Chapter M: Paston (3)

And ye myght gete leve of owr Soverayn Lord the Kyng to com hydder, hyt schall turne yow to grete wurschup and profett, to helpe make owr a poyntement in the Kyngs name, for ye sawe never suche a syght of schyppys take in to Englond this c. wynter; for we ly armyd nyght and day to kepe them, in to the tyme that we have tydengs of our Soverayn and hys counsell. For truly they have do harme to me, and to my feleschyp, and to yowr schyppys more [than] ij. m^l. li.[105.3] worth harme; and therfor I am avesyd, and all my feleschyp, to droune them and slee them, withoute that we hafe tydyngs from owr Soverayn the Kyng and hys counsell. And therfor, in the reverens of God, come ye yowr self, and ye schall have a grete avayle and wurschup of yowr comyng to see a suche syght, for I der well sey that I have her at this tyme all the cheff schyppys of Duchelond, Holond, Selond, and Flaundrys, and now hyt wer tyme for to trete for a fynell pese as for that partyes.

I writ no more to yow at this tyme, but All myghty Jesus have yow in hys kepyng. I writ in hast, within Wyght, on Soneday at nyght after the Ascencion of owr Lord.

By yowr owne Servant,

ROBT. WENYNGTON.

[Footnote 103.2: [From Fenn, i. 208.] On the 3rd April 1449
royal letters were issued in favour of Robert Wynnyngtone of
Devonshire, who was bound by indenture to do the King service on
the sea ‘for the cleansing of the same, and rebuking of the
robbers and pirates thereof, which daily do all the noisance
they can.’ --Stevenson’s _Letters and Papers illustrative of the
Wars of the English in France_, i. 489.]

[Footnote 105.1: _See_ p. 101, Note 3.]

[Footnote 105.2: John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 105.3: Fenn says the reading of the original is
indistinct, and he could not determine whether £2000 or £3000
was meant.]

91

WILLIAM PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[106.1]

_To myn most reverent and [w]urchepful broder, Jon Paston._

[Sidenote: About 1449]

To myn most reverent and wurchepful brodur, I recummend me hartely to zow, desiryng speciali to hare of zowre wellefare and prosperite, qweche Almyty God contenu to zowre gosteli hele and bodili welfare. And if it plase zowre goode broderod to here of myn wellefare, at the makyng of this bylle I was in good hele. And if it leke zowre good broderod to remembre the letter that I sent to zow of the noyse that was telde of zow, that ze schuld a be on of the capetayns of the ryserse in Norfolk, and how that j. scholere of Cambryg, qweche is parsone of Welle, schuld an utteryd ferthere to zowr grete schalndyr [_slander_]; besechyng zow to undyrstond that the seyde parsone of Welle was sone [after?][106.2] that tyme at Lundon, were he harde sey of j. swyr of ij. c. marc be zere [_of one squire of 200 marks by year_] that ze and Master Thomas Wellys wolde sewe the seyd Parsone Welle for zowre schalndyr; and the seyde parsone come to Cambryg sothyn, and hathe pekyd a qwarell to on Mastyr Recheforthe, a knythys sone of Norforfolke,[106.3] and seyd to Rychechefor[106.3] that he had because that ze schuld sewe hym; and the seyd Parsone Welle thretyd Rycheferthe that wat some ever that ze causyd Parson Welle to lese be zowre sewtes, that Rycheferthe schul lese the same to the Parson of Welle. Werefor this jeltylmon Rycheforthe taketh grete thowt, and pray me to wrythe to zow that ze wulde sese zowre suthe tylle the tyme that ze wulde asyne that I mythe speke wythe zow, and odyr sundry have speke with zow of the same mater; for yt ware pithe that Rycheforthe chuld have ony hurthe thereby. I beseche zow holde me excusyd, thow I wryt no better to zow at thys tyme, for in good feyth I had no leysere. The brynggar of thys letter can telle zow the same. God have zow in hys kepyng. Wretyn at Cambryg, on Fryday [sa]nyth[107.1] nexste before Mydsommer Evyn.

In case ze come ba come [_back home?_] be Cambryg, I schal telle zow mo of it. I am sory I may wrythe no bettyr at this tyme, but I trust ze wylle [have] paciens.

Be zowre pore Broder,

W. PASTON.

[Footnote 106.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] As it appears from
Margaret Paston’s letter of the 2nd April 1449 that William
Paston was a student at Cambridge in that year, the date of this
must be about the same period.]

[Footnote 106.2: Word omitted.]

[Footnote 106.3: So in MS.]

[Footnote 107.1: This is written ‘sanyth’ but there is a stroke
through the _a_, which was perhaps intended to have been carried
through the _s_ also.]

92

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN PASTON[107.2]

_To the Worshypful Sir, and my ryght well beloved cosen, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / JULY 10]

Worshypfull and ryghte welbelovyd cosyn, I comaund me to you. Please you to here that the Pryore and Convent of Norwyche have wythhalden certeyn rent for landes that they halden of me wythinne my maner of Haylysdon, and the ij. tapers of wax of ij. lbs. wyght, by the space of xviij. yere, that mountyth xxj_s._[107.3] valued in money. And the lordes of the seyd maner beyng before me, and y yn my tyme, have been seised and possessed of the seyd rent. Prayng you to speke wyth the Pryore, or comaundyng me unto hym. And that ye lyke to move hym to make me payment as his dewtee ys, so as y have no cause to gowe further, and to do as justice requyreth. He hahyth xxx. acres lande or more by the seyd rent, and whyht ought to pay me othyr rent more by myn evidense. More over y pray you, cosen, that I may speke with you or [_before_] y ryde, and that on Thursday by the ferthest; and then y shall tell you tydyngs off the Parlement, and that ye fayle not, as my trust ys yn you. I pray God have you in Hys guidance.

Wreten at Castor, the x. day off Julie 1449[108.1].

Your Cosen,

JOHN FASTOLFE.

[Footnote 107.2: [From Palmer’s _Foundacion and Antiquitye of
Great Yermouthe_, p. 61.]]

[Footnote 107.3: ‘xxj.o,’ as printed by Palmer, but the ‘o’ no
doubt should be ‘_s._’]

[Footnote 108.1: So the date is given in the book from which
this letter is copied, but the year is certainly wrong, as the
writer did not go to reside at Caister till 1454. The date
indeed would have been suspicious apart from this, as the mode
of dating is quite unusual in these letters. Probably in the
original MS. (which the Editor has not seen) ‘1449’ was inserted
after ‘Julie’ in a later hand.]

93

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[108.2]

_To John Paston be this letter delyveryd._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Soon, I grete zow wel with Goddis blyssyng and myn, and I latte zow wette that my cosyn Cler[108.3] wrytted to me that sche spake with Schrowpe[108.4] after that he had byen with me at Norwyche, and tolde her what cher that I had made hym, and he seyde to her he lyked wel by the cher I made hym.

He had swyche wordys to my cosyn Cler that lesse than ze made hym good cher, and zaf hym wordys of conforth at London, he wolde no mor speke of the matyr.

My cosyn Cler thynkyth that it were a foly to forsake hym lesse than ze knew of on owdyr as good or better; and I have assayde zowr suster,[108.5] and I fonde her never so wylly to noon as sche is to hym, zyf it be so that his londe stande cleer.

I sent zow a letter by Brawnton for sylke, and for this matyr befor my cosyn Cler wrote to me, the qwyche was wrytten on the Wednysday nexzt aftyr Mydsomer day.

Sir Harry Ynglows is ryzth besy a bowt Schrowpe for one of his dozthers.

I prey zow, for zette nozth to brynge me my mony fro Horwelbery, as ze com fro London, edyr all or a grete parte. The dew dette was at Crystemesse last paste, no thynge a lowyd, vij_li._ xiiij_s._ viij_d._, and at this Mydsomer it is v_li._ more; and thow I a low hym all his askyng, it is but xxvj_s._ vj_d._ less, but I am nozth so avysyth zytt. As for the Frer,[109.1] he hath byen at Sent Benetts, and at Norwyche, and made grete bowste of the sewte that he hath azens me, and bowzthe many boxes, to what intent I wett never. It is wel doen to be war at London, in drede gyf he bryng ony syse at Sent Margarets tyme.

I kan no more, but Almyzty God be owr good lorde, who have zow ever in kepyng. Wryten at Oxnede in grete hast, on the Satyr next aftyr Mydsomer.

By yowr Modyr,

A. P.

[Footnote 108.2: [From Fenn, iii. 202.] This letter is dated by
Fenn 1454, with some others relating to matches proposed for
Elizabeth Paston; but the date of this cannot be later than
1451, as Sir Harry Inglos died that year. Moreover, it cannot be
either 1451 or 1450, as ‘the Saturday next after Midsummer’ when
this letter is dated, preceded ‘the Wednesday next after
Midsummer day’ in both these years. Thus 1449 is the latest
possible date.]

[Footnote 108.3: Elizabeth, widow of Robert Clere of Ormesby,
Esq.]

[Footnote 108.4: Stephen Scrope, a son of Sir John Fastolf’s
wife by a former husband.]

[Footnote 108.5: Elizabeth Paston.]

[Footnote 109.1: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46, 50, and 63.]

94

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON[109.2]

_To my Cosyn, John Paston, be thys letter delivered._

[Sidenote: Not after 1449]

Trusty and weel be loved cosyn, I comaunde me to zow, desyryng to here of zowre weelfare and good spede in zowre matere, the qwech I prey God send zow to his plesaunce and to zoure hertys ease.

Cosyn, I lete zow wete that Scrope[109.3] hath be in this cuntre to se my cosyn zoure sustyr, and he hath spoken with my cosyn zoure moder, and sche desyreth of hym that he schuld schewe zow the endentures mad be twen the knyght that hath his dowter and hym, whethir that Skrop, if he were maried and fortuned to have children, if tho children schuld enheryte his lond, or his dowter, the wheche is maried.

Cosyn, for this cause take gode hede to his endentures, for he is glad to schewe zow hem, or whom ze wol a sygne with zow; and he seith to me he is the last in the tayle of his lyflode, the qweche is CCCL. marke and better, as Watkyn Shipdam seith, for he hath take a compt of his liflode dyvers tymes; and Scrop seith to me if he be maried, and have a sone an eyre, his dowter that is maried schal have of his liflode L. marke and no more; and therfore, cosyn, me semeth he were good for my cosyn zowre sustyr, with[out] that ye myght gete her a bettyr. And if ze can gete a better, I wold avyse zow to labour it in as schort tyme as ze may goodly, for sche was never in so gret sorow as sche is now a dayes, for sche may not speke with no man, ho so ever come, ne not may se ne speke with my man, ne with servauntes of hir moderys but that sche bereth hire an hand[110.1] otherwyse than she menyth. And sche hath sen Esterne the most part be betyn onys in the weke or twyes, and som tyme twyes on o day, and hir hed broken in to or thre places. Wherfor, cosyn, sche hath sent to me by Frere Newton in gret counsell, and preyeth me that I wold send to zow a letter of hir hevynes, and prey yow to be hir good brothyr, as hir trost is in zow; and sche seith, if ze may se be his evydences that his childern and hire may enheryten, and sche to have resonable joynture, sche hath herd so mech of his birth and his condicions, that and ze will sche will have hym, whethyr that hir moder wil or wil not, not withstandyng it is tolde hir his persone is symple, for sche seyth men shull have the more deyute of hire if sche rewle hire to hym as sche awte to do.

Cosyn, it is told me ther is a goodly man in yowre Inne, of the qweche the fadyr deyed litte, and if ze thynk that he were better for hir than Scroop, it wold be laboured, and yif Scroop a goodly answere that he be not put of tyl ze be sure of a bettyr; for he seid whan he was with me, but if [_i.e._ unless] he have som counfortable answer of zow, he wil no more laboure in this mater, be cause he myght not se my cosyn zoure sustyr, and he seyth he myght a see hire and sche had be bettyr than she is; and that causeth hym to demyr that hir moder was not weel willyng, and so have I sent my cosyn zowre moder word. Wherfore, cosyn, thynk on this mateer, for sorow oftyn tyme causeth women to be set hem otherwyse than thei schuld do, and if sche where in that case, I wot weel ze wold be sory. Cosyn, I prey zow brenne this letter, that zoure men ne non other man se it; for and my cosyn zowre moder knew that I had sent yow this letter, sche shuld never love me. No more I wrighte to zow at this tyme, but Holy Gost have zow in kepyng. Wretyn in hast, on Seynt Peterys day,[111.1] be candel lyght.

Be youre Cosyn,

ELIZABETH CLERE.

[Footnote 109.2: [From Fenn, iii. 204.] This letter appears from
the contents to be of the same year as the preceding.]

[Footnote 109.3: Stephen Scrope. --_See_ p. 108, Note 4.]

[Footnote 110.1: To bear one on hand, means to assert or
insinuate something to a person.]

[Footnote 111.1: June 29.]

95

JOHN DAMME TO JOHN PASTON[111.2]

_To my ryght worshepfull master John Paston at London in the Inner Temple._

[Sidenote: 1449 / NOV. 30]

Plese it your good maistershep to knowe that my maisteresse your wyff recomaundeth here to yow and fareth well, blyssed be God, and all your menye faren well also and recomaunde hem to yaw, &c. I was with my lord of Oxenford and dede myn erand, and I found his good lordshep well disposed towardys yow, for he seid if he were sent to for to come to, &c., if it kepe faire weder he wold not tarye, and if it reygned he wold not spare. More over I spak with Pertrych as touchyng the letter sent to my lord Moleyns; he seyth that he was privy to the wrytyng and wele a vowe it by record of xx. persons, but he wold name to me no persone; and so he and I accorded not fully. And I bad hym remembre hym that he myght not abyde there if ye wold have hym owt. And he seid he knewe well that. But he seid, if ye put heem out, ye shuld be put owt sone after a geyn. And I seyd if it happe it so thei shuld not longer reste there. And Mariot stod by and seyd that were no merveyll whill thei were but ij. men, but it shuld not be best so. And I seyd that I lete them wete it shuld be so if ye wold, thow they made all the strenght which they coude make. And ther to Mariot seyd stately, that myght not be performed; and more langage ther was, to long to wryte at this leyser. Pertrych and his felaw bere gret visage and kepe gret junkeryes and dyneres, and seyn that my lord Moleynes hath wrytyn pleynly to hem that he is lord there and well be, and shall be, and ye not to have it; but I trust to Goddes ryghtwysenes of better purvyaunce. Lyke it yow to remembre what Heydon doth and mayde by colour of justice of the pees, beyng of my lordes councell and not your good frend nor weell wyller, and to comon with your sad councell what ye must suffre by the lawe, and where inne ye may resiste. On Sunday last passed Gunore and Mariot and John Davy and other dyned with Pertrych, &c.; and after eveson [_evensong_] Gonore spake to my maisteresse that she shuld make here men to leue here wyfeles and here jackes; and she answered that thei purposed to hurte no man of here owyn sykyng; but for it was seid that she shuld be plukkyd owt of here howse, she were loth to suffre that; and therfore she sayde thei shuld goo soo til ye come hom. And he seid stately, but if thei left here aray it shuld be plukked from them. I trust he must have a better warant, from his stately langage, or ells he shall not have it from hem esily. All this I remitte to your good remembraunce with Goddes help, to Whom I pray to gyde your ryght to his worshep and your hertes desire.

Wrytyn at Sustede on Seynt Andrewe day, &c.

Yowres,

J. DAMME.

Were but well, as me semyth, that ye myght ordeygne now a fetys jacke defensable for your self, for there con they do best and best chep, &c.

[Footnote 111.2: [Add. 34,888, f. 32.] This letter was evidently
written in 1449, after John Paston had re-entered Gresham, and
his wife was keeping it for him. See No. 88.]

96

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON][113.1]

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / OCT. 16]

‘The King is now into the Marches of Wales, as it is said, to the intent he may be near the country if my Lord of Buckingham, which is commissioner now in Wales for divers offences done there to the Crown, would sue to have his commission to be enlarged, if he were repyned.’ It is not known when the King will be in London again, but he is expected here at the beginning of the Parliament. I have your writs of error, but can see nothing wrong. Thos. Denys asked me why you did not follow his suggestion about the removing of the strength at Gresham, and thinks it should be done yet. Francis Costard is not yet well at ease, for his _venire facias_ between Will. Prentys and him and Hen. Halman comes in very inopportunely. You had better come hither as soon as possible and get the favor of the sheriff that shall be next year.

London, 16 Oct.

[Footnote 113.1: This abstract was made from one of the Roydon
Hall MSS. shown to the Editor in 1875. Since that date he has
not seen the original.]

97

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO JOHN FASTOLF AND JOHN KIRTELING[113.2]

_To my ryght tristy and welbelovede Cosin and Frende, John Fastolf, and Sir John Kirtelinge, Parson of Arkesay._

[Sidenote: 1449 / OCT. 31]

Trusty and welbeloved frendz, y grete yow wel. And for as moche as y have appointed with my sone, Stephen Scrope, lyke as y sende yow the appointement writen hereafter in this letter, the whiche appointement y woll ye fulfylle be the avys of my counsel in that at longeth to my party, like as hit ys writen.

Thys ys the appointement made be twene Sir John Fastolf, Knight, and Stephen Scrope, Squier, in the maner as here after hit ys writen:--

Fyrst, for as moche as the mariage of the saide Stephen Scrope was solde[114.1] to Sir William Gascoyng, the Chefe Justice of Englonde, for v^c. [500] marke, with the whiche mariage was deliverd in hande to the sayde Gascoyng the maner of Wyghton on the Wolde, in Yorke schyre, with the apertenance of the saide maner; and whan the sayde Gascoyng hade hym, he wolde have solde hym agayn, or maried the saide Stephen Scrope ther [_where_] he schulde have byn despareiged: wherefore, at the request of the sayde Scrope and hys frendes, the saide Fastolf boght the ma[ri]age of the saide Scrope of the saide Sir William Gascoyng for v^c. marke, wherby the saide Fastolf hath mariage of the saide Stephen Scrope, or elles to have the saide somme of v^c. marke that he payde for hym, like as hit ys above sayde.

Item, for as moche as the sayde Stephen Scrope ys comyn to the saide Fastolf, sayinge that he hath fownde wey to be maried at his lyst, and also for his worschippe and profyt, so that the saide Fastolf woll consent therto, that ys to say, to Fauconeris doughter of London, that Sir Reynalde Cobham[114.2] had weddid.

Item, for as hit ys the saide Fastolf ys wille to forther and helpe the saide Scrope in any wize ther he may be fortherede, the sayde Fastolf consenteth that the sayde Scrope marie hym to the Fauconeris doughter, with that that the sayde Fauconer gyf to the sayde Fastolf the saide somme of v^c. marke, the whiche he payde for the saide Scrope.

Item, yf that the sayde Stephen Scrope pay or do pay the somme afore sayde of v^c. marke sterling, than the sayde Sir John Fastolf and Dame Mylicent,[114.3] his wyf, schall make astate of the said maner of Wyghton on the Wolde in Yorke schyre, with the apertenaunce of the sayde maner, to the saide Stephen Scrope and to the woman, the whiche schalbe his wyf, and to here eyres of here bodyes begete be twix hem two.

Item, yef the sayde Stephen dye with oute eyre of his body begeten, than the sayde maner of Wyghton, after the descece of the saide hys wyf, schall retourne agayne to the sayde Fastolf and Dame Mylicent, his wyf, and to the eyres of the sayde Mylicent.

Item, yf so be that the sayde Fauconer wilnot pay the sayde somme of v^c. marke, bot peraventure wolde gyf a lesse somme, then the sayde Fastolf wyl deliver to the mariage of the saide Scrope certayn londe, havynge rewarde to the somme that the sayde Fauconer wil gyf, havyng rewarde to the afferrant of xl. pounde worthe land and v^c. mark of golde.

Item, if that the sayde Fauconer wilnot gyf no somme of golde for the sayde mariage, the sayde Fastolf wyl take the mariage of the childe that ys eyre to the forsaide Sir Reynolde Cobham, and that the sayde Scrope forto conferme the estat hys moder has made to the saide Fastolf, yf so be that the consel of the saide Fastolf se by thaire avys that hit be for to do, and that the said mariage may be [as] moche worth to the said Fastolf as v^c. mark.

Item, ze sende me be Raufm[an an] answare o[f] the letters that y sende yow, that I may have ve[ray] knolage how that hit standys with me ther in al maner of thynges, and that I [h]ave an answare of every article that y wrote to yow.

Item, for as moche as that I am bonden for my Lord Scales[115.1] to my Lord Cardnale[115.2] in v^c. mark, the qu[ech] somme he kan not fynd no way to pay hit, on lese then that he sel a parcel of his land; quer fore he sendis ower a man of his called Pessemerche, with whom I wil that ze spek, and se be zore avis whech of the places of my said Lord Scales that standis most cler to be solde; and if the place that is beside W[a]lsyngham stand cler, I have hit lever then the tother; and therfore I pray [z]ow that ze make apointement with the said Pesemerche in the best wise that ze may, athir of the ton place or the tother, and or ze let take hit after xx. zere, havyn[g] rewarde to the verray val[u] therof, and as ze don send me worde be the next massager.

Item, my Lord of Hungerford[116.1] has writen to me for to have the warde of Robert Monpyns[on]is sone, wher of I am agreed that he schal [have] hit like as I has wretyn to hym in a letter, of the whech I send zow a cope closed here in: wher fore I pray zow to enquere of the verray valu of the land that Monpynson haldis of me, and sendis me word in hast; for my said Lord Hungerford sais in his letter that hit is worth bot xl_s._ a zere aboufe the rentis, as ze may se the letter that he sent me, the q[uec]h I send zow be my son Scrope. And I pray zow to demene zow to my said Lord as eesely as ze may in this mater and al other that I have to do with hym, as ze may se be the cope aforesaid. And or (_sic_) have zow in his kepyng. Wretyn at Roan (?)[116.2] the last day of October.

J. FASTOLFE.

_Endorsed_ Appunctuamentum factum pro Stephano Scroope anno xxviijº
Regis H. vj. ad maritandum.

[Footnote 113.2: [From the Castlecombe MSS. in the B.M., Add.
MS. 28,212, No. 21.] According to the endorsement, this letter
should have been written in the year 1449; but the reader will
see by the footnotes that there are grounds for doubting the
accuracy of this date.]

[Footnote 114.1: The marriage of wards in those days used to be
sold to men of property, who would compel them to marry their
own sons or daughters, or whatever other persons suited them.
The only restriction to this right was, that the ward might, on
coming of age, have an action against his guardian in case of
_disparagement_, that is to say, if he was married beneath his
station.]

[Footnote 114.2: Sir Reginald Cobham of Sterborough, in Surrey,
who died in 1446. He was the father of the notorious Eleanor
Cobham, the mistress, and afterwards wife, of Humphrey, Duke of
Gloucester.--Brayley’s _Hist. of Surrey_, iv. 159.]

[Footnote 114.3: Milicent, wife of Sir John Fastolf, is known to
have been alive in the 24th year of Henry VI. (1446). William
Worcester says the allowance for her chamber was paid until that
date; but as he says nothing more, it has been supposed she did
not live longer. Mr. Poulett Scrope also believes her to have
died in 1446, on the authority of a contemporary MS., which says
she and Fastolf lived together thirty-eight years.--_Hist.
Castlecombe_, 263.]

[Footnote 115.1: Thomas de Scales, 8th Lord.]

[Footnote 115.2: John Kemp, Archbishop of York, afterwards of
Canterbury; or, if this document be some years earlier, Cardinal
Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester.]

[Footnote 116.1: Walter, 1st Lord Hungerford, died in August
1449, and was succeeded in the title by his son Robert.]

[Footnote 116.2: The name is a little indistinct from the decay
of the paper, but the first and last letters are clear, and it
is scarcely possible to doubt that Rouen was the place here
intended. Yet if this be so, the letter must be much earlier
than the date assigned to it in the endorsement.]

98

RICHARD, EARL OF WARWICK, TO SIR THOMAS TODENHAM[117.1]

_To owr ryght trusty and welbelovyd Frend, Ser Thomas Todenham._

[Sidenote: 1449(?) / NOV. 2]

Ryght trusty and welbelovyd frend, we grete you well, hertely desyryng to here of yowr welfare, which we pray God preserve to yowr herts desyr; and yf yt please yow to here of owr welfare, we wer in goud hale atte the makyng of this lettre, praying you hertely that ye wyll consider owr message, which owr Chapleyn Mayster Robert Hoppton shall enforme you of. For as God knowyth we have gret besynesse dayly, and has had here by for this tyme. Wherfor we pray you to consyder the purchas that we have made wyth one John Swyffhcotte, Squier of Lyncolnshyr, of lxxx. and viij_li._ by yer, whereuppon we must pay the last payment the Moneday nexte after Seynt Martyn’ day, which sum ys CCCC. and lviij_li._; wherfor we pray you wyth all owr herte that ye wyll lend us x_li._, or twenty, or whet the seyd Maister Robert wants of hys payment, as we may do for you in tym for to com; and we shall send yt you ageyn afor Newyers day wyth the grace of God, as we ar trew knyght. For there is nonne in your cuntre that we myght wryght to for trust so well as unto you; for, as we be enformyd, ye be owr well wyller, and so we pray you of goud contynuaunce.

Wherfore we pray you that ye consyder our entent of this mony, as ye wyll that we do for you in tym to com, as God knowyth, who have you in hys kepyng.

Wreten atte London, on All Salwyn [_All Souls’_] day, wyth inne owr loggyng in the Grey Freys [_Friars_] wyth inne Newgate.

RIC., ERLE WARWYKE.[117.2]

[Footnote 117.1: [From Fenn, i. 84.] Richard Nevill, Earl of
Warwick, afterwards famous as the ‘King-maker,’ succeeded to the
title in 1449, and this letter is not unlikely to have been
written in that very year. Certainly it is not many years later.
In 1449 and 1450 Warwick was probably in London to attend the
Parliament.]

[Footnote 117.2: ‘The seal of this letter’ says Fenn, ‘is of red
wax, on which is the Bear and Ragged Staff, the badge of this
nobleman, with his motto,--the whole very fair and curious, and
around it is a braid of twine.’]

99

ABSTRACT[118.1]

[Sidenote: 1449 / DEC. 11]

Copy of a Grant from the Crown to John Bray for services against the King’s enemies. Caen, 11th December 14[4]9, 28 Henry VI.

[This document is very mutilated and decayed. It is written in
French, the spelling of which is very peculiar, and is probably a
bad copy by some one who did not know the language.]

[Footnote 118.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

100

WILLIAM TAILBOYS TO VISCOUNT BEAUMONT[118.2]

_To my right honorabull and right wurshipful Lord, my Lord Viscont Beaument._

[Sidenote: Before 1450]

Right honorabull and my right wurshipfull Lord, I recomaund me unto your gode Lordship with all my service, evermore desireng to here of your prosperitie and welfare, the which I pray God encres and contynue to his plesur, and after your oone herts desire; thankyng you of the gode Lordship that ye have shewed me at all tymes, beseching you alway of gode contynuance.

Plesid your gode Lordship to be remembred how afore this tyme Hugh Wythom hath said he wold be in rest and peese with me, and not to maligne agayn me otherwise than lawe and right wold; that notwithstandyng, upon Munday last past, he and iij. men with him come unto a servaunt hous of myn in Boston, cald William Shirref, and there, as he sete at his werke, stroke him upon the hede and in the body with a dagger, and wondet him sore, and pulled him out of his hous, and set him in prison without any cause resonabull, or without writ, or any other processe shewid unto him; and that me semes longs not for him to do, bot as he says he is endited, and as your gode Lordship knawes wele, I and all my servaunts are in like wise; bot and any man shuld have done hit, it longs either to the shirref or to your baliff as I conceyve, and other cause he had non to him as fer as I kan knawe, bot awnly for the malissiousness that he hath unto me, ne I kan think non other bot it is so. And now yistre nyght my Lord Welles[119.1] come to Boston with iiij^xx [_four score_] horses, and in the mornyng foloyng toke hym out of prison, saying afore all peepll, ‘Fals thefe, you shall be hanged, and as mony of thy maistre men as may be goten’ --as your servaunt John Abbot kan report unto your gode Lordship,--and hath taken him away with him to Tatessall, what to do with him I kan not say, bot as I suppose to have him to Lincoln Castell: wherfor I besech your gode Lordship in this matier to be my gode Lord, and it please your gode Lordship to write a letter to the kepere of the Castell of Lincoln, that it liked him to deliver him out of prison undre a sufficient seurety had for him, for and thai may kepe him still be this meyne, thai may take all the servaunts that I have, and so I may do agayn in like wise.

And also, as I am enformed, without he be had out of prison in hast, it will be right gravewis to him to heile of his hurt, he is so sore streken; and if there be any service that your gode Lordship will comaund me to do in any cuntre, plesid you to send me word, and it shal be done to my power with the grace of God, which have you, my right honorabull and wurshipfull Lord, alway in his blessid kepyng. Writen at Kyme,[119.2] upon Wednesday next after our Ladi day the Assumpcion.[119.3]

Also plesid your gode lordship to wit, after this letter was made, there come a man fro Tatessall into my fenne, which owght me gode will, and be cause he wold not be holden suspect, he speke with wemen which were mylkand kyne, and bad theme goo to a preest of myn to Dokdike, and bid him fast goo gif me warnyng how that my Lord Wilughby,[120.1] my Lord Cromwell,[120.2] and my Lord Welles[120.3] proposid theme to set a sessions, and hang the said William Shirref, and thai myght bryng ther entent abowte; and so, as I and your servaunt John Abbot stode to geder, the prest come and gaf me warnyng herof, which I trust for my worship your gode Lordship wold not shuld happen, for it wer to me the grettest shame that myght falle; bot and it plese your gode Lordship to write to all your servaunts in this cuntre, that thai will be redy upon a day warnyng to come when I send theme word, I trust to God thai shal not hang him agayn the lawe, bot I, with help of your gode Lordship, shall be abull to let hit.

By your Servaunt,

WILLIAM TAILBOYS.[120.4]

[Footnote 118.2: [From Fenn, iii. 282.] This letter is dated by
Fenn between 1455 and 1460, but cannot be later than the former
of these years, as Lord Cromwell died in the beginning of 1456.
It seems, further, beyond a doubt that the Lord Willoughby,
mentioned along with him, was Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby,
who was connected by marriage both with Lord Cromwell and with
Lord Welles; and if so the date cannot be later than 1451, as
this Lord Willoughby died in July 1452. Indeed, I have very
little doubt it is before 1450, as both Tailboys and Beaumont
were of the Duke of Suffolk’s party, and it is not likely that
the former would have ventured to complain of his powerful
neighbours, Lords Willoughby, Cromwell, and Welles after the
Duke’s fall, especially as we know that in the beginning of 1450
he was in prison for an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 119.1: Leo, Lord Welles.]

[Footnote 119.2: In Lincolnshire, between Tattershall and
Sleaford.]

[Footnote 119.3: 15th August.]

[Footnote 120.1: Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, who married
Maud Stephen, a niece of Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 120.2: Ralph, Lord Cromwell.]

[Footnote 120.3: Leo, Lord Welles, whose son Richard married
Joan, a daughter of Robert, Lord Willoughby of Eresby.]

[Footnote 120.4: William, afterwards Sir William, Tailboys of
South Kyme, in Lincolnshire, who was attainted under Edward IV.
as an adherent of the House of Lancaster. His family was
afterwards ennobled as Barons Talboys. He is most unfavourably
mentioned in the impeachment of the Duke of Suffolk, of whom he
appears to have been a great adherent, and is accused of having
made an attempt to murder Lord Cromwell in the Star Chamber at
Westminster, on the 28th November 1449.--See _Rolls of
Parliament_, v. 181-200.]

101

IMPEACHMENT OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK[120.5]

_To the King oure Soverayn Lord._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 7]

Sheweth and piteuously compleyneth youre humble trewe obeisantes Comunes of this youre nobile reaume, in this youre present Parlement, by your high autorite assembled for the seurte of your moste high and royall persone, and the welfar of this your nobile reaume, and of your trewe liege peple of the same, that William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, late of Ewelme, in the counte of Oxenford, falsly and treyterously hath ymagined, compassed, purposid, forethought, done, and commytted divers high, grete, heynous, and horrible treasons ayenst your most roiale persone, youre corones of your raumes of England and Fraunce, your duchiee of Guyan and Normandie, and youre holde enheritaunce of your countee of Anjoye and Mayne, the estate and dignite of the same, and the universall wele and prosperite of all your trewe subgettes of raumes, [duchies] and counte in maner and in forme ensewyng.

First, the seid Duke the xxti day of Juyll the xxv. yere[121.1] of youre blissid regne, in youre citee of London, in the parich of Sepulcr, in the ward of Faringdon infra, ymagynyng and purposing falsly and treyterously to distroy your moste roiall persone, and this your seid realme, thenne and ther trayterously excited, councelled, provoked, and comforted the Erle of Donas[121.2] [bastard][121.3] of Orliaunce, Bertrande, Lord Pressigny, Maister William Cusinet,[121.4] enemys to you Soverayne Lord, and other your enemeys, subgettes and ambassiators to Charles,[121.5] calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grettys adversarie and enemey, to meve, councell, ster, and provoke the same Charles to come in to this your realme, to leve, reise, and make open werr ayenst you, Soverayne Lord, and alle this your reaume with a grete puissaunce and arme to distroy your most roiall persone, and your trewe subgettes of the same realme, to the entente to make John, sone of the same Duke, [King] of this your seid realme, and to depose you of your heigh regalie therof; the same Duke of Suffolk havyng thenne of your graunte the ward and mariage of Margarete, doughter and heire to John, the late Duke of Somerset, purposing here to marey to heis said sonne, presuming and pretendyng her to be nexte enheritable to the Corone of this your realme, for lak of issue of you Soverayn Lord, in accomplishement of heis seid traytours purpose and entent, wheroppon the same Duke of Suffolk, sith the tyme of heis areste, hath do the seid Margarete to be maried to heis seid sonne.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being most trostid with you, and prevyest of your councell of fullong tyme, prepensing that your seid grete enemeye and adversarie Charles schuld conquerr and gete be power and myght your seid realme of Fraunce, duchies, and countee, the xx^ti day of January the xvij. yer[122.1] of your regne, at Westminster, in the shir of Middlesex, and divers othir tymes and places within your seid realme of Engeland, falsly, trayterously, by sotel menes and ymaginacyons, for grete corrupcion of good, taking of money, and other excessyf promises to him made by Charles, Duke of Orliaunce,[122.2] your enemye, councelled and stered of hym selfe only, your heighnesse to enlarge and deliver out of prison the same Duke of Orliaunce, enemye to you Soveren Lord, and to the most victorious noble prince of blyssid memory, the king youre fadir, whom God assoile! takyn be hem prisonere, to th’entent that the seid Charles, calling hym self king of Fraunce, schuld recover, gete, and have be false conqueste, and other desayvabile menes ayenst you, your heirz and successors, your seid realme of Fraunce, duches and counte, be the wyle, subtill councell, might, and ayde of the seid Duke of Orliaunce.

Notwithstanding that be the late wylle and ordinaunce of your seid fadir, for divers thingis moveyng his grete wysdome, contrary ther of was avysed and declared, by wiche councell and stering only of the seid Duke of Suffolk the seid Duke of Orliaunce was soverd [_suffered_] at his liberte to departe of this youre realme to the partee of Fraunce.

Afore wich departer the first day of May the seid xvij. yerr[122.1] of your regne, at London, in the parich of Sent Martyne, in the ward of Farindon infra, the same Duke of Suffolk, trayterously adherent to the seid Charles, calling hym selfe kyng of Fraunce, then and ther falsly and trayterously counseiled, coumforted, stered, and provoked the seid Duke of Orlyaunce to excite and moeve the same Charles, calling hym selfe kyng of Fraunce, your grete enemeye and adversarie, to make and reyse open werr ayenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of Normandy, to conquer, and to opteyn falsly be force, myght, and other menes ayenst you, your heiriz and successours, your seid realme of Fraunce and duche of Normandy, Uppon wich adherence, councell, and counfort of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Charles calling hym selfe kyng, hath made open werr a yenst you in your seid realme of Fraunce, and hath it attrochid unto hym, and the most party of your duchie of Normandy, and takyn prisonyrs the ful nobile Lordys and coragyouse Knytys, the Erle of Schrouesbery[123.1] and the Lord Faconberge,[123.2] with many othir nobles and people of your trewe leiges, to ther likly fynall ondoing, your gretest disheritaunce, and oure grete lamentable losse that ever comen a fore this to you, or ony of your ful noble progenitors, or to your trewe subgettes.

Item, wher the seid Duke of Suffolk late was on of your ambassitours with othir to youre seid adversarie Charles, calling hem self kyng of Fraunce, he, above heis instruccion and power to hym be you committyng, promised to Reyner,[123.3] King of Cesile, and Charles Daungers,[123.4] heis brothir, your grete enemeys, the deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne, without the assent andvyse or knowyng of other your seid ambassitours with him thenne accompanyd; and theroppon after heis comyng in to this realme from the same ambassiate, in performing of heis seid promyse, he falsly and trayterously, for grette rewardes and lucre of good to hym yeven by your enemes, caused the said Reyner and Charles Daungers to have deliveraunce of Maunce and Mayne aforeseid, to your over grete disheritaunce and loss irreparable, enforsing and enrychyng of your seid enemes, and grettest mene of the losse of your seid duche of Normandye; and so was the seid Duke of Suffolk falsly and trayterously adherent, aidant, and confortant to your grete enemeys and adversaries.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk being reteyned with you in your wages of werr in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandye, and therby strostid be you and alle your councellers to knowe the privite of your councell ther, and the purviaunce of your armes, the defence and keping of your townes, forteresses, and places, sieges, purveaunce, and ordinaunce of werr in the same parties for you to be mad, knowyng all [such] privite, and being adherent to your seid grete enemeye, calling hem self kyng of Fraunce, hath eften and many divers tymes falsly and trayterously discoverd and openned to hym, and to heis capytaynes and conductors of heis werr, your enemes, the privite, ordinaunce, and provision of your seid councell, purveaunces of armes, defence keping, townes, forteresses, places, syeges, and ordinaunce, werby your grete adversarie and enemeys have geton and takyn, be the menes of this is treason and falshode, ful many lordchepes, townnes, casteles, fortesses, and places within your seid realme of Fraunce and duchie of Normandie, and letted your capitaynes of your werres to conquer, keppe, and acheve your rithfull enheritaunce ther.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk beyng of your grete Privey Councell, and with you best trostid, knowyng the secrenesse therof and of this your realme, the xvj. day of Juyll the xxv^ti yerr[124.1] of your regne, at London, in the parich of Sent Laueraunce Pulteney, in the ward of Sandewyke [_Candewyke_] Strette, and at othir divers tymes and places, falsly and trayterously beyng adherent and aidant to the seid Charles, calling hem selfe king of Fraunce, your grete enemeys, the seid xvj. day, and in the parich of Sent Laurence aforeseid, openned, declarid, and discovered to the seid Erle of Danas, Bastard of Orlyaunce, Bertrand, Lord Presigni, Maister William Cosinet, your enemeys, subgettes, ambassiatours and conncellours to the seid Charles, calling hem self king of Fraunce, the privitees of your councell, aswell of this your realme for the comyn wele of the same, as for the governauns and ordinaunce for the conquest, conservacion, saufgard, tuycyon of your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandy; [whereby the great part of your said realm of France and duchy of Normandy][125.1] at that tyme being in your in handys, as [_should be_, is] be the seid Charles, calling hem selfe kyng of Fraunce, and [his] armes goton and takyn out of your handes.

Item, suth the matier first moeved of the convencyon of trewes and pees by twenne you and your seid grette enemeye Charlys, callyng hem selfe kyng of Fraunche, wheroppon by grete diberacyon ye, by the advyse of your Councell, have send many solempne ambassatours to the same Charles for the god of pees to be hadde be twyn you and this your realme, and your subjettes in your realme of Fraunche, duchie of Normandye, and othir places under your obeysauns, and the same Charles and heis subgettes, the seid Duke of Suffolk being next and grettest of your Councell, havyng knowlach of the power and auctorite comytted to alle your ambassiatours send in this be half, hath deseyvabely and trayterously by heis lettres and messages discovered and opened to your seid grete enemeye Charlys, calling hym self kyng of Fraunce, alle ynstrucciouns and informaciouns yeven to your seid ambassatours afore their comyng in to Fraunce, werby the effectuale concord and trewes that schuld have folowed of suche ambassiat by tywnne both the seid realmes and subgettes, have take non effectualle conclusyon, but by his fals, fraudelent, traiterous werkes, dedes, and deceyvable yma gynacyons, your grete enheritaunce, seygnyouries, lordshippis, townes, castell, forteresses, and possessions in your seid realme of Fraunche and duchie of Normandye, by cause of heis false messages, sendyngs, and wrytyngys have be takyn by reft, and gotten fro you be your seid enemeys.

In proof of the wich treson the seid Duke of Suffolk, sittyng in your Councell in the Stere Chambre, in your pales of Westminster, seid and declarid openly be for the Lordis of your Councell ther being, that he had his place in the Councell hows of the French kyng as he had ther, and was ther as wel strostid as he was here, and couth remeve from the seid French kynge the prevyest man of heis Councell yf he wold.

Item, whan in this your roialme ful oftyn tymes provicyon hath be mad for divers armes to be sent in to your seid realme of Fraunche, duches of Normandy and Gyand, the seid Duke of Suffolk, by the instaunce and meenes mad to hym be your seid enemeys and adversareys for grette outeragyous yeftes and rewardes of them takyn, trayterously hath restrayned, and utterly lettyd the passage of such armees in favour and supporte of your seid enemeys.

Item, the seid Duke of Suffolk, as your ambassatours by twene you and Charles, callyng hym self kyng of Fraunche, in fortefyeng of hem and enchresing of his myght, hath not comprised in trewes, taken in your party the Kyng of Arregon,[126.1] your old allye and frend, nother the Duke of Breten,[126.2] but sufferd and causid the seid Duke of Bretayne to be compremysid of the party of the seid Charles as his subget, frende, and allye, wherby ye have ben estraunged from the god loffe and assistence of the seid King of Arregon, and therby and be othir on trewe and falce conjectours of the seid Duke of Suffolk, the seid Duke of Breteyn is become your enemeye; and Gyles[126.3] of Breten, his brothir, the wiche is, and of long tyme hath ben, your trewe and welvylled man and servaunt, put in gret dures of pricon, and likely to be potte to the dethe or distroid for his trewe feith and welle that he hath to you.

And of alle tresons and offensys in alle theis seid arteculys specyfied and conteyned, we your seid Comens accuse and empeche the seid William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, and pray that this be enacte in this your High Courte of Parlement, and theroppon to precede in this your High Courte of Parlement, as the mater and caas aforseid requireth for the surete and welfar of your most roiale person, and savacyon of this your realme, &c.

[Footnote 120.5: [From Fenn, iii. 62.] These are the articles of
impeachment exhibited against the Duke of Suffolk, as printed by
Fenn from a contemporaneous copy among the Paston MSS., endorsed
‘Coumpleyntys ayens the Dewke of Suffolk.’ Another copy will be
found in the _Rolls of Parliament_, v. 177. The day of the
Duke’s impeachment was the 7th February 1450.]

[Footnote 121.1: A.D. 1447.]

[Footnote 121.2: John, Count of Dunois, one of the most renowned
warriors of the times. He was a grandson of Charles V. of
France, a natural son of Louis, Duke of Orleans, and
half-brother of Charles, Duke of Orleans, who was prisoner in
England.]

[Footnote 121.3: Blank in Fenn.]

[Footnote 121.4: Cousinot.]

[Footnote 121.5: Charles VII.]

[Footnote 122.1: A.D. 1439.]

[Footnote 122.2: Charles, Duke of Orleans. --_See_ p. 46, Note
3.]

[Footnote 123.1: John Talbot, first Earl of Shrewsbury, the
great hero of the French wars, slain at Castillon in 1453.]

[Footnote 123.2: William Nevill, Lord Fauconberg.]

[Footnote 123.3: René, Duke of Anjou, father of Queen Margaret.]

[Footnote 123.4: Charles of Anjou, Count of Maine.]

[Footnote 124.1: A.D. 1447.]

[Footnote 125.1: These words are omitted in Fenn, and are
supplied from the _Rolls of Parliament_.]

[Footnote 126.1: Alfonso V., King of Arragon.]

[Footnote 126.2: Francis I., Duke of Brittany.]

[Footnote 126.3: Giles of Brittany, the duke’s brother, who was
murdered in April 1450, after having been kept four years in
prison by the duke.]

[[your duchiee of Guyan and Normandie ... your countee of Anjoye
and Mayne _text unchanged (correct if “Guyenne and Normandy” and
“Anjou and Maine” were each a single unit)_]]

102

JOHN PASTON’S PETITION[127.1]

_To the Kyng, oure Soverayn Lord, and to the right wyse and discrete Lordis, assemblyd in this present Parlement._

[Sidenote: 1450]