Chapter XXIX: Book X: The Natural History of Birds (10)

[1541] Of Cos, the father of the medical art, and in many respects the most celebrated physician of ancient or modern times. It is supposed that he flourished in the fifth century before Christ. A great number of medical works, still extant, have been attributed to him: but there were many other physicians who either had, or assumed, this name.

[1542] Of Prusa, in Bithynia. He is mentioned in c. 37 of this Book. See Note [1170] in p. 183.

[1543] Of Ascra, in Bœotia, the earliest of the Greek poets, with the exception of Homer. His surviving works, are his “Works and Days,” and the “Theogony.”

[1544] Of Teos, in Asia Minor, famous for his amatory and lyric poems; he died at the age of eighty-five. Pliny mentions the supposed mode of his death, in c. 5, of the present Book.

[1545] See end of B. ii.

[1546] See end of B. iv.

[1547] See end of B. iv.

[1548] See end of B. iv.

[1549] See end of B. ii.

[1550] A priest of Belus, at Babylonia, and a historian of the time of Alexander the Great. He wrote a History of Babylonia, of which some fragments are preserved by the ecclesiastical writers.

[1551] See end of B. ii.

[1552] See end of B. ii.

[1553] See end of B. iii.

[1554] See end of B. iv.

[1555] See end of B. iv.

[1556] See end of B. ii.

[1557] An Athenian, who wrote a history of Greece and Sicily in twenty-six or twenty-seven books, coming down to B.C. 298, from which time Psaon of Platæa continued it.

[1558] Of Lampsacus, a Peripatetic philosopher, and tutor of Ptolemy Philadelphus. He succeeded Theophrastus, B.C. 288, as head of that school. He devoted himself to the study of natural science, and appears to have held a pantheistic system of philosophy. By Cudworth, Leibnitz, and others, he has been charged with atheism. The “Euremata” of Ephorus, here mentioned, was a book which treated of inventions.

[1559] See end of B. iv.

[1560] Of Tragilus, in Thrace, a disciple and contemporary of Isocrates. His book, here mentioned, treated on the subjects chosen by the Greek tragic writers, and the manner in which they had dealt with them.

[1561] Of Cyrene, the friend or disciple of Callimachus. He flourished under Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B.C. 249. He wrote works on places in Asia, on Rivers, and on Islands; but none of his compositions have survived.

[1562] A native of Magnesia, who wrote on rhetoric and history, probably in the early part of the third century B.C. Strabo speaks but slightingly of him; and Cicero and Dionysius of Halicarnassus agree in looking upon him as a downright blockhead. Upon the other hand, Varro rather admires his style. The history of Alexander the Great was his favourite theme; and he is represented by Aulus Gellius as dealing rather largely in the marvellous.

[1563] Mentioned by Athenæus as having written a history of Eubœa.

[1564] See end of B. iii.; and see c. 31 of the present Book, and Note [1133] in p. 175.

[1565] Nothing whatever appears to be known of this writer.

[1566] See end of B. iv.

[1567] See end of B. iii.

[1568] See end of B. iv.

[1569] See end of B. ii.

[1570] Cuvier remarks, that this account of its superior intelligence is exaggerated, it being no greater than that of the dog, if, indeed, equal to it. The opinion may perhaps have arisen from the dexterity with which the animal uses its trunk; but this is to be ascribed not to its own intelligence, but to the mechanical construction of the part. The Indians, from whom we may presume that Pliny derived his account, have always regarded the elephant with a kind of superstitious veneration.—B.

[1571] Some would read this “Amilo,” and others “Annulo.” Hardouin considers it the same with the river Valo, which is mentioned by Ptolemy, B. iv. c. 1, and said to have its rise in the mountains known as the Seven Brothers, and mentioned in B. v. c. 1.

[1572] “Præ se ferentes,” probably alluding to the use which the animal makes of its trunk in seizing and carrying bodies.—B.

[1573] “Alienæ religionis.” The meaning of this is doubtful. It may mean “differences in religion,” or “religious feeling in others,” or perhaps, to judge from the context, “the religious regard for their oath which others feel.”

[1574] “Veluti tellure precibus alligata,” one of the harsh metaphorical expressions occasionally occurring in Pliny, which it is very difficult to translate, and even perhaps fully to comprehend.—B.

[1575] “Nothi.”

[1576] Cuvier remarks, that there are two kinds of elephants, one of which attains sixteen feet, and is chiefly known in Cochin China and Tonquin, while those that are domesticated in India are seldom more than half that height. They are supposed, however, to be only varieties of the same species. Pliny, in B. vi. c. 22, gives an account of the uses which the Indians made of the elephant, and of their different sizes, but he does not state there that it is the smaller ones only that are employed in agriculture.—B.

[1577] Plutarch informs us, that Pompey had resolved to have his chariot drawn by four elephants, but finding the gate too narrow, he was obliged to use horses.—B.

[1578] See an account of this, and of the feats performed by the elephants, in Ælian, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 11.—B.

[1579] The Pyrrhic dance has been referred to in the last Book, c. 57. p. 231. It is not improbable that the elephants employed in this dance were caparisoned with armour.

[1580] However ill adapted the elephant may appear, from its size and form, for this feat, we have the testimony of Seneca, Suetonius, Dion Cassius, and Julian, to the truth of the fact.—B.

[1581] Plutarch, in his treatise on the Shrewdness of Animals, tells us that this wonderful circumstance happened at Rome.

[1582] “Eadem illa meditantem,” is the expression. It would be curious to know in what way the elephant showed that he was “conning” over his lesson.

[1583] Suetonius is supposed to allude to this circumstance.—B. He tells us that a horseman ascended a tight rope on an elephant’s back.

[1584] Ælian informs us, that he had seen an elephant write Latin characters. Hardouin remarks, that the Greek would be Αὐτὸς ἐγὼ τάδ’ ἔγραψα, λαφυρά τε Κελτ’ ἀνέθηκα.

[1585] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1586] As to the tusks of the elephant, no doubt the opinion of Herodotus, B. iii. c. 97, is correct, that they are teeth, and not horns. They are essentially composed of the same substance with the other teeth, and, like them, are inserted into the jaw, and not into the os frontis, as is the case with horns.—B.

[1587] Not improbably, the great quantity of fossil ivory which has been found, may have given rise to this tale. We have in Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 581, a long extract from Cuvier’s “_Recherches sur les ossements fossiles_,” in which he gives an account of the parts of the world in which the bones of the elephant have been discovered.—B.

[1588] Tables and bedsteads were not only covered or veneered with ivory among the Romans, but, in the later times, made of the solid material, as we learn from Ælian and Athenæus.

[1589] Plutarch, in his treatise on the Shrewdness of Animals, gives the same statement respecting the whiteness of the teeth in the young animal.—B.

[1590] It is scarcely necessary to remark, that these statements respecting the sagacity of the elephant in connection with their teeth, are without foundation.—B.

[1591] The word employed is _vestigium_; it is explained by Ælian to refer to the herbage, which has received both the visible impression as well as the odour of the foot.—B.

[1592] In the case of a footstep, this must mean the ground with which the foot has come in contact.

[1593] It is a general opinion, and one founded upon observations of daily occurrence, that animals have an instinctive dread of man. We have, however, facts stated by travellers of undoubted veracity, which would lead to an opposite conclusion. One of the most remarkable is the account which Denham gives of the tameness of the birds in Lake Tchad.—B.

[1594] Cuvier observes, that this is correct; see Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 408, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 338.—B.

[1595] “Novere ea.” It is doubtful whether these words do not mean something more than merely “knew their names,” as Hardouin explains it, for that would be nothing wonderful in an elephant. On the other hand, to say that they were aware of the honour which had been conferred on them, in giving the names of famous men, would be to make a statement which exceeds belief; for how could the elephants _show_ that they appreciated this honour, even supposing that they did appreciate it? Pliny’s elliptical style repeatedly gives rise to doubts of this nature.

[1596] “Phaleris.” See Notes to B. vii. c. 29, p. 170.

[1597] Pliny informs us, in B. xxii. c. 4, that this was done by those conquered in battle.—B.

[1598] We may conclude, from the account given by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. v. c. 2, and by Ælian, B. viii. c. 17, that this opinion was generally adopted by the ancients.—B. We learn from Cuvier, who mentions the results of M. Corse’s observations, that there is no such modesty in the elephant, and that the two at the Museum of Natural History at Paris gave proof of the fact.

[1599] This is erroneous; the males do not arrive at puberty before the females, which takes place about the fourteenth or fifteenth year. In the elephant which was under the inspection of M. Corse, the period of gestation was between twenty and twenty-one months, so that there may be some foundation for the biennial period, but the term of five days is entirely imaginary. Aristotle makes the interval three years.—B.

[1600] There is a passage in Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, and one in Macrobius, where the custom of offering pieces of money to elephants, which they took up with the proboscis, is referred to.—B.

[1601] In the Epitome of Livy, B. xiii., it is said, that Valerius Corvinus was unsuccessful in his engagements with Pyrrhus, in consequence of the terror produced by the elephants.—B.

[1602] Varro, De Ling. Lat. B. vi. calls the elephant “Lucas bos,” “the Lucanian ox,” from the fact of this large quadruped being first seen by the Romans in the Lucanian army.—B.

[1603] According to Seneca, Manius Curius Dentatus was the first who exhibited elephants in his triumph over Pyrrhus. See also Florus, B. i. c. 18.—B.

[1604] There are coins extant struck to commemorate this victory, in which there is the figure of an elephant.—B.

[1605] The number of elephants brought to Rome by Metellus is differently stated; Florus, B. ii., says that they were “about a hundred;” in the Epitome of Livy, B. xix., they are one hundred and twenty, and the same number is mentioned by Seneca.—B.

[1606] Who were their allies, or rather vassals; for in such case, they might make a dangerous use of them.

[1607] Val. Maximus, B. ix. c. 2, gives an account of the brutality of Hannibal on this occasion, in forcing the Roman captives to fight against each other, until only one was left; but he does not make mention of the combat with the elephant.—B.

[1608] Florus, B. i. c. 18, states, that this was practised in the later engagements with Pyrrhus, and that by these means the elephants were either destroyed or rendered useless. Cuvier remarks, that the trunk is composed of small muscles and fatty matter, enveloped by a tendinous membrane, and covered with skin.—B.

[1609] A.U.C. 678.—B.

[1610] “Venus the Conqueror.” This temple was dedicated by Pompey, after his conquests in the East, in his second consulship, B.C. 55.

[1611] Pliny here refers to an art, practised among the Romans, of throwing up a shield into the air, in such a manner that, after performing a circuit, it would fall down on a certain spot; this trick is also alluded to by Martial, B. ix. Ep. 39.—B. The exercise with the boomerang, which was known to the ancient Assyrians, and has been borrowed in modern times from the people of Australasia, seems to have been somewhat similar to this.

[1612] “Clathri.” These were gratings of iron trellis-work, placed in front of the lowest row of the spectators, to protect them from the wild beasts. This exhibition took place in Pompey’s Amphitheatre, in the Campus Martius. The arena of the amphitheatre was mostly surrounded by a wall, distinguished by the name of “podium,” which was generally about eighteen feet in height, and the top of which was protected by this trellis-work. In the present instance, however, the “podium” can hardly have been so much as eighteen feet in height.

[1613] “Euripis.” Julius Cæsar caused a canal, ten feet wide, to be formed in the Circus Maximus, around the bottom of the “podium,” to protect the spectators from the wild beasts. These “euripi” probably took their name from the narrow channel so called, which lay between Bœotia and the island of Eubœa.

[1614] We learn, however, from Lampridius, in his Life of Heliogabalus, that this euripus was afterwards restored to the Circus.

[1615] Tacitus and Suetonius mention this separation of the equites from the rest of the spectators: it took place A.U.C. 816.—B. Up to the time of Augustus, A.U.C. 758, the senators, equites, and people sat indiscriminately in the Circus; but that emperor, and after him Claudius, Nero, and Domitian, separated the senators and the equites from the commons.

[1616] There are coins which bear the figure of an elephant and the word Cæsar, probably struck in commemoration of these games.—B.

[1617] The practice of placing towers filled with soldiers on the backs of the elephants is alluded to by Lucretius, B. v. l. 1301, and by Juvenal, Sat. xii. l. 110.—B. It still prevails in India.

[1618] “Consummation gladiatorum.” There is some doubt about the exact meaning of this. It may mean, “at the conclusion of the gladiatorial games,” as exhibited; or, what is more probable, “as the crowning exploit of the gladiators,” who wished thereby to secure their manumission, which was granted after remarkable feats of valour. Cælius Rhodiginus, B. xi. c. 11, prefers this last meaning: Dalechamps, with whom Ajasson coincides, the first.

[1619] “Postea singulis.” Those who coincide with Dalechamps and Ajasson, as to the meaning, would read it, that at the end of the gladiatorial games, the elephants fought singly one against another, the gladiators having retired from the arena.

[1620] Pliny here uses the word “manu,” “hand,” which although, as he afterwards remarks, it may not be an inappropriate metaphor, could scarcely be admitted in our language.—B.

[1621] This trait has been observed in all ages; the elephant has been known to remove with its trunk a child lying in its way, and in danger of being injured. It appears to have an instinctive dread of trampling on a living animal; the same has also been observed in the horse.—B.

[1622] “Hordeo succo;” the exact meaning has been the subject of much discussion; it probably refers to some preparation of barley used by the ancients, perhaps a maceration of the corn in water; it is scarcely to be supposed, however, that the words are to be taken literally.—B.

[1623] Albertus Magnus, in his work on Animals, B. viii. c. 3, gives a fuller account of this method of taking the wild elephant. He says: “A man, riding on a tame elephant, guides him to the woods, and when he has met with some wild ones, drives the tame one against them, and makes it strike them with its trunk: the tame one, being better fed, soon conquers the wild elephant, and throws him to the ground; upon which, the man leaps upon him, and flogs him with a whip, and immediately the other becomes quiet.” Strabo, B. xv., gives a different account of the mode of catching and taming the elephant in India.

[1624] This appears to have been taken from Plutarch; and we have the same statement in Ælian, who particularly speaks of the sagacity of the animal, in endeavouring to extricate itself from the trench.—B.

[1625] We have the same account given by Ælian and by Strabo.—B.

[1626] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 18, remarks, that the violence of the animal, which is produced by an accidental cause, as also that arising from venereal excitement, are counteracted by opposite modes of treatment; the one by depriving it of food, the other by over-feeding it; the former, in order to break its strength, and the latter, to divert it into a different channel.—B.

[1627] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. i. c. 38, states that the Romans employed this mode of terrifying the elephants brought against them by Pyrrhus.—B.

[1628] That this was the general opinion among the ancients, we learn from Polybius, Ælian, Livy, Diodorus Siculus, and others. Cuvier remarks, that this may have been the case with the animals from Barbary, or the north of Africa, but that it is not so with those from the middle or south of that continent.—B.

[1629] It has been stated, in a Note to chap. 5, that Mr. Corse found the period of the gestation of the elephant to be between twenty and twenty-one months.—B.

[1630] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 31, considers the age of sixty to be the prime period of their life, not the commencement of their prime.—B.

[1631] This remark is incorrect; when the water is sufficiently deep, it swims with ease; and if the end of the trunk remains exposed to the atmosphere, it can dive below the surface, or swim with the body immersed.—B.

[1632] Cuvier remarks, that this statement is incorrect. He dissected three elephants at Paris, and found that their death had been caused by inflammation of the lungs and chest. The species of elephant, which now inhabits Asia and Africa, is certainly not adapted to a cold climate; but the numerous remains of elephants found in the north of Asia, prove that a species formerly existed, capable of enduring great cold. It is to be observed, that this species was covered with a thick, furry coat of wool and hair.—B.

[1633] This is from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 26; but it is scarcely necessary to remark, that it is without foundation. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 18, refers to it, and explains it by supposing that the oil was not drunk, but applied externally; which is less improbable.—B.

[1634] They suck the fluid into the cavity of the trunk, and bend the trunk into the mouth, where it is received and swallowed in the usual manner.—B.

[1635] This dislike is confirmed by Cuvier.—B.

[1636] “Sanguisuga.”

[1637] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 1, remarks, that the elephant is the least hairy of all animals.—B.

[1638] Cuvier remarks, that the trunk, being composed of a mixture of delicate muscular fibres and rich fat, would, when properly prepared, afford an article of food that might be very palatable.—B.

[1639] We learn from Livy, B. xlii. c. 23, that Gulussa was the son of Massinissa.—B.

[1640] In c. 8 of this Book.—B.

[1641] We learn from Cuvier, that the elephants of Africa and Asia belong to different species, distinguished by the form of the head, and some peculiarities in the structure of the teeth.—B.

[1642] By the term “dragon,” we may suppose that Pliny refers to some of the great serpents which exist in hot climates, and are of such vast size, that they might perhaps be able to perform some of the exploits here ascribed to the dragon.—B.

[1643] This account appears to be entirely without foundation.—B.

[1644] The idea of the elephant’s blood being cold, and sought after by the dragon, is, of course, without foundation; its blood being of the same temperature with that of other quadrupeds.—B.

[1645] Cuvier states, that in India and America there are serpents of the genus boa, or python, thirty feet or more in length. He observes, that there are various species of aquatic reptiles in the seas of India, but that they never swim twisted together, or with their heads elevated. Ælian gives an account of the great size of the dragons in Æthiopia.—B.

[1646] Cuvier remarks, that there are no serpents with crests on the head, and that Juba must have been thinking probably of some animal of the genus lacertus, when he made this statement. We may here remark, that the “basiliscus,” or “king of serpents,” was said by the poets to have a crown on its head, as denoting its kingly rank. See c. 33 of this Book.

[1647] It is well known, that certain serpents have the jaws and fauces so constructed, that they will allow of the passage of an animal more bulky than themselves; they first crush its bones, and form it into a kind of pulp, and then pass it, without further change, into the stomach, where it is slowly dissolved by the gastric juices.—B.

[1648] Supposed to have been in Mysia, or Bithynia, considerably to the west of Pontus.—B.

[1649] This account is entirely without foundation. The same statement is made by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. ii. c. 21, who probably copied it from Metrodorus. There are stories of the power which serpents possess of fascinating birds by the eye, but they are not improbably without foundation.—B. There is little doubt, however, that some serpents have the power, by some means or other, of fascinating the birds which they make their prey.

[1650] This is referred to by many ancient writers; among others, by Livy, B. xviii.; Florus, B. ii. c. 2; Valerius Maximus, B. i. c. 8; and Aulus Gellius, B. vi. c. 3.—B.

[1651] As Cuvier remarks, it is difficult to conceive what he means by the boa of Italy. At the present day, the longest Italian serpents are the Æsculapian serpent (a harmless animal), and the “Coluber quadrilineatus” of Linnæus, neither of which exceeds ten feet in length. The one here mentioned, was probably, as Cuvier suggests, one of the genuine boa or python species; but, as he says, where did it come from? and how did it get there?

[1652] It is doubtful whether any one ever witnessed a serpent sucking a cow, but it seems to have been generally believed, and it is therefore probable, that the name of the animal was derived from this circumstance.—B. It is still believed of the common snake in some parts of this country. The reading “primo” has been preferred to “trimo,” that adopted by Sillig.

[1653] Cuvier remarks upon the two animals here mentioned, the bison and the urus, that Europe, at the present time, contains only one species of wild ox, the bison, or aurochs of the Germans, which still exists, although in small numbers only, in the forests of Lithuania. There are, however, fossil remains, in different parts of the north of Europe, of other animals of the same genus, which may have been the urus of Pliny, and not extinct when he wrote. Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 413, 414; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 365. The description by Cæsar of the urus of Gaul, Bell. Gall. B. vi. c. 26, seems to agree with the remains of the fossil animal, and may, therefore, be considered as confirming the opinion, that both animals were in existence when Pliny wrote.—B.

[1654] This appears to have been a species of antelope, the Antelope bubalus of Linnæus. Cuvier observes, that Strabo places it among the gazelles, and Aristotle associates it with the stag and the deer, while Oppian’s description of the urus, agrees with those of the gazelle.—B.

[1655] We learn from various travellers, that there are troops of wild horses and asses in many parts of Tartary and the neighbouring countries; but it is doubtful whether they have proceeded from an original wild stock, or may not have been the produce of some individuals which had accidentally escaped from the domestic state.—B.

[1656] No doubt Pliny has fallen into an error on this subject, and his elk and achlis are, in reality, the same animal. The description of the latter, for the most part, applies to the former, with the exception of the want of joints in the legs, which is entirely without foundation. Cæsar’s account of the elk, Bell. Gall. B. vi. c. 27, agrees generally with Pliny’s account of the achlis; he also says, that the legs of the alces are “without articulations and joints.”

[1657] The Romans had but a very imperfect knowledge of the Scandinavian peninsula. They supposed it to be surrounded by the ocean, and to be composed of many islands, which Ptolemy calls Scandiæ. Of these, the largest bore especially the name of Scandia or Scandinavia, by which name the modern Sweden was probably indicated. See B. iv. c. 30.

[1658] Pliny’s account is from Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 45, but, as is often the case, with considerable exaggerations. Aristotle says, that these animals eject their excrements to a distance of four feet, and that it is of so acrid a nature, as to cause the hair of the dog to fall off. The word jugerum is generally used as a measure of superficial surface.—B.

[1659] Pliny here renders the Greek πλέθρον, by “jugerum,” which is ordinarily a measure of superficies. In the present case, therefore, it must mean a measure of _length_, of 100 Grecian, or 104 Roman feet.

[1660] The pard of Pliny, as we shall find stated below, is the male of the panther.

[1661] Cuvier remarks, that all the feline animals have retractile claws, drawn by an elastic ligament into a sheath, and protruded when required for the purpose of prehension. The sheath is formed of a duplicature or fold of the skin and the subjacent cellular membrane.—B.

[1662] What Pliny states here, is without foundation. He supposes that the leopard is the produce of a pard, or male panther, and the female of the lion; but this is incorrect, the leopard being a distinct species of animal.—B.

[1663] Herodotus, B. iii. c. 108, gives the same account, which is refuted by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 31. Aulus Gellius, B. xiii. c. 7, refers to Herodotus, and the refutation by Aristotle.—B.

[1664] The account here given of the lioness generally, Aristotle gives respecting the Syrian lioness only, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 31; there is some reason to believe that Aristotle is not correct in what he says. The account given by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 33, is nearly the same with that of Pliny.—B.

[1665] There is much in this account that is incorrect. It is well ascertained that the cubs of the lion are proportionably as large and as perfectly formed as the young of other animals that belong to the same family.—B.

[1666] Herodotus, B. vii. c. 126, and Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 28, give a similar account of the district in which lions are found.—B. Littré remarks, that this statement of Pliny is probably formed, as originally suggested by M. Maury, upon the fact, that the lions of Europe, as we learn from Herodotus, attacked the camels of Xerxes, on his invasion of Europe.

[1667] Cuvier remarks, that we have no knowledge of the lion with curled hair, so frequently spoken of by the ancients. He suggests that there may have been a peculiar variety between the rivers Achelous and Nestus or Mestus, or perhaps, more probably, that it was altogether imaginary. He states also, that we no longer see lions without manes, but that Olivier had seen some at Bagdat. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 44, speaks of the two species of lions, and describes them nearly as Pliny has done.—B.

[1668] According to Cuvier, this is not the case; the lion passes its urine just as the other animals of the same family. Pliny again refers to the odour of the lion’s breath, in B. xi. c. 115.—B.

[1669] The lion, like other carnivorous animals, is able to receive a large quantity of food into the stomach, and to remain for a proportionably longer period without eating; but the statement respecting its taking food on alternate days, is without foundation. There does not appear to be any ground for the account of the mode by which it relieves the stomach when overcharged.—B.

[1670] We learn from Cicero, Ep. Fam. B. v. Ep. 12, that Polybius wrote a history of the Numantine war, in which we may presume the account here referred to was contained.—B.

[1671] Although these accounts of the generosity and clemency of the lion are in a great measure fabulous, still the accounts of those who have had the best opportunity of becoming acquainted with the character of different animals, agree in ascribing to it less ferocity and brutality, in proportion to its size and strength, than to other animals of the same family.—B.

[1672] In various countries, and more especially in Egypt, the magicians profess to charm serpents by incantations; and it appears that they are able to acquire some power over them by imitating their natural cries. Cuvier informs us, that Geoffroi St. Hilaire had witnessed the fact, and was himself able to produce the effect.—B.

[1673] Aristotle says, a matter of a _yellow_ colour, ἰχῶρες ὠχροὶ.

[1674] Probably, there is no foundation for this opinion: it does not appear that any animal, except man, has the faculty of weeping, i. e. of shedding tears, in connection with a peculiar condition of mind and feeling.—B. But query as to the horse. See c. 64 of the present Book, and the Introduction to vol. i. p. xvii.

[1675] This supposed fear is without foundation, but appears to have been a generally received opinion, as it is referred to by Lucretius, B. iv. l. 714-725.—B.

[1676] Seneca gives an account of this exhibition; he says that the lions were turned loose into the Circus, and that spearmen were sent by king Bocchus, who killed them with darts. Sylla was prætor A.U.C. 661, B.C. 92.—B.

[1677] “Sagum.” This was the cloak worn by the Roman soldiers and inferior officers, in contradistinction to the “paludamentum“ of the general and superior officers. It was open in the front, and usually, though not always, fastened across the shoulders by a clasp. It was thick, and made of wool.

[1678] This story is given also by Plutarch, in the life of Demetrius. Lysimachus was a Macedonian by birth, but son of Agathocles, a serf of Thessaly. Through his great courage, he became one of the body-guard of Alexander. Quintus Curtius tells us that, when hunting in Syria, he killed a lion of immense size single-handed, though not without receiving severe wounds in the contest. The same author looks upon this as the probable origin of the story here referred to by Pliny.

[1679] This is mentioned by many ancient authors; by Plutarch, Pausanias, Seneca, Justin, and by Quintus Curtius, who thinks that the account usually given is fabulous.—B.

[1680] Related by Plutarch, as among the acts of extravagance and folly, committed by Antony, which gave much disgust to the grave and respectable citizens of Rome.—B.

[1681] A famous courtezan of the time of Cicero; being originally the freedwoman and mistress of Volumnius Eutrapelus, and then successively the mistress of Antony and the poet Gallus, who mentioned her in his poems under the name of Lycoris; she did not, however, continue faithful to him.

[1682] Aulus Gellius, B. v. c. 14, and Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. viii. c. 48, relate a similar anecdote of Androclus or Androcles, who extracted a thorn from the foot of a lion.—B.

[1683] The text is in a state of extreme confusion here, and so hopelessly mangled, that we can only guess at the sense of it. In Sillig’s edition, which is generally followed, it runs to this effect: “Neque profugienti, cum potuisset, fera institerat et procumbens ad arborem hiatu quo terruerat miserationem quærebat. Os morsu avidiore inhæserat dentibus cruciabatque inedia, tum pœna in ipsis ejus telis suspectantem ac velut mutis precibus orantem, dum fortuitu fidens non est contra feram; multoque diutius miraculo quam metu cessatum est.” Thus paraphrased by Sillig, who devotes a long Note to it: “The lion, therefore, being tormented by hunger and excessive pain, and thus punishing himself for his greediness in his own weapons (his teeth), looked up, and besought Elpis with silent prayers, as it were, not, as he trusted to the protection fortuitously given by the branches, to show himself distrustful of a wild beast.”

[1684] This remark refers to what Pliny has related in c. 5, respecting the sagacity of the elephant.—B.

[1685] Cuvier remarks, that this “panthera” is not the same as the πάνθηρ of the Greeks. From the description of its spots and other circumstances, he thinks that it was one of the African animals, known by modern naturalists as the leopard, which appear to have been confounded by the Romans with the panther. The term “leopardus” is not met with until after the age of Pliny; it was supposed to be the produce of the pardus, or male panther, and the lioness.—B.

[1686] “Assectatoris sapientiæ”—“A follower of wisdom;” meaning a “philosopher.”

[1687] This word here signifies, simply, a “serpent.”

[1688] Ælian, Var. Hist. B. xiii. c. i., relates an occurrence of this kind, about Atalanta, and Justin, B. xliv. c. 4, about Habis, a king of Spain. As to the account of Romulus having been suckled by a wolf, it was generally regarded as a legendary tale by the Romans themselves. See Livy, B. i. c. 4, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiq. Rom. B. i.—B.

[1689] Pliny, in B. xiii. c. 15, speaks of “tables of tiger and panther pattern,” as articles of ornamental furniture among the Romans, named from the peculiar patterns of the veins in the citrus wood, of which they were formed.—B.

[1690] This, though mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 8, is probably incorrect; and still more the addition made by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. v. c. 40, that this odour is grateful to man. It has, however, induced some to conjecture, that the animal here described might be the civet; but the description given is inapplicable to that animal; nor, indeed, does the civet appear to have been known to the ancients. For further information, see the remarks of Cuvier, Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 420, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 386. Pliny, in B. xxi. c. 18, says that no animal, except the panther, has any odour.—B.

[1691] Meaning the “spotted” or “parti-coloured” female.

[1692] Xenophon, in his Cynegeticon, says, that the pard is found on Mount Pangæus, in Macedonia; the truth of which is denied by Aristotle, who says that it is not to be found in Europe.

[1693] He was tribune A.U.C. 670. Cicero says, Tusc. Quæst. B. iv. c. 39, that Aufidius, although blind, was eminent for his political and literary talents. He wrote a History of Greece.—B.

[1694] 4th of May, A.U.C. 696.—B.

[1695] See also Suetonius, Life of Augustus. Martial, Spect. Ep. 18, relates a circumstance respecting a tame tiger, which occurrence appears to have taken place at the time when he wrote. Heliogabalus yoked tigers to his car, in imitation of Bacchus, as we are informed by Lampridius.

[1696] “In cavea.” In the arena or centre of the amphitheatre. This word often signifies, however, the place where the senators, equites, and plebeians, sat in the theatre: and in the later writers it is used to signify the whole amphitheatre.

[1697] A.U.C. 742.—B.

[1698] In the winter of 1809 and 1810, an antique mosaic pavement was discovered at Rome, in which four tigers are represented, and which, it has been supposed, might possibly have some reference to those exhibited by Claudius. Martial, who lived a little after Pliny, speaks of tigers exhibited at Rome, by Domitian, in considerable numbers. Epig. B. viii. Ep. 26.—B.

[1699] Cuvier remarks, that the account given of the two kinds of camels, and his description generally, is correct, with the exception of their antipathy to the horse. The caravans, he says, present a constant mixture of the two animals, and even, in Arabia, the young foals are occasionally suckled by the female camel.—B.

[1700] We have a similar statement in Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 1. Indeed, the account here given generally, is taken from him.—B.

[1701] See B. xi. c. 62.

[1702] Mentioned by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 17, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 7; but, as stated above, it is incorrect.—B.

[1703] At the time of rutting, according to Solinus.

[1704] He speaks here of only _one_ of the animals which resemble the camel; the giraffe, namely. The other, which he for the present omits, is the ostrich.

[1705] The description of the giraffe, here given, is sufficiently correct, but we have a more minute account of it by Dion Cassius, B. xliii. In the time of the Emperor Gordian, ten of these animals were exhibited at Rome at once; a remarkable fact, when we bear in mind that so few have been imported into Europe for many centuries past. The giraffe is figured in the mosaic at Præneste, and under it is inscribed its name, nabi.—B. It has been found that it is unable to bear the winters of Europe.

[1706] Its form being like that of the camel, while its spots resemble those of the leopard. Horace refers to it, when speaking of an object calculated to excite the vulgar gaze; “Diversum confusa genus panthera camelo”—“The race of the panther mingled with the camel,” Ep. B. ii.; Ep. i. l. 195.

[1707] According to Dion Cassius, B. xliii., these games were celebrated A.U.C. 708.—B.

[1708] This comparison can only be employed to indicate the mild nature of the giraffe.—B.

[1709] In the older editions, the names here given to this animal were “chaus” and “ruphius;” the alteration was made by Hardouin from a MS. in the Royal Library of Paris, which he deemed of high authority, and has been adopted by all the modern editors. There is considerable doubt respecting the animal here designated by the name of “chama;” it appears to have been an inhabitant of Gaul, and in c. 34, is styled “lupus cervarius;” but the account does not enable us to identify it with any animal known to exist in that country.—B. It is generally supposed to have been a species of lynx.

[1710] No doubt this description refers to some species of the monkey tribe, but it is uncertain to what one in particular. Its having been seen only once at Rome, shows that it was not of the most common kind; Cuvier, however, thinks it probable, that Pliny may have been incorrect in this; he supposes that it was the “Simia sphinx” of Linnæus, Lem. vol. iii. p. 395. According to Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 8, κηβος is merely a monkey with a tail; see also the account of Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. xvii. c. 8.—B.

[1711] Cuvier says, that this was the single-horned rhinoceros of India. The commentators have been at a loss to reconcile this description with the Epigram of Martial, Spect. Ep. xxii., where he speaks of the rhinoceros exhibited by Domitian, as having two horns. It has been proved that this latter was of the two-horned species, by the medals of that emperor, now in existence. Martial, Spect. Ep. ix., seems also to have been acquainted with the single-horned species. That with two horns is mentioned by Pausanias as the Æthiopian bull. We learn from modern naturalists, that the two-horned species is a native of the southern parts of Africa, while that with one horn is from Asia.—B.

[1712] The other enemy is the dragon, as described in c. 11 and 12 of the present Book.—B.

[1713] According to Cuvier, the lynx of Pliny is the Felis caracal of Linnæus: it is common in many parts of Asia and Africa, in the retired forest districts, and still exists in the Pyrenees and the mountains of Naples.—B.

[1714] As far as the accounts of the sphinx are to be regarded as not entirely fabulous, we must suppose it to have originated in some species of the monkey tribe; perhaps the Simia troglodytes or chimpanzé.—B.

[1715] Of course the winged horse is an imaginary being, nor does it appear what is the origin of the fable; the horns are an unusual appendage to the pegasus.—B. The pegasus and the rhinoceros together may have given rise to that fabulous animal, the unicorn. See, however, the Monoceros, mentioned in c. 31.

[1716] Although a hybrid animal is produced by the union of the wolf and the dog, it does not form a permanent species. But, as Cuvier remarks, by the insertion of “velut,” Pliny seems to imply that the crocotta unites the physical properties of the two animals. Ctesias, Indic. c. 32, gives an account of the cynolycus, or “dog-wolf,” from which Pliny seems to have taken his crocotta.—B.

[1717] It does not seem possible to determine what species of monkey is here designated; it is most probable that he himself had no accurate knowledge.—B.

[1718] We may here refer to the judicious remarks of Cuvier, Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 427, 428, and Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 399, on the leucrocotta. It seems impossible to identify Pliny’s description with any known animal, and it is not unlikely that he has confused the accounts of authors who were speaking of different animals. Some of the characteristics of the leucrocotta agree with those of the Indian antelope, while others seem to resemble those of the hyæna.—B.

[1719] Perhaps the eale may have been the two-horned rhinoceros, as some naturalists say that there is a degree of mobility in the horns of that animal; the same observation has been made with respect to the wild or forest bulls, the description of which animal, in Pliny, is probably from Diodorus Siculus.—B.

[1720] This description of the mantichora appears to be taken from the Indica of Ctesias; it has been also adopted by Aristotle and Ælian, but they have qualified their accounts by some expressions of doubt, which are omitted by Pliny. It has been conjectured, that Ctesias took his description from the hieroglyphic figures in his time, probably common in the East, and still found in the ruins of the Assyrian and Persian cities, Nineveh and Persepolis, for instance.—B.

[1721] Probably meaning, “not cloven.”

[1722] Cuvier conjectures, that this is from Ctesias, and says, that a similar animal is to be seen on one of the sculptures of Persepolis.—B.

[1723] Probably the stag of the Ganges, the “Cervus axis” of Linnæus; but if so, Pliny has omitted to mention the horns.—B.

[1724] White apes are now unknown, as a distinct species, but individuals are occasionally found nearly without colour.—B.

[1725] The “one-horned,” or the unicorn.

[1726] We have a discussion by Cuvier, respecting the existence of the unicorn, or of any animal similar to that here described, with a single horn. He remarks, that the only single-horned quadruped of which we have any certain knowledge, is the rhinoceros, and that the only horns which have been discovered, and which can have been single horns, belong to it. There are five animals mentioned by the ancients, as having single horns, the Indian ass, the single-horned horse, the single-horned ox, the monoceros, described in the text, and the oryx of Africa, which Pliny speaks of in c. 79 of this Book, and in B. xi. c. 106. There are many curious accounts given by travellers of acknowledged veracity, respecting animals seen in the more remote parts of Asia and Africa, answering to the description of the unicorn, and there are representations of the same in ancient sculptures; but they do not amount to that kind of evidence which can at all supply the place of direct proof.—B.

[1727] These will be found in B. v. c. 10.

[1728] From καταβλέπω, “to look downwards.”

[1729] Ælian describes this animal more in detail, Anim. Nat. B. vii. c. 5. Cuvier thinks it probable that it is the Antelope gnu; he remarks, that it has a very peculiar and mournful appearance; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 435; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 405.—B.

[1730] This account of the basilisk’s eye, like that of the catoblepas, is entirely devoid of foundation.—B.

[1731] Many species have certain marks on the head, which were supposed to resemble a crown.—B.

[1732] There is probably no foundation for this account of the action of the effluvium of the weasel upon the basilisk or any other species of serpent.—B.

[1733] Hence the proverbial expression applied to a person who is suddenly silent upon the entrance of another; “Lupus est tibi visus.”

[1734] Cuvier says, that the wolves of Africa are of the ordinary size, and conjectures that this remark probably applies to the chakale, or “Canis aureus” of Linnæus, which is of the colour of the wolf, and the size of the fox, and is common throughout all Africa.—B.

[1735] The opinion that men were converted into wolves by enchantment, or a preternatural agency, was at one time so generally received, as to have led to judicial processes, and the condemnation of the supposed criminal.—B. To the relator of the above story that men lose their voice on seeing a wolf, Scaliger wishes as many blows as at different times he had seen a wolf without losing his voice.

[1736] This literally means “changing the skin;” was applied by some ancient medical writers to a peculiar form of insanity, where the patient conceives himself changed into a wolf, and named λυκανθρώπια, “lycanthropy.” The word appears to have been in common use among the Romans, and to have been applied by them to any one who had undergone a remarkable change in his character and habits; in this sense it is used by Plautus, Amphitryon, Prol. l. 123, and Bacchides, A. iv. sc. 4, l. 12.—B.

[1737] It is not known who is here referred to; it is not probable that it is Fabius Pictor, the Roman historian.—B.

[1738] It is rather curious to find Pliny censuring others for _credulity_; indeed he loses no opportunity of a hit at the Greeks, to whom, after all, he is greatly indebted. See Introduction to vol. i. p. 17.

[1739] An account of the victories gained at the Olympic games.—B.

[1740] It has been conjectured, that the epithet, “Lycæan,” Λύκαιος, was given to Jupiter by the Arcadians, for this supposed conversion of men into wolves, which was conceived to be effected by divine interposition.—B.

[1741] It does not appear what is the foundation of this opinion; of course, it is without truth.—B.

[1742] Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. vi. c. 35, says that they couple once only in the year. Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iv. c. 4, says that their bringing forth continues twelve days.—B.

[1743] See c. 28 of the present Book. He alludes probably to the lynx.

[1744] It is not easy to say whence this opinion was derived; the general character of the wolf is that of quickness and watchfulness, rather than stupidity.—B. But it would appear that it is the lynx that is alluded to.

[1745] The cerastes, or horned serpent, is mentioned by Lucan, in his description of serpents, Pharsalia, B. ix. l. 716. One of the Scholiasts on Lucan relates a story that when Helen was eloping with Paris, she trod on the back of a cerastes, and broke it; from which circumstance, the whole race moved with a crooked course.

[1746] Cuvier has observed this animal burying itself in the sand, and has seen the motion of its horns, but does not credit its alleged power of attracting birds; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 412.—B.

[1747] The amphisbæna is mentioned by Lucan, B. ix. l. 719. “The dangerous amphisbæna, that moves on at either of its heads.”

[1748] The account of the two heads is obviously incorrect; the idea has risen from the two extremities being nearly of the same size and appearance. It has been supposed, that there were certain serpents, with the power of moving with equal facility in both directions; and that the name, Ἀμφίσβαινα, was derived from this circumstance.—B.

[1749] Lucan mentions the jaculus, B. ix. l. 720, and l. 822. In the last passage he says: “Behold! afar, around the trunk of a barren tree, a fierce serpent—Africa calls it the jaculus—wreathes itself, and then darts forth, and through the head and pierced temples of Paulus it takes its flight: nothing does venom there affect, death seizes him through the wound. It was then understood how slowly fly the stones which the sling hurls, how sluggishly whizzes the flight of the Scythian arrow.”

[1750] There is an account of the jaculus, or, as it is called in Greek, Ἀκοντίας, Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. vi. c. 18; it is mentioned by Galen, Theriaca, c. 8.—B.

[1751] In B. ix. l. 701, Lucan says: “Here the gore (of the Gorgon Medusa) which first from the sand lifted a head, raised the drowsy asp with its puffed-out neck.” The whole of this passage in Lucan is well worth the attention of those desirous to know something of the serpent-lore of the ancients.

[1752] Cuvier says, that Geoffroi St. Hilaire has identified this animal with the Coluber haje of Linnæus, which has, from the earliest ages, been known as a native of Egypt, and where it still exists. Its two most remarkable characteristics are those here referred to; the puffing out of the neck when enraged, and its capacity of being tamed, or, as it is styled, enchanted. This last has been taken advantage of by the jugglers of that country from the most remote antiquity, as appears from the writings of Moses, and something of a similar nature is still practised. They remove the poison fangs, so as to render the animal harmless, and by certain sounds render it obedient to their call. It appears, also, that by pressing on the upper part of the spine, the animal is rendered paralytic, and may be said to be changed into a rod; this fact was witnessed by St. Hilaire. The asp is described by Aristotle, and is frequently mentioned by Ælian. Galen speaks of its deadly poison, in his Theriaca, c. 8. See Ajasson, vol. vi. pp. 437-9; Lemaire, vol. iii. pp. 414, 415.—B. Pliny mentions, however, in B. xxiii. c. 27, that the bite of the asp may be cured with vinegar.

[1753] Both Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. viii. c. 29, and Ælian, _ubi supra_, speak of the extreme virulence of the poison of the asp, and Cuvier remarks that the haje, and the haga, which are species of the asp, are among the most formidable of the serpent tribe.—B.

[1754] The method of attracting this serpent, by imitating the voice of the female, proves that there is some foundation for this statement.—B.

[1755] The ichneumon of the ancients, the “Viverra ichneumon“ of Linnæus, is still common in Egypt, and renders essential service by destroying the eggs of serpents. With respect to what is here said of its covering its body with mud, to protect itself against the asp, the fact appears to be, that in searching for the eggs, which are deposited in the mud, its body becomes more or less covered with that substance, and may possibly in this way be less exposed to the attacks of the asp. The contest of the asp and the ichneumon is mentioned by Ælian, B. iii. c. 22.—B.

[1756] Many of the ancients have described the crocodile; of these, the most important, for the correctness of the description, are Herodotus, B. ii. c. 68; Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 10, _et alibi_; and Diodorus Siculus, B. i.—B.

[1757] The tongue of the crocodile is flat, and, as afterwards stated, B. xi. c. 65, adheres to the lower jaw, so as to be incapable of motion.—B.

[1758] This account was first given by Herodotus, _ubi supra_; and, from the form of the head and the neighbouring parts, depicts what would naturally occur to the observer; but it is not correct. The actual state of the parts, and their connection with each other, as Cuvier informs us, were first satisfactorily explained by Geoffroi Saint Hilaire.—B.

[1759] Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. v. c. 52, observes, that this is the case with the tortoise, and similar animals.—B.

[1760] Cuvier says, that when it leaves the egg, the young animal is only six inches long, and that it ultimately attains a size of from thirty to forty feet.—B.

[1761] Herodotus says, that it remains all night in the water, as being warmer than the external air. So also Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ii. c. 10.—B.

[1762] The water of the Nile abounds with small leeches, which attach to the throat of the crocodile, and, as it has no means of removing them, it allows a little bird to enter its mouth for this purpose; this is described by Aristotle, Hist. Anim. B. ix. c. 6, and by Ælian, Anim. Nat. B. iii. c. 2.—B.

[1763] Although this account is sanctioned by all the ancient naturalists, it is called in question by Cuvier; Ajasson, vol. vi. p. 441; Lemaire, vol. iii. p. 421.—B.