Chapter M: Paston (1)

[Footnote 284.1: [From Fenn, i. 68.] According to Blomefield
(_Hist. of Norf._ iii. 158), Margaret of Anjou, Queen of
Henry VI., visited Norwich in the spring of 1452; but by the
same authority, it would appear that she had returned to
Westminster before the 17th of March in that year, which would
not suit the date of this letter. Besides, John Paston was at
Norwich in April 1452, and dates a letter at Norwich on St.
George’s day, complaining of the assault made upon him at the
door of Norwich Cathedral on Monday before Easter. It is
impossible, therefore, that Margaret Paston could have written
to him from Norwich two days before St. George’s day in that
year. From an undated entry in the Norwich city records, which
bears internal evidence of having been made in the year 1453, it
would appear that the King’s half-brothers, Edmund, Earl of
Richmond, and Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, visited Norwich in that
year.--(_See_ fol. 19 of a volume, entitled _An Old Free Book_,
in the Norwich city archives.) As to the Queen’s visit I find no
direct evidence, but I think it possible she may have come with
_one_ of the King’s brothers, and that the other may have come a
little later.]

[Footnote 284.2: Here (says Fenn) follows some account of money
received, etc.]

[Footnote 284.3: Margaret of Anjou.]

[Footnote 284.4: Widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of Ormesby, who
died in 1446. Fenn says his daughter, but no notice is found of
a daughter of that name, while the widow occurs frequently in
this correspondence.]

[Footnote 285.1: Bailiff.]

[Footnote 285.2: Either Edmund Tudor, who was created Earl of
Richmond about November 1452, or Jasper, who was created Earl of
Pembroke at the same time. They were half-brothers to the King,
being sons of his mother, Catherine, Queen of Henry V., by her
subsequent marriage to Sir Owen Tudor.]

227

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[285.3]

_To my welbelovyd Son, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Sone I grete yow well and send you Godys blessyng and myn, and lete you wete that Robert Hyll cam homward by Horwelle bery, and Gurney tellyd hym he had byn at London for mony and kowd nat spedyng, and behestyd Robert that he shuld send me mony be you. I pray for getyt not as ze com homward, and speke sadly for i. nothyr fermor.

And as for tydyngs, Phylyppe Berney[286.1] is passyd to God on Munday[286.2] last past wyt the grettes peyn that evyr I sey man; and on Tuysday Ser Jon Henyngham zede to hys chyrche and herd iij. massys, and cam hom agayn nevyr meryer, and seyd to hese wyf that he wuld go sey a lytyll devocion in hese gardeyn and than he wuld dyne; and forthwyth he felt a feyntyng in hese legge and syyd don. This was at ix. of the clok, and he was ded or none.

Myn cosyn Cler[286.3] preyt you that ze lete no man se her letter, wheche is in selyd undir my selle. I pray you that ze wyl pay your brothir William for iiij. unces and j. half of sylke as he payd, wheche he sende me by William Tavyrner, and bryng wyt yow j. quarter of j. unce evyn leke of the same that I send you closyd in thys letter; and sey your brothyr William that hese hors hath j. farseyn and grete rennyng sorys in hese leggis. God have you in kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche on Sent Thomas evyn in grete hast.[286.4]

Be your modyr,

A. PASTON.

[Footnote 285.3: [From Fenn, iii. 182.] Sir John Heveningham,
whose death is mentioned in this letter, was found, by an
inquisition taken on the 29th September 32 Henry VI., to have
died on the 3rd of July preceding, which was in the year
1453.--(Inquis. _post mortem_, 31 Hen. VI., No. 7.) He left a
son named John, over twenty-three years old, who was afterwards
knighted.]

[Footnote 286.1: Third son of John Berney, Esq. of Reedham, who
was the father of Margaret Paston’s mother.]

[Footnote 286.2: July 2.]

[Footnote 286.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere, Esq. of
Ormesby.]

[Footnote 286.4: The Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr
(Becket) was celebrated on the 7th July.]

228

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[286.5]

_To my ritht worchipfull Mayster John Paston, be this deliveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1453 / JULY 6]

Rytht worchipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete that I have spoke with Newman for his place, and I am thorow with hym therfor, but he wold not lete it in no wyse lesse than v. marc. I told hym that sekyrly ye shuld not know but that I hyrid it of hym for iij_li._ I seyd as for the noble,[287.1] I shuld payt of myn owyn purse, that ye shuld no knowlech have therof. And this day I have had inne ij. cartfull of hey, and your stabyl shall be made I hope this next weke. I kowd not gette no grawnt of hym to have the warehows; he seyth if he may in any wyse forber itt her after, ye shall have itt, but he wull not grawnt itt in no convawt [_covenant_]. He hath grawntyd me the hows be twix the vowte and the warehows, and that he seyd he grawntyd not yow.

And as for the chamer that ye assygnyd to myn unkyl,[287.2] God hath purveyd for hym as hys will is; he passyd to God on Monday last past, at xj. of the clok befor none, and Sir John Hevenyngham passyd to God on Tewysday last past; hois sowlys both God assoyle. His sekenesse toke hym on Tewysday, at ix. of the clok befor none, and be too after none he was dedd.

I have begonne your inventare that shuld have be made or this tym, if I had ben well at ease. I hope to make an ende therof, and of other thyngs both this next weke, and ben in that other place, if God send me helth. I must do purvey for meche stuff or I come ther, for ther is nother bords ne other stuff that must neds be had or we come there. And Richard hath gadderid butt lytill mony syth he come from yow. I have sent John Norwod this day to Gresham, Besigham, and Matelask to gete als meche mony as he may. The blissid Trinyte have yow in his keping. Wretyn at Norwych, on the Utas day of Peter and Powll.[287.3]

Yowrs,

M. P.

[Footnote 286.5: [From Fenn, iii. 186.] This letter chronicles
the same two deaths as the preceding, and is therefore of the
same date.]

[Footnote 287.1: A noble was a coin of the value of 6s. 8d.
A mark was 13s. 4d. Five marks therefore were equal to £3, 6s.
8d.; but Margaret said she would pay the odd noble, or 6s. 8d.,
out of her own purse, and not let Paston know but that he had
the place for £3. A little artifice for accepting terms which
she had doubtless told Newman her husband could never agree to.]

[Footnote 287.2: Philip Berney. --_See_ p. 251, Note 1.]

[Footnote 287.3: The day of St. Peter and Paul is the 29th of
June. The _utas_ or octave of a feast is the eighth day of the
feast--that is to say, the seventh day after, which in this case
is the 6th of July.]

229

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[288.1]

[Sidenote: 1453 / SEPT. (?)]

Ryth worchepfull howsbonde, I recomende me on to yow. Plesyt yow to wete that I sent Tomas Bon to Edwarde Coteler to have one ansuer of the mater that ye spak to hym of, and he sent me worde that he hade spok to hys man therof, and he tolde hym that he hade no wrytynge nor evidens of no swyche thyng as ye spak to hym of, ner not wyst were he scholde have cnowlage of no swyche thyng, save that he tolde hym that he receyvyd onys j.c._s._ [100_s._] of the same rent; but and he may have cnowlage of ony man that havyth ony wrytyng or ony thyng that may out prevayle, he schal late yow have cnoulage therof.

As for Wylliam Yellverton, he come here never syn ye yede. As for my Lady Stapullton, att the wrytyng of thys letter sche was not come home. Wyndhamys[288.2] erand to my Lady of Southefolk[288.3] was to desiyr hyr gode Ladychep and to beseche hyr that sche wold spek to my cosyn Evenyngham[288.4] that he myt have hys gode wyll, for he levith in hope to have hys modyr, and he hath made menys to have her by John Gros and hys wyf, and by Bokynham and by odyr dyvers, and profuryth hyr to find suerte to acquitt hyr housbondys dettes, the qwyche is CCC. marc, and to payit doune on j. day. And by thys mene, as he seyth, he hathe bargeynid with j. marchande of London, and hath solde to hym the manage of hys son, for the qwyche he scal have vij. C. [700] marc, and of that the iij. C. [300] marc schoulde be payd for the forseyd dettes; and also he proforyth to yeve hyr the maner of Felbryg to hyr joyntour, and odyr la[r]ge profors as ye schal here eraffter. As for the good wyll of my cosyn Hevenyngham, he seyth Wyndh[am][289.1] he schall never have hytt, nott for to have hyr gode konyth he [abydyth][289.2] hys soull hevy therof, for he is aferde that and if the large profors may be perfor[m]yd, that sche wyll have hym. My seyd cosyn preyith yow, att the reverens of Gode, that ye wyll do yowyr [devoir][289.3] therin to brec it and ye can. He schall be here ayen on Mychaell mas evyn. He was full sory that ye wer outt att this tyme, for he hopyd that ye schoulde have do myche goode att this tyme. He hathe seyde as myche ther ageyns as he dar do to have hyr gode modyrchep. My Lady of Southfolce sent j. letter to hyr yesterday by Stanle, the qwyche is callyd j. well cherysyd man with my seyd Lady, and desyiryng hyr in the letter that sche wolde owe hyr godde wyll and favor to Wyndham in that that he desyiryd of hyr, and of more matterys that ye schall here er after, for I suppose sche wyll schew yow the same letter and mak yow of hyr counsel in many thyngys, and I schall do my part as feythfully as I can to lett Wyndhamys porpose tyl ye come home. I pray yow sende me a copy of hys petygre, that I may schew to hyr how worchepphull it is, for in goode feythe sche is informyd bi hyr gentyll son Gros and Bokenham that he is mor worcheppfull in berthe and in lyvelode therto than they or ony odyr can preve, as I suppose. I pray yow lett nott thys mater be discuyryd tyl ye her more therof or after, for my cosyn Hevenyngham tolde myche here of in secret wyse, and of odyr thyngis qwyche ye schall have cnoulage of qwan ye come home, &c.

In hast, all in hast.

[Footnote 288.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] There is neither
signature nor address to this letter, but it is undoubtedly from
Margaret Paston to her husband. The handwriting is the same as
that of her other letters. The date seems to be after the death
of Sir John Heveningham in 1453, and is not likely to have been
a later year, as the Duchess of Suffolk’s influence must have
been diminished when the Duke of York came into power, though it
may possibly have been powerful again in 1456.]

[Footnote 288.2: John Wyndham, Esq. of Felbrigg.]

[Footnote 288.3: Alice, widow of William de la Pole, Duke of
Suffolk.]

[Footnote 288.4: John, son of Sir John Heveningham. --_See_ p.
227, Note 3.] [[_error for p. 285, n. 3 (Letter 227)_]]

[Footnote 289.1: Mutilated.]

[Footnote 289.2: Erased in MS. Apparently some further
correction should have been made.]

[Footnote 289.3: Omitted in MS. ‘Do your devoir,’ _i.e._
endeavour, seems to have been the phrase intended.]

230

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK’S PETITION[290.1]

[Sidenote: 1453]

My Lordes, ye know well ynough the grete peynes, labours, and diligences that before thys tyme y have doon, to th’entent that the over greete dishonneurs and losses that ben come to thys full noble royaume of England by the fals menes of som persones that have take on theym over grete autoritee in thys royaume shulde be knowen, and that the persones lyvyng that have doon theym shulde be corrected aftyr the merites of her desertes. And to that entent y have denounced and delyverd to you in wrytyng certeyn articles ayenst the Duc of Somerset, whych ys one of theym that ys gylty thereoff, whertoo the Duc of Somerset have aunsuerd; and to that that he hath aunsuerd y have replyed yn such wyse that y trowe to be sure ynough that there shall no vayllable thyng be seyd to the contrarie of my seyd replicacion, and asmoch as he woold sey shall be but falsnesse and lesyngs, as be the probacions that shall be made thereuppon shall mow appiere; how be it that to alle people of gode entendement, knowyng how justice owyth to be ministred, it ys full apparaunt that the denunciacions ayenst hym made ben sufficiently preved by the dedes that have folowed thereoff; whereuppon y have requyred to have ouverture of justice by yow, whych ye have not yhyt doon to me, whereoff y am so hevy that y may no lenger beere it, speciallie seth the mater by me pursued ys so worshipfull for all the royaume, and for you, and so greable to God, and to alle the subgettys of thys royaume, that it may be no gretter. And it ys such that for anye favour of lignage, ne for anye othyr cause there shulde be no dissimulacion, for doubt lest that othyr yn tyme comyng take example thereoff, and lest that the full noble vertue of justice, that of God ys so greetly recommaunded, be extinct or quenched by the fals oppinions of som, that for the grete bribes that the seyd Duc of Somerset hath promysed and yoven them, have turned theyr hertys from the wey of trouth and of justice; some seyeng that the cases by hym committed ben but cases of trespasse, and othyr takyng a colour to make an universell peas. Whereoff every man that ys trewe to the seyd Coroune auyth gretely to marveylle, that anye man wold sey that the losse of ij. so noble duchees as Normandie and Guyen, that ben well worth a greet royaume, comyng by successions of fadres and modres to the seyd Coroune, ys but trespasse; where as it hath be seen in manye royaumes and lordshyps that, for the losse of tounes and castells wythoute sege, the capitaynes that hav lost theym han be deede and beheded, and her godes lost; as in Fraunce one that lost Chyrborough; and also a knyght that fledd for dred of bataille shulde be byheded, soo that alle these thyngs may be founden in the lawes wryten, and also yn the boke cleped _L’arbre de Bataille_. Wherfor, for to abbregge my langage, y requyre you that forasmech as the more partie of the dedes committed by the seyd Duc of Somerset ben committed yn the royaume of Fraunce, that by the lawes of Fraunce processe be made thereuppon; and that all thyng that y have delyvered and shall delyvere be seen and understand by people havyng knoulige theroff, and that the dedes committed by hym in thys royaume bee yn lyke wyse seen and understand by people lerned yn the lawes of thys land; and for preffe thereoff to graunt commissions to inquere thereoff, as by reason and of custom it owyth to be doon, callyng God and you all my Lordes to wytnesse of the devoirs by me doon in thys seyd matere; and requyeyng you that thys my bille and alle othyr my devoirs may be enacted before you. And that y may have it exemplified undre the Kyngs grete seele for my discharge and acquytaille of my trouth, makyng protestacion that in case ye make not to me ouverture of justice upon the seyd caas, y shall for my discharge do my peyn that my seyd devoirs and the seyd lak of justice shall be knowen through all the royaume.

_Einsi signé_,

J. M. NORFF.

[Footnote 290.1: [From Fenn, iii. 108.] This paper is headed
‘Copia’ in the MS. It is entitled by Fenn, ‘The Speech of John
Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, against Edmund Beaufort, Duke of
Somerset, in the House of Lords.’ This title, however, is
clearly no part of the original document, which has much more
the character of a petition to the Privy Council than of a
speech in Parliament. The paper itself professes to be a ‘bill’
signed by its author, who demands that the conduct of the Duke
of Somerset in France and in England should be made the subject
of investigation by separate tribunals according to the laws of
either country. Now the House of Lords, being only a branch of
the English Legislature, would have had no right to authorise a
judicial investigation in France. The date of this petition must
have been in the end of the year 1453, after the loss of
Guienne. The Duke of Somerset appears to have been committed to
the Tower a little before Christmas in that year; for, after his
liberation on the 4th March 1455, he declared before the Council
that he had been confined there ‘one whole year, ten weeks, and
more.’ --_See_ Rymer, xi. 362.]

231

WILLIAM REYNOLDS, OF CROMER, TO AGNES PASTON[292.1]

_To my ryght reverent and wourchipfull mastras, my Mastras Paston, the modyr of my maister John Paston, be this delyvered._

Ryght reverent and wourchipful Mastras, with most humble and louly servyce in moste goodly wice I recomaund me to your contynuell supportacion. Please it your good grace to have notycion that I have late a place of yours in quiche John Rycheman dvellyd, for it stode at a grete dyspeyr and I have late it for xv_s._, but up your good grace, for the lockis of the dores arn pulled of and born a waye, and the wyndowes ben broken and gone and other bordys ben nayled on in the stede of the sayd wyndowes. Also, the swynysty ys doun, and all the tymbyr and the thatche born a way; also the hedge ys broken or born a wey, quiche closed the gardeyn; querthorgh the place ys evyl apeyred to the tenaunt. On Sent Marckes daye I entred the seid place and lete it to your be hove, and on the day after cam Henry Goneld and seyd my latyng schald not stond, and went and seled the dores; querfor I beseche your graciows favor that my latyng may stond, for I have late alle your londis everychone. I know not oon rode unlate, but alle ocupyed to your profyghte. The tenaunt quich by your lycens schuld have youre place to ferme by my latyng ys gretely be hated with oon Johane, the wyfe of Robert Iclyngham, chapman, quich ys voysed for amysse governyd woman of hyr body by the most parte of owr town wel recordyth the same, and sche dvellyth al by your seyd place; and by cause this seid tenaunt ys gretely ayens hir for hir ungoodly governaunce, therfor sche mad menys to one Abraham Whal, quiche ys one of hir supportores, and he hath spoke with the seyd Henry Gonelde that he myght seke a remedye to cause this seyd tenaunt to be a voydyd and kept oute your seid place and not come ther inne.

He that is bryngger of this bylle ys the man to quich I have late to ferme by the licens of you; therfore I beseche your gracaus favor to be schewed onto hym, and mekeli I beseche your contynuell supportacion that ye wuld send me wrytyng under your seele how I schal be demened. Nomor, &c. Wrytin at Crowmer the nest day after Sent Marc.--Be your servaunt at alle tymes,

WILLIAM REYNOLDES of Crowmer.

_The following memoranda are written on the back:--_

Firmale terræ ten’ Roperes in Crowmer Anno xxxjº.

In primis Gylmin (?) tenet ad firmam ij. acras ad terminum
---- [293.1] annorum et reddit per annum xx_d._

Item, Johannes Parnell tenet iij. rodas ad terminum xij. annorum et
reddit per annum xij_d._

Item, Willelmus Reynoldes pro iij. rodis in ij. peciis ad terminum
x. annorum et reddit per annum ix_d._

Item, Thomas tenet pars (_sic_) terræ et reddit per annum
ij_d._ _ob._

Item, Ricardus Child pro prato et j. inclausura vocata Longclos ad
terminum annorum et reddit per annum iij_s._ iiij_d._

Item, Rogerus Caryour pro j. orto per annum x_d._

[Footnote 292.1: [Add. MS. 34,889, f. 225.] This letter is shown
by the memoranda on the back to be of the year 1453, _i.e._ 31
Henry VI. Agnes Paston had tenants at Cromer, and her property
there descended to her grandchildren, as she outlived her son
John.]

[Footnote 293.1: Blank in MS.]

232

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.1]

[_To my_] _right trusty and welbeloved Jon Paston, Esquier._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

Right trusty and intierly welbelovyd, I grete you wele. Prayng you as I specially trust you that ye wole be good frend to James Arblaster in his mater touchyng the maner of Smalbergh, as I wote wele ye haf ever be to hym ryght especiall frend; and thogh it so be that the sayd James had gret trebles, losses, and adversite herbeforn, neverthelesse he shall not be so bare of frendys ner goodes but that I wole se hym holpyn with the mercy of God. In performmyng wherof the berer of this shal enforme you of myn inten and disposicion more largely than I wole put in wrytyng. And the Trinite have you in hys kepyng. Wretyn at Wefnow,[294.2] the vij. day of August.

ELIZABETH VER, Countes of Oxenford.

[Footnote 294.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] At the bottom of the
letter is a contemporary note which appears to show that it was
filed along with others of various dates before Michaelmas
1454:-- ‘Literæ de diversis annis ante Michaelem xxxiij.’ More
precise evidence of its date does not seem to be attainable.]

[Footnote 294.2: Wivenhoe, near Colchester, in Essex.]

233

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[294.3]

_To John Paston, Sqwyer, dwellyng in Norwich._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Ryght entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, and pray yow that ye woll be good frende un to Arblaster in suche matiers as he shal enfo[rme] yow, and I thanke yow for the good frendship that ye have shewed to hym. And I sent a letter to Margaret Gurnay byfore Cristemesse of certeyn langage that I herd, wich plesed me nowght, and so I prayed my Lord to gif me leve to wrytte to hir; and therfore and ye here any thyng, answere, as my trust is in yow. Right entierly welbeloved, the Holy Gost have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn in hast the first day of February.

OXENFORD, }
}
ELYZABETH DE VEER. }

[Footnote 294.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This and the letter
immediately following are inserted here merely on account of
their similarity to the last. Their dates are quite uncertain.]

234

THE COUNTESS OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[295.1]

_To my right, entierly welbeloved John Paston of Norwich, Squyer._

Right entierly welbeloved, I grete yow well, thankyng yow of the gret jentylnesse that ye have shewed un to my right welbeloved James Arblaster, prayng yow of contynuaunse; and if ther be any thyng that I may doo for yow or any of yowres, here or in any other place, I pray yow let me wete and I shall be redy to do it, with the grace of God, ho have yow in his kepyng. And I pray yow to be frendly unto my right welbeloved Agneys Arblaster, wich is to me gret plesier and hertes ease and ye so be. Wretyn at Wevenho the xiij^e day of Aprill.

OXENFORD.

ELYZABETH.

[Footnote 295.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 82.]]

235

NEWSLETTER OF JOHN STODELEY[295.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / JAN. 19]

As touchyng tythynges, please it you to wite that at the Princes[295.3] comyng to Wyndesore, the Duc of Buk’ toke hym in his armes and presented hym to the Kyng in godely wise, besechyng the Kyng to blisse hym; and the Kyng yave no maner answere. Natheless the Duk abode stille with the Prince by the Kyng; and whan he coude no maner answere have, the Queene come in, and toke the Prince in hir armes and presented hym in like forme as the Duke had done, desiryng that he shuld blisse it; but alle their labour was in veyne, for they departed thens without any answere or countenaunce savyng only that ones he loked on the Prince and caste doune his eyene ayen, without any more.

Item, the Cardinalle[296.1] hathe charged and commaunded alle his servauntz to be redy with bowe and arwes, swerd and bokeler, crossebowes, and alle other habillementes of werre, suche as thei kun medle with to awaite upon the saufgarde of his persone.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire[296.2] and the Lord Bonvile have done to be cryed at Taunton in Somerset shire, that every man that is likly and wole go with theym and serve theym, shalle have vj_d._ every day as long as he abidethe with theym.

Item, the Duk of Excestre[296.3] in his owne persone hathe ben at Tuxforthe beside Dancastre, in the north contree, and there the Lord Egremond[296.4] mette hym, and thei ij. ben sworne togider, and the Duke is come home agein.

Item, th’erle of Wiltshire, the Lord Beaumont, Ponynges, Clyfford, Egremond, and Bonvyle, maken all the puissance they kan and may to come hider with theym.

Item, Thorpe[296.5] of th’escheker articuleth fast ayenst the Duke of York, but what his articles ben it is yit unknowen.

Item, Tresham,[296.6] Josep,[296.7] Danyelle,[296.8] and Trevilian[296.9] have made a bille to the Lordes, desiryng to have a garisone kept at Wyndesore for the saufgarde of the Kyng and of the Prince, and that they may have money for wages of theym and other that shulle kepe the garyson.

Item, the Duc of Buk’ hathe do to be made M^{l}. M^{l}. [2000] bendes with knottes, to what entent men may construe as their wittes wole yeve theym.

Item, the Duke of Somersetes herbergeour hath taken up all the loggyng that may be goten nere the Toure, in Thamystrete, Martlane, Seint Katerines, Tourehille, and there aboute.

Item, the Queene hathe made a bille of five articles, desiryng those articles to be graunted; wherof the first is that she desireth to have the hole reule of this land; the second is that she may make the Chaunceller, the Tresorere, the Prive Seelle, and alle other officers of this land, with shireves and alle other officers that the Kyng shuld make; the third is, that she may yeve alle the bisshopriches of this land, and alle other benefices longyng to the Kynges yift; the iiij^th is that she may have suffisant lyvelode assigned hir for the Kyng and the Prince and hir self. But as for the v^th article, I kan nat yit knowe what it is.

Item, the Duke of York wole be at Londone justly on Fryday next comyng[297.1] at night, as his owne men tellen for certain, and he wole come with his houshold meynee, clenly beseen and likly men. And th’erle of Marche[297.2] cometh with hym, but he will have a nother feliship of gode men that shall be at Londone before hym . . . that he is come; and suche jakkes, salettes, and other herneys as his meyne shulle have, shalle come to Londone with hem, or before hem in cartes. The Erle of Salesbury[297.3] wille be at Lon[don] on Monday[297.4] or Tywesday next comyng with seven score knyghtes and squyers, beside other meynee. The Erles of Warwyk,[297.5] Richemond,[297.6] and Pembroke[298.1] comen with the Duke of Yorke, as it is seide, everych of theym with a godely feliship. And natheles th’erle of Warwyk wole have M^{l}. men awaityng on hym beside the feliship that cometh with hym, as ferre as I can knowe. And as Geffrey Poole seithe, the Kynges bretherne ben like to be arrested at their comyng to Londone, yf thei come. Wherfore it is thought by my Lordes[298.2] servauntz and welwillers here that my Lord, at his comyng hider, shalle come with a gode and clenly feliship, suche as is likly and accordyng to his estate to have aboute hym; and their harneys to come in cartes, as my Lord of Yorkes mennes harneys did the last terme, and shalle at this tyme also. And over that, that my Lord have a nother gode feliship to awaite on hym and to be here afore hym, or els sone after hym, in like wise as other Lordes of his blode wole have.

And for the more redynesse of suche feliship to be hade redy, that my Lord send sadde and wise messagers to his servauntz and tenauntz in Sussex and elswhere, that they be redy at London ayenst his comyng, to awaite on my Lord; but lete my Lord beware of writyng of lettres for theym, lest the lettres be delivered to the Cardynalle and Lordes, as one of my Lordes lettres was nowe late, for perill that myght falle, for that lettre hathe done moche harme and no gode.

And as for suche tydynges as ben contened in the lettre sent home by John Sumpterman, I can nat hiderto here the contrarie of any of theym, but that every man that is of th’opynion of the Duke of Somerset[298.3] makethe hym redy to be as stronge as he kan make hym. Wherfore it is necessarie that my Lord loke wele to hym self and kepe hym amonge his meyne, and departe nat from theym, for it is to drede lest busshementes shuld be leide for hym. And yf that happed, and my Lord came hiderward, as he hathe ben used for to come, he myght lightly be deceyved and betrapped, that God defende. And therfore lete my Lord make gode wacche and be sure.

The Duke of Somerset hathe espies goyng in every Lordes hous of this land; some gone as freres, som as shipmen taken on the sea, and som in other wise; whiche reporte unto hym all that thei kun see or here touchyng the seid Duke. And therfore make gode wacche, and beware of suche espies.

And as touchyng the privee scale and my Lordes seurtee, it is necessarie that my Lord be advertised that yf the Chaunceller,[299.1] or any other, make any question to my Lord of his comyng contrarie to the teneur of the seid privee seall, that my Lord by his grete wisdom make answere that he was credibly enformed that aswele the Duke of Somerset beyng prisoner, as other beyng at large, holdyng his opynyon ayenst the wele of the Kyng and of the land, made grete assemblees and gaderyngs of people, to mayntene th’opinion of the seid Duke of Somerset and to distrusse my Lord; and that the comyng of my Lord in suche forme as he shalle come is onely for the saufgarde of his owne persone, and to none other entent, as my Lord hym self can sey moche better than any that is here kan advertise hym.

Thise thinges aforseid ben espied and gadred by my Lord Chaun ,[299.2] John Leventhorpe, Laurence Leventhorpe, Maister Adam, William Medwe, Robert Alman, John Colvyle, Richard of Warderobe, and me, John Stodeley. And as sone as we kun knowe any more in substance we shull send home word. Writen at London, the xix. day of Janyvere.

* * *

The meire and merchauntz of London, and the mair and merchauntz of the staple of Caleys, were with the Chaunceller on Monday last passed[299.3] at Lamhithe, and compleyned on the Lord Bonvile for takyng of the shippes and godes of the Flemmynges and other of the Duke of Burgoynes Lordships, and the Chaunceller yeve theym none answere to their plesyng; wherfore the substaunce of theym with one voys cryed alowde, ‘Justice, justice, justice!’ wherof the Chaunceller was so dismayed that he coude ne myght no more sey to theym for fere.

[Footnote 295.2: [Egerton MS. 914, B.M.] There is no evidence
that this letter had anything to do with the Paston
correspondence, but as a very interesting political letter of
the period we have thought it right to give it a place in the
collection. The date is quite certain, being after the birth of
Prince Edward in October 1453, and before the death of Cardinal
Kemp in March 1454.]

[Footnote 295.3: Edward, only son of Henry VI., born 13th
October 1453.]

[Footnote 296.1: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 296.2: James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond.]

[Footnote 296.3: Henry Holland.]

[Footnote 296.4: Thomas Percy, third son of Henry, Earl of
Northumberland.]

[Footnote 296.5: Thomas Thorpe, one of the Barons of the
Exchequer, who was also Speaker of the House of Commons, but was
at this time imprisoned in the Fleet in consequence of an action
brought against him by the Duke of York.--(See _Rolls of Parl._
v. 239.)]

[Footnote 296.6: Thomas Tresham, who as ‘Sir Thomas Tresham,
Knight,’ was attainted under Edward IV. for fighting on the
Lancastrian side at Towton, but his attainder was afterwards
reversed in Parliament 7 and 8 Edw. IV., on the ground that he
was a household servant of Henry VI. and had been brought up in
his service from a child.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 616-617.]

[Footnote 296.7: William Joseph, who, with Thorpe, was
frequently accused by the Yorkists of misleading the
King.--_Rolls of Parl._ v. 280, 282, 332, 342.]

[Footnote 296.8: Thomas Daniel, Esq. --_See_ p. 255, Note 2.]

[Footnote 296.9: John Trevilian.]

[Footnote 297.1: 25th January.]

[Footnote 297.2: Afterwards Edward IV., the Duke of York’s
eldest son.]

[Footnote 297.3: Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, father of
Warwick the King-maker.]

[Footnote 297.4: 21st January.]

[Footnote 297.5: Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick, afterwards
known as ‘the King-maker.’]

[Footnote 297.6: Edmund Tudor, the King’s half-brother. He was
the father of King Henry VII.]

[Footnote 298.1: Jasper Tudor, brother of the Earl of Richmond,
and half-brother to the King.]

[Footnote 298.2: Probably the Duke of Norfolk.]

[Footnote 298.3: _See_ p. 255, Note 3.]

[Footnote 299.1: Cardinal Kemp was at this time
Chancellor. --_See_ p. 296, Note 1.]

[Footnote 299.2: So in MS.]

[Footnote 299.3: 14th January.]

236

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[300.1]

_To my right wurshipfull hosbond, John Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1454(?) / JAN. 29]

Right worshipfull hosbond, I recommawnd me to yow, praying yow to wete that I spak yistirday with my suster,[300.2] and she told me that she was sory that she myght not speke with yow or ye yede; and she desyrith if itt pleased yow, that ye shuld yeve the jantylman, that ye know of, seche langage as he myght fele by yow that ye wull be wele willyng to the mater that ye know of; for she told me that he hath seyd befor this tym that he conseyvid that ye have sett but lytil therby, wherefor she prayth yow that ye woll be here gode brother, and that ye myght have a full answer at this tym whedder it shall be ya or nay. For her moder hath seyd to her syth that ye redyn hens, that she hath no fantesy therinne, but that it shall com to a jape; and seyth to her that ther is gode crafte in dawbyng; and hath seche langage to her that she thynkyt right strange, and so that she is right wery therof, wherefor she desyrith the rather to have a full conclusyon therinne. She seyth her full trost is in yow, and as ye do therinne, she woll agre her therto.

Mayster Braklee[300.3] be her yisterday to have spoke with yow; I spak with hym, but he wold not tell me what his erond was.

It is seyd her that the cescions shall be at Thetford on Saterday next komyng, and ther shall be my Lord of Norffolk and other with grette pupill [_people_], as it is seyd.

Other tydyngs have we none yett. The blissefull Trynyte have yow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Norwyche, on the Tewysday next befor Candelmasse.

I pray yow that ye woll vowchesawf to remembr to purvey a thing for my nekke, and to do make my gyrdill.

Yowris,

M. P.

My cosyn Crane recommawndeth her to yow, and praytth yow to remembr her mater, &c., for she may not slepe on nyghtys for hym.

[Footnote 300.1: [From Fenn, iii. 170.] The request made at the
end of this letter that John Paston would procure his wife an
ornament for her neck, is noted by Fenn as one that she had made
in April 1452, and of which this was probably a repetition nine
months afterwards. There seems no better evidence of date to go
by, so we follow the same mode of inference; but as we have
placed the letter containing the first petition for the necklace
in 1453 instead of 1452, we must attribute this letter to the
year 1454.]

[Footnote 300.2: Elizabeth Paston.]

[Footnote 300.3: John Bracklee or Brackley was a brother of the
Convent of Grey Friars, or Friars Minors, in Norwich. He took a
Doctor of Divinity’s degree, and was a famous preacher.--F.]

237

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[301.1]

_Thys letter be delyverd to John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the Tempyll at London, in hast._

[Sidenote: About 1454]

I grete yow well, and lete yow wete that thys day I was with my doughtyr yor wyfe, and che was in good hele att the makyn of thys letter, thankyd be God! and sche lete yor sustyr and me wete of a letter wheche ye sent hyr, that ye have be laboryd to for Ser William Oldhall to have your sustyr, and desyryng in the seyd letter to have an answer in schort tyme, who [_how_] sche wyll be demenyd in thys mater.

Yor suster recomaundyt hyr to yow, and thankyt yow hertyly that ye wyll remembyr hyr, and lete hyr have knowleche ther of, and prayt yow that ye wyll do your dever to bryng it to a good conclusyon; for sche seythe to me that sche trystyt that ye wyll do so, that it xall be bothe for hyr worchup and profyt. And as for me, if ye can thynke that hys lond standyt cler, in as meche as I fele your sustyr well wyllyd ther to, I hold me well content.

And as for the oblygacyon of the persen of Marlynferthe, wheche I sent yow by John Newman, I pray yow lete it be suyd; and as for the Parson and Lyndesey, they be a cordyd. And God have yow in kepyn, and send yow hys blyssyn and myn. Wretyn at Norwyche on Pulver Wedenesday.[302.1]

Be yor moder,

AUGNES PASTON.

[Footnote 301.1: [From Fenn, iii. 188.] This letter refers to a
proposal for Paston’s sister which was probably in or a little
before 1454, as in a letter of the 15th July in that year Paston
states that several such offers had been under consideration.]

[Footnote 302.1: If in 1454, Ash-Wednesday was the 6th of
March.]

238

INGHAM’S PETITION[302.2]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Ful mekely bisecheth your humble liege man, Walter Ingham of youre schire of Norffolk, gentylman, that where the seide Walter was in Goddes pees and youres at Dunston in the seid shire the xj. daye of the monthe of January, the yere of youre rengne the xxxij., oone Thomas Denyes,[302.3] of ful grete malice, prepensed ungodely soore agaynste gode feithe and concience, imagynyng utterly to destroye youre seyde besecher, contryved a lettre in the name of my Lord of Oxenforde, he not knowyng of ony soch lettre comaundyng youre seide besecher to be with the seide Lorde at Wevenho, in your shire of Essex, the xiij. day of the seide monthe of January, for divers grete maters towchyng my seide Lorde. The seide Thomas, thenkyng in his conceite that youre seid besechere wolde in noo wyse disobeye the seide wrytyng, but that he wolde putte hym in his devoyre to fulfill my seide Lords desyre, layde dyvers folks arraied in maner of werre with jakkes, saletts, langedebiefs,[302.4] and boore speres in ij. busshements for youre seide besecher in ij. places, knowyng wele that youre seide besecher must come oone of thes ij. weyes for, tho [_there_] were no moo, to that intent that they [might] murdre your seide besecher be cause he had laboured for his fadir in a wryte _sub pena_ agaynst the seide Thomas Denys and Anneys his wyf for a notable somme of money that the seide Anneys shulde have payede to the fadir of your seide besecher; the seide Thomas comaundyng the seide mysdoers in any wyse whech of theym that mette first with youre seide besecher shulde sle hym, and they shol be nota[b]ly rewardet for ther laboure, and the seide Thomas shulde kepe and save theyme harmeles. Bicause of whech comaundement oone of the seide busshements mette with the forsaide besechere the xij. day of the seide month, as he came toward my seide Lorde of Oxenforde acordyng to his lettre at Dunstone afore seide, and hym than and there grevosly bette and woundet, aswell upon his hede as uppon his leggs, and other ful grevous strokes and many gaf hym upon his bakke, so that youre seide besecher is mahaymed upon his ryght legg, and feyne to goo on crucches, and so must do al dayes of his lif to his utter undoyng; notwithstandyng the seide mysdoers and riotous peple in this conceite [lef]te youre seide besecher for dede. Uppon the whech ryot it was complayned to my Lord Chauncelere[303.1] by the frends of yowre besecher, desyryng of hym by ca[use of th]e grete ryote doone by the seide Thomas, and also for the sauf garde of youre seyde besechere, that oone of your serjantes of armes myght be comaundement [go][303.2] and areste the seide Thomas to appere before you in your Chauncerie for the seide ryot, because the seide Thomas was at that tyme at London; bi force of [whech com]aundement oone of youre serjants of armes went to Lyncolne Inne to arreste the sayde Thomas. The whech areste the seide Thomas utterly diso[beyed in] grete contempte of your highnesse; nevertheles he is now in the warde of the Wardeyne of the Flete by the comaundement of my Lorde Chaunceler. [Wher]fore plese it your highnes of youre most noble and habundante grace, by the assente of your Lordes Spirituel and Temporel, and of your Comons in this your present Par[lement assem]bled, and by auctorite of the same, to ordeyne and estabelessche that the seide Thomas Denys may abide in the seide prisone of the Flete, and not to be [admitted to bayl] nor meynprise in noo wyse in to soch tyme that the seide Thomas have answered to soch accion or accions as youre seide besecher schal take agaynst hym for the seide mahayme and betyng, and also unto soch tyme as the same accions ben folly discussed and determyned bi twene your seide besecher and the seide Thomas Denys, consideryng that if the same Thomas scholde go at large, he wolde never answere your seide besecher but hym delay by protecions and other weies, so that the same besecher schulde never be content nor agreed, for the exhorbitant offence done to hym; and also un to the tyme the seide Thomas fynde sofficient suerte of his gode beryng fro this tyme forthe. And he shal pray to God for youre moste noble astate.

[Footnote 302.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This is a petition to
the King in Parliament which, supported by the influence of
Cardinal Kemp, appears to have met with a favourable hearing
from the House of Lords. The date will appear by the letter
following.]

[Footnote 302.3: _See_ Nos. 123 and 124.]

[Footnote 302.4: The _langue-de-bœuf_ was a kind of glaive with
a double edge half down the blade.]

[Footnote 303.1: John Kemp, Archbishop of Canterbury and
Cardinal.]

[Footnote 303.2: Mutilated.]

239

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[304.1]

_To my right wurshipfull maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 20]

Right wurshipfull and myn especiall good maister, I recomaund me to you with all service and prayer to my power. And like it you to wete that how be a full straunge acte is passid agayn me in the Higher House before the Lords, wherof I send you a copie. Neverthelesse I hope to God that it shal not passe in the Comon House; but me is be falle the most sorwfull infortune that ever por man had, standyng in suych case as I do, for my Lordis the Cardenale and of Oxenford haf imprisoned my wif in the countour, and how thei shal guyde hir forth, God knoweth. Which standith to nygh myn hert, if Godds will were; but wel I know that by thes vengeable malics don to hir and me thei wole [not?] be content, for Ingham lithe beside that to take awey my wyves doughter out of Westminster to make an end of my wif if he can, and also to arest my servauntz, that I drede that she nor I shal haf no creature to attend us ne help us; and suych malice haf I never herd of herbeforne. And it is told me that beside that thei wole dispoil, if any good thei can fynde of myn in Norwich or Norffolk, and imprisone my servauntz there. Wherfore I lowly beseche your maistership, for our Lords mercy, that ye vouchsauff to socour theym in this necessite; and if ony entree be made or shuld be made upon myn wifes place in Norwich, that ye vouchsauff to socour my servauntz, and do ther inne after your wisdam for Crists love and seynt charite.

Beside this, a frend and kynnesman of myn, oon Robert Clement of Betele, hath writen to me that he is arestid, and like to be imprisoned bi a writte of dette, take agayn hym upon an obligacion of C_li._ [£100] in which he and I and other wer bounde to my Lorde of Oxenford xiiij. yeer agone, wherof I haf many acquitaunces. Wherfore I pray your good maistership to send to the Shirreve that my said kynnesman may ben easid, and no retourne made ageyn hym, but that he may answer the next tyme bi attourney; for truly that writte was take oute in the end of the terme aftir I was arestid, and aftir it was aperid to.

I pray your maistership, for Godds sake, to be not displesid, ne wery to do for me in these materes of your charite, for I had lever gif the said Robert suych good, litell if it be, as I haf, than he wer undone for me, or ony man ellis that ever ded for me. And I hope, if God vouchsaf that the mater may come to reson, to sauf hym harmles, and all other with Godds mercy, ever prayng you of your maistership and socour for Godds love, who ever kepe for his mercy.

Wretyn in Flete, the Wednesday the second weke of Lent.

Mor over, in augmentyng of my sorwe, I wend my wif shuld a dyed sith, for aftir she was arestid she laboured of hir child, that she is with all, waityng either to dye or be delyvered, and she hath not gon viij. weks quykke. What shal be falle Almighti God knoweth, and shull dispose mercifully.

Aftirward my wif was sum dele easid bi the labour of the Wardeyn of Flete, for the cursed Cardenale had sent hir to Newgate. God forgif his sowle. Now she is take to baile til Tuesday. The Cardenale is dede, and the Kyng is relevid.[306.1]

[Footnote 304.1: [From Fenn, iii. 174.] This letter is without a
signature, and the writer was unknown to Fenn; but a comparison
with the letter which follows (now printed for the first time)
leaves no doubt that it was written by Thomas Denyes, whom we
have already met with as a dependant of the Earl of Oxford
(_see_ Letters 123, 124, and 132). The date is fixed by the
reference to the death of Cardinal Kemp in the postscript.]

[Footnote 306.1: This last sentence must have been added a few
days after the date of the letter, for Cardinal Kemp died on the
22nd of March 1454. Wednesday in the second week of Lent was the
20th March.]

240

JOHN PASTON TO [THE EARL OF OXFORD][306.2]

[Sidenote: 1454 / MARCH 31]

Right wurchepfull and my right especiall Lord, I recomaund me to your gode Lordshep, besechyng your Lordshep that ye take not to displesauns thow I write you, as I here say that Agnes Denyes, be the meanes of your Lordshep and of my Lord the Cardynall,[306.3] hos sowle God assoyle and forgeve, was set in preson, beyng with child--which, and the sorough and shame there of, was nygh her deth--and yet dayly is vexed and trobled, and her servauntes in like wyse, to the uttermest distruccion of her person and godes. In which, my Lord, at the reverens of God, remembre sche was maried be you and be my meanes, be your comaundement and writyng, and draw therto full sore ageyn her entent in the begynnynge; and was worth v.^c. [500] marc and better, and shuld have had a gentilman of this contre of an C. marc of lond and wele born, ne had be your gode Lordshep and writyng to her and me. And this considered in your wise discrecion, I trost, my Lord, thow her prisonyng were of oderes labore, ye wuld helpe her; and if she be destroyd be this mariage, my conscyens thynketh I am bownd to recompense her after my pore and sympill power. My Lord, ye know I had litill cause to do for Thomas Denyes, savyng only for your gode Lordshep. Also, my Lord, I know wele that Water Ingham was bete, the mater hangyng in myn award, right fowle and shamefully; and also how the seid Thomas Denyes hath, this last terme, ageyn your nobill estat, right unwysely demened hym to his shame and grettest rebuke that ever he had in his lyve. Where fore it is right wele do his person be ponysshed as it pleaseth you. But this not withstondyng for Godds love, my Lord, remembre how the gentilwoman is accombred only for yowr sake, and help her; and if aught lyth in my power to do that that myght please yowr Lordshep, or cowde fynde any way for Water Ingham avayll and wurchep, I wull do it to my power; and the rather if your Lordshep support the jentilwoman, for I know the mater and that longe plee is litill avayll, and every thyng must have an ende. I have told my brother Mathew Drury more to enforme yowre Lordshep than I may have leyser to write for his hasty departyng. Right wurchepfull and my right especiall Lord, I besech All myghty God send you asmych joy and wurchep as ever had any of my Lords yowr aunceters, and kepe you and all yowres. Wretyn at Norwich the iiij. Sonday of Lent.

Yowre servaunte to his powr,

JOHN PASTON.

[Footnote 306.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter was so
manifestly written on the receipt of the last, that there can be
no question about the date. It bears no address upon the back,
so that it is probably only a copy, or, if an original, it
certainly was not sent; but the person for whom it was intended
was evidently the Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 306.3: Cardinal Kemp.]

241

INFORMATION AGAINST ROBERT LEDHAM[307.1]

[Sidenote: 1454]

Thees be the persons that enformyd the Justicez of the Kyngis Benche the last terme of suche ryottis as hath be done be Robert Ledham: The Lord Skales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir John Chalers, Edmond Clere, Water George, John Alyngton, Gilbert Debenham, John Denston, William Whit, William Alyngton, Reynald Rows, John Berney, Richard Suthwell, John Paston, John Henyngham, Raff Shelton, Henry Grey.

These be the names of the knyghtes and esquyers that endittyd Robert Ledham:--Thomas Todenham, knyght, Andrew Ogard, knyght, John Henygham, knyght, William Calthorp, esquyer, Bryan Stapelton, esquyer, Osbert Mondford, esquyer, John Groos, esquyer, William Rokwod, esquyer, Thomas Morle, esquyer, Thomas Scholdham, esquyer, John Wyndham, esquyer, John Berney, esquyer, William Narbow, esquyer, John Chippysby, esquyer, William White, esquyer, John Bryston, esquyer, John Paston, esquyer.

These be dyvers of the ryottis and offensis done in the hundred of Blofeld in the counte of Norffolk, and in other townys be Robert Lethum, otherwyse callyd Robert Ledham of Wytton, be Blofeld in the counte of Norffolk, and by his ryottys men and by other of his affinitez and knowleche, whos names folowyn, and that they contynually folow and resorte unto his hous, and ther be supported and maynteynet and confortid.