the oriental nations. They remove the poison-fang from the serpent, and in this way render it perfectly harmless. Some of the feats which were performed by the magicians in the court of Pharaoh, seem still to be practised in Egypt; by pressing upon the upper part of the spine, the animal is rendered rigid, while on removing the pressure, the animal is restored to its original state. These jugglers were also in the habit, much to the surprise of the ignorant spectators, of sucking the poison from the wounds produced by the bite of the serpent, which they accompanied by various ceremonies and incantations: but it is a well-known fact, that this may be done with perfect safety, in reference to poisons of all kinds, provided there be no breach in the cuticle of the mouth or lips.—B.

[878] See B. xxviii. c. 7. The best account, probably, of the Psylli, is that found in Lucan’s Pharsalia, B. ix. c. 890, _et seq._

[879] This custom is referred to by Lucan, in his account of the Psylli, B. ix. l. 890, _et seq._; and by Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. i. c. 57, and B. xvi. c. 27, 28.—B.

[880] Herodotus, B. iv. c. 173, gives a somewhat different account; see also Aulus Gellius, B. xvi. c. 11, who follows the narrative of Herodotus. Gellius also gives an account of the Marsi, which is similar to that of Pliny.—B.

[881] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that this alleged effect of the human saliva is without foundation. The saliva of a person who has fasted for some time, is still, in this country, a popular remedy for ophthalmia. It contains a greater proportion of saline matter than saliva under ordinary circumstances.—B.

[882] The Nasamones have been enumerated among the inhabitants of the northern part of Africa, near the Greater Syrtis, v. 5. See also Herodotus, B. ii. c. 32, and B. vi. c. 172 and 190.—B.

[883] Certain individuals are occasionally met with, whose generative organs exhibit an unusual formation, so as to give the idea of their uniting both sexes in the same person; and there are instances, where parts peculiar to both sexes actually appear to exist, but always in an imperfect or rudimentary state; all beyond this is undoubtedly fabulous. See _Todd’s Cyclop. of Anat._ _in loco_.—B.

[884] There are, at the present day, individuals among the negroes, who profess to have the power of enchantment, which, however, appears to consist in their possessing the knowledge of various poisons, which they not unfrequently administer, and by these means obtain great influence over the minds of the people.—B.

[885] This power of the eye is referred to by Virgil, Ecl. iii. l. 103:

“What eye is it that has fascinated my tender lambs?”

The evil eye is still an article of belief in Egypt and in some parts of the East. Witchcraft, in various forms, was greatly credited in the most enlightened parts of Europe, not more than two centuries ago, and is not yet excluded from the vulgar creed.—B.

[886] It is well known that nothing of this kind was ever observed in any human eye, nor have we any method of accounting for the origin of this singular notion.—B. Brand, in his Popular Antiquities, says that he has no doubt whatever that the common expression “no one can say ‘black is my eye’” [or rather “black is the white of my eye”]—meaning that no one can justly speak ill of me, was derived from the notion of the _enchanting_, or _bewitching_, eye. He quotes from Reginald Scott’s “Discovery of Witchcraft:” “Many writers agree with Virgil and Theocritus in the effect of bewitching eyes, affirming ‘that in Scythia there are women called the Bythiæ, having two balls, or rather _blacks_, in the apples of their eyes.’ These, forsooth, with their angry looks, do bewitch and hurt, not only young lambs, but young children.” See Brand’s Popular Antiquities, vol. iii. pp. 44-46. See also Ennemoser’s Hist. of Magic, vol. ii. pp. 160, 161. _Bohn’s Editions._

[887] Some of the commentators have supposed, that Pliny, or Phylarchus, from whom he borrows, was misled by the ambiguity of the Greek term ἵππος, which signifies either a horse, or a tremulous motion of the eye. But, even admitting this to be the case, the wonder is scarcely diminished; for we have the double pupil in one eye, while this supposed tremulous motion is confined to the other.—B.

[888] In all ages, it has been a prevalent superstition, that those endowed with magical qualities will not sink in water, encouraged, no doubt, by the cunning of those who might wish to make the charge a means of wreaking their vengeance. If they sank, they were to be deemed innocent, but were drowned; if, on the other hand they floated, they were deemed guilty, and handed over to the strong arm of the law. In reference to this usage, Brand says (“Popular Antiquities,” vol. iii.), “Swimming a witch was another kind of popular ordeal. By this method she was handled not less indecently than cruelly: for she was stripped naked and cross bound, the right thumb to the left toe, and the left thumb to the right toe. In this state she was cast into a pond or river, in which, if guilty, it was thought impossible for her to sink.”

[889] This is probably the meaning of the word “tabem” here; though it may possibly signify “rottenness,” or “putrefaction.”

[890] This remark is not contained in any of the works of Cicero now extant.—B.

[891] Cuvier observes, that these people probably exercise some deception, analogous to that practised by a Spaniard, who exhibited himself in Paris, and professed to be incombustible, but who, eventually, was the dupe of his own quackery, and paid the penalty with his life. It would appear, that the Hirpi were not confined to one district, but dispersed over different parts of Italy. See the note of Heyne, on the prayer of Aruns, Æn. B. xi. l. 785, _et seq._—B.

[892] Plutarch relates these supposed facts in his life of Pyrrhus; this statement may be considered analogous to what has been recorded in modern times, respecting the efficacy of the royal touch in curing certain diseases, especially what has been termed the “King’s evil.”—B.

[893] Horace, Odes, B. i. O. 22, characterises the Hydaspes, a river of India, by the title of “fabulosus.”—B.

[894] See B. viii. c. 40.

[895] Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 11, and B. xvii. c. 26, refers to the large size of many of the animals of India; and in B. iv. c. 19, he especially describes the size and fierceness of the Indian dog.—B.

[896] The _Ficus religiosa_ of Linnæus, the branches of which have the property of taking root when they are bent down to the ground, and of forming new stems, which again produce other branches, that may be bent down in the same way, so as to cover an indefinite space.—B. More popularly known as the “banyan tree.” See B. xii. c. 11.

[897] The _bambos arundinacea_, or bamboo cane, is a reed or plant of the gramineous kind, which frequently grows to the height of the tallest trees. The stem is hollow, and the parts of it between the joints are used by the natives to form their canoes. We have an account of them in Herodotus, B. iii. c. 98.—B. See also B. xvi. c. 65 of this work.

[898] It does not appear that the stature of the Indians exceeds that of the inhabitants of the temperate zones.—B.

[899] Some practices very similar to these exist in certain parts of India, by the Fakirs, a peculiar class of devotees, and are regarded either in the light of religious ceremonies, or of modes of performing penance.—B.

[900] Henderson states, in his “Biblical Researches,” that there is a race of people found in the Caucasus, and known as the Ingusch, and that it is their belief that a race of dæmons exists, which assume the appearance of armed men, and have the feet inverted.

[901] Cuvier remarks, that these wonderful tales are generally related of the inhabitants of mountainous districts, as being less known and less accessible to travellers.—B.

[902] This account probably originated in a species of monkey, with a projecting muzzle, called, from this circumstance, “cynocephalus,” or the “Dog’s head.” This account of the cynocephali is repeated by Aulus Gellius, B. ix. c. 4.—B. The cynocephalus is generally considered to be the baboon.

[903] So called, ἀπὸ τοῦ μονοῦ κώλου, “from having but one leg.” It is not improbable that these stories were first told of these nations from the resemblance of their names to the Greek words having these significations.

[904] We have no method of explaining the origin of this story. It is to be regretted, that Pliny should have adopted so many ridiculous fables, on the doubtful authority of Ctesias.—B.

[905] From Σκιαποῦς, “making a shadow with his foot.”—B.

[906] Or “dwellers in caves.”

[907] It has been conjectured, that this account may have originated in the dwarfish stature and short necks of the northern tribes, according to the usual exaggerated statements of the ancient travellers. Aulus Gellius also repeats this fable, B. ix. c. 4.—B.

[908] These are the great apes, which are found in some of the Oriental islands; this name was given them from their salacious disposition, which, it would seem, they have manifested in reference to even the human species. We have an account of the Satyrs in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. xvi. c. 21.—B.

[909] We may suppose that this description is taken from some incorrect account of a large kind of ape; but it seems impossible to refer it to any particular species.—B.

[910] “Sparrow,” or “ostrich-footed;” it does not appear that the commentators have attempted to explain this passage; may we not conjecture that it refers to the Chinese? With respect to the word employed, it has been generally derived from στροῦθος, “a sparrow;” Dalechamps, however, as it would appear, with much plausibility, thinks that it is derived from “struthio,” the ostrich.—B. It is not improbable, however, that these were so called, from the resemblance of their gait to that of a sparrow, as they would be unable to step out, and be obliged to jump from place to place.

[911] Or “wandering tribes.”

[912] On this subject see B. vi. c. 20. It is clear that either silk or cotton is here alluded to.

[913] In Eastern stories we find not uncommonly, wonderful effects attributed to the smell of the apple. See the Arabian Nights, _passim_.

[914] Cuvier remarks, that these accounts of the Struthopodes, the Scyritæ, and the Atomi, are not capable of any explanation, being mere fables.—B.

[915] From τρεῖς, “three,” and σπιθαμαὶ, “spans,” the span being about nine inches English.

[916] He alludes to the wars between the Cranes and the Pygmies in the Iliad, B. iii. l. 3-6. Their story is also referred to by Ovid and Juvenal.

[917] On the subject of the Pygmies, Cuvier remarks, “I am not surprised at finding the Pygmies in the works of Homer; but to find them in Pliny, I am surprised, indeed.”—B.

[918] Or the “long livers,” from the Greek μακρὸς, “long,” and βίος, “life.”

[919] Of course, there is no truth in this statement; there are, no doubt, various circumstances in these countries favourable to longevity; but these are more than counter-balanced by certain peculiarities in their mode of life, and by the fatal epidemics to which they are occasionally subject.—B.

[920] Pliny, in B. xxix. c. 38, speaks of the use of vipers’ flesh as an article of diet, and gives some minute directions for its preparation. It was supposed to be peculiarly nutritive and restorative, and it has been prescribed for the same purpose by modern physicians. There is a medal in existence, probably struck by the Emperor Commodus, in order to commemorate the benefit which he was supposed to have derived from the use of the flesh of vipers.—B.

[921] See B. ii. c. 75.

[922] The cubitus and the palmus of the Romans, estimated, respectively, at about one foot and-a-half and three inches; this would make the height of these people eight feet.—B.

[923] From the Greek Γυμνητὴς, “one who takes much exercise of the body.”

[924] There appears to be no foundation for this statement.—B.

[925] See B. vi. c. 35.

[926] In many of the warmer climates, where the locusts are of large size and in great abundance, they are occasionally used as food; but we have no reason to believe that they constitute the sole, or even the principal article of the food of any tribe or people.—B.

[927] In warm climates, the females arrive at maturity considerably earlier than in the more temperate regions, but the age here mentioned is an exaggeration. The female also, in such climates, ceases to bear at an earlier age, probably before the fortieth year.—B.

[928] This is the Island of Ceylon, of which Pliny has given an account in the last Book, c. 24.

[929] Such unnatural unions may have taken place occasionally, but nothing has ever been produced from them.—B.

[930] This is a still greater exaggeration than that mentioned above, in Note 95.—B.