Chapter M: Paston (4)

Besechith mekly your homble liege man, John Paston, that where he, and oder enfeffed to his use, have be pecybily poscessyd of the maner of Gresham, within the counte of Norffolk, xx. yere and more, til the xvij. day of Februarij, the yere of your nobill regne xxvi.,[127.2] that Robert Hungerford, Knyght, the Lord Molyns, entred in to the seyd maner; and how be it that the seyd John Paston, after the seid entre, sued to the seid Lord Molyns and his councell, in the most louly maner that he cowde, dayly fro tyme of the seid entre on to the fest of Mihelmes than next folwyng, duryng which tyme divers communicasyons were had betwix the councell of the seid Lord and the councell of your besecher. And for asmych as in the seid communicasions no titill of right at any tyme was shewed for the seid Lord but that was fully and clerly answeryd, so that the seid Lords councell remitted your seid besecher to sewe to the seid Lord for his finall and rightfull answer. And after sute mad to the seid Lord be your seid besecher, as well at Salysbery as in other places to his gret coust, and non answer had but delays, which causyd your seid besecher the vj. day of Octobre last past to inhabite hym in a mansion with in the seid town, kepyng stille there his poscession, on tille the xxviij. day of Januarij last past, the seid Lord sent to the seid mansion a riotous peple, to the nombre of a thowsand persones, with blanket bendes[128.1] of a sute as riseres ageyn your pees, arrayd in maner of werre, with curesse, brigaunders, jakks, salettes, gleyfes, bowes, arows, pavyse,[128.2] gonnes, pannys with fier and teynes brennyng therein, long cromes[128.3] to drawe doun howsis, ladders, pikoys, with which thei myned down the walles, and long trees with which thei broke up yates and dores, and so came in to the seid mansion, the wiff of your besecher at that tyme beyng ther in, and xij. persones with her; the which persones thei dreve oute of the seide mansion, and myned down the walle of the chambre wher in the wiff of your seid besecher was, and bare here oute at the yates, and cutte a sondre the postes of the howses and lete them falle, and broke up all the chambres and coferes within the seid mansion, and rifelyd, and in maner of robery bare awey all the stuffe, aray, and money that your seyd besecher and his servauntes had ther, on to the valew of cc_li._ [£200], and part therof sold, and part ther of yaffe, and the remenaunt thei departed among them, to the grete and outrageous hurt of your seid besecher, sayng openly, that if thei myght have found ther yowr seid besecher and on John Damme,[128.4] which is of councell with hym, and divers oder of the servauntes of your seid besecher, thei shuld have died. And yet divers of the seid mysdoeres and ryotous peple onknowyn, contrary to your lawes, dayly kepe the seid maner with force, and lyne [_i.e._ lien, lie] in wayte of divers of the frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, and grevously vexe and trobill hem in divers wise, and seke hem in her howsis, ransakyng and serchyng her shevys and strawe in her bernes and other places with bore speris, swerdis, and gesernys,[128.5] as it semyth, to sle hem if thei myght have found hem; and summe have bete and left for ded, so that thei, for doute of here lyves, dare not go home to here houses, ner occupy here husbondry, to the gret hurte, fere, and drede, aswele of your seid besechere as of his seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes. And also, thei compelle pore tenauntes of the seid maner, now within ther daunger, ageyn ther wille, to take feyned pleyntes in the courtes of the hundred ther ageyn the seid frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, whiche dare not apere to answere for fere of bodily harme, ne can gete no copiis of the seid pleyntes to remedi them be the lawe, because he that kepyth the seid courtis is of covyn with the seid misdoers, and was on of the seid ryseres, which be coloure of the seid pleyntes grevously amercy the seid frendes, tenauntes, and servauntes of your seid besecher, to the[ir] outrageous and importabille hurte.

Please it your hynesse, consideryng that if this gret insurreccyon, ryottis, and wrongis, and dayly continuans ther of so heynosly don a geyn your crowne, dignite and peas, shuld not be your hye myght be duly punysshed, it shall gefe grett boldnesse to them, and alle other mysdoers to make congregacyons and conventicles riottously, on abille to be seysed, to the subversyon and finall distruccyon of your liege peple and lawes: And also, how that your seid besecher is not abille to sue the commone lawe in redressyng of this heynos wrong, for the gret myght and alyaunce of the seid Lord: And also, that your seid besecher canne have non accyon be your lawe ageyn the seid riotous peple for the godis and catellis be hem so riottously and wrongfully take and bore awey, because the seid peple be onknowe, aswelle here names as here persones, on to hym;--To purvey, be the avyse of the Lordis spirituall and temporall assembled in this present Parlement, that your seid besechere may be restoryd to the seid godis and catellis thus riottously take away; and that the seid Lord Molyns have suche comaundment that your seid besecher be not thus with force, in maner of werre, hold oute of his seide maner, contrary to alle your statutes mad ageyn suych forcibille entrees and holdyngs; and that the seid Lord Molyns and his servauntes be sette in suche a rewle, that your seid besechere, his frendis, tenauntes, and servauntes, may be sure and saffe from hurt of here persones, and pesibly ocupy here londs and tenements under your lawes with oute oppressyoun or onrightfull vexasioun of any of hem; and that the seid riseres and causeres therof may be punysshed, that other may eschewe to make any suche rysyng in this your lond of peas in tyme comyng. And he shalle pray to God for yowe.

[Footnote 127.1: [Add. Charter 17,240, B.M.] The date of this
petition must be during the sitting of Parliament, in the
beginning of the year 1450. The first expulsion of John Paston
from Gresham is here clearly dated in February 1448. The
‘October last’ in which he re-entered might, so far as appears
in this petition, have been in the same year, but the letters
referring to this dispute in 1449 compel us to put it a
twelvemonth later.]

[Footnote 127.2: A.D. 1448.]

[Footnote 128.1: Bands of white woollen cloth?]

[Footnote 128.2: Pavises were large shields.]

[Footnote 128.3: Crome is a Norfolk word, signifying a staff
with a crook at the end of it.]

[Footnote 128.4: This person was returned to Parliament for
Norwich in October 1450.]

[Footnote 128.5: Battle-axes.]

103

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[130.1]

_To my rytz wurchipful mayster, Jon Paston, be this delyvered in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / FEB. 21]

Ryt wurchipful hosband, I recommawnd me to zu, desyryng hertyly to heryn of zour wele fare, preying zu to weten that I commawndyd Herry Goneld to gon to Gunnore to have copys of the pleyntes in the hundrede, and Gunnore was not at home; but the seyd Herry spake with his clerk, and he told hym pleynly he wost wele his mayster wuld not late hym have no copys, thow he wor at home, tyl the nexst hundred; qher for I send zou that byl that was wownd abowt the relefys. Custans, Mak, and Kentyng wold adysavowyd here swtes rytz fayn the last hundred, as I herd sayn of rytz thryfty men; but the Lord Moleynys men thrett hem that bothe they xuld ben betyn and lesen here hows and lond and alle here goods, but if [_unless_] they wold avow it; and after that Osborn was gon, Hasard[130.2] intretyd Kentyng and Mak to avow the swtys after that they hadde disavowyd itt, and zave hem mony to zef to the clerkes to entren azen the pleyntes. But if[130.3] ze seke a remedy in hast for to remeve itt, I soppose they wyl distreyn for the mersymentes er the nexst hundred.

As for Mak, he gate respyt that he xuld not sew tyl the nexst hundred. As for Herry Goneld, he was dystreynyd zysterday for rent and ferm, and he must pay it to morue, xxij_s._, or elles lesyn his dystresse. They gadder mony fast of all the tenawntes. All the tenawntes ben chargyd to pay al her rent and ferm be Fastyngong Sonday.[131.1] It ys told me that the Lord Moleynys xuld kepe his Fastyngong att Jon Wynters plase.

The seid Lordes men haddyn a letter on Thursday last past; qhat tydyngs they hadde I wote nott; but on the nexst moruenyng be tymys Thomas Bampton, a man of the Lord Moleynys, rod with a letter to his lord, and they that ben at Gressam waytyn after an answer of the letter in hast. Barow, and Hegon, and all the Lord Moleynys men that wer at Gressam qhan ze departyd hens bene there styll, save Bampton, and in his stede is kom another; and I here sey thei xul abyd here styll tyl her lord kom . . . .[131.2] to Barow as ze komawndyd me to weten quhatt the cawse was that thei thrett men . . . .[131.2] Goneld and other of zour servawnts and wele willers to zow, the qheche wer namyd to hym that were thrett. . . . .[131.2] [s]wore pleynly that they were never thrett; but I know veryly the contrary, for of his owyn felaschep lay[d] in awayt sondery dayis and nytis abowt Gunnelds, Purrys, and Bekks plasis, and som of them zedyn in to Bekks and Purrys [ho]usys, bothen in the hallys and the bernys, and askyd qher thei were, and thei were answeryd that they were owth; and thei seydyn azen that they xuld meten with hem another tyme. And be dyvers other thyngs I know, if thei mytz aben kawt, other [_either_] they xuld aben slayn or sor hurt.

I sent Kateryn on this forseyd masage, for I kowd geten no man to do it, and sent with her Jamys Halman and Herry Holt; and sche desyryd of Barow to have an answer of her masage, and if these forseyd men mytz levyn in pese for hem, and seyd ther xuld elles ben purveyd other remedy for hem. And he made her grett chere, and hem that wer ther with her, and seyd that he desyryd for to spekyn with me, if it xuld ben non displesans to me; and Kateryn seyd to hym that sche supposyd that I desyryd not to speken with hym. And he seyd he xuld com forby this plase on huntyng after non, and ther xuld no mor com with hym but Hegon and on of his owyn men; and than he wold bryng seche an answere as xuld plese me. And after none they come hydder, and sent in to me to weten if thei mytz speken with me, and praying that thei mytz speken with me, and they abedyn styl with owtz the zatys; and I kam owth to hem, and spak with hem with owt, and prayid hem that thei wold hold me exkusyd that I browth hem not in to the plase. I seyd in as meche as thei wer nott wele wyllyng to the gode man of the plase, I wold not take it up on me to bryng hem in to the jantylwoman. They seyd I dede the best, and than we welk forthe, and desyryd an answer of hem for that I hadde sent to hem for. Thei sayd to me thei had browtz me seche an answer as thei hopyd xuld plese me, and told me how thei had comownd with all her felaschep of soche materis as I had sent to hem fore, and that thei durst under take that ther xud no man ben hurt of hem thatt wer rehersyd, ner no man that longeth to zu, nother for hem ner non of her felaschep, and that they answeryd me be her trowthis. Never lese I trest not to her promese, in as meche as I fend hem ontrew in other thyngs.

I conseyvyd wele be hem that they wer wery of that thei haden don. Barow swor to me be his trowth that he had lever than xl_s._, and xl. that his lord had not comawndyd hym to com to Gressam; and he seyd he was rytz sory hidderward, in as meche as he had knowleche of zw before, he was rytz sory of that that was don. I seyd to hym that he xuld have compascion on zu and other that wer disseysyd of her lyvelode, in as meche as he had ben dissesyd hym self; and he seyd he was so, and told me that he had sewyd to my Lord of Suffolk dyvers tymys, and wold don tyl he may gete his gode azen. I seyd to hym that ze had sewyd to my Lord Moleynys dyvers tymys for the maner of Gressam syth ze wer dissesyd, and ze cowd never gete no resonabyl answer of hym; and ther fore ze entred azen, as ye hopid that was for the best. And he seyd he xuld never blame my Lord of Suffolk for the entre in his lyvelode, for he seyd my seyd lord was sett ther up on be the informacion of a fals schrew; and I seyd to hym in lyke wyse is the matier be twyx the Lord Moleynys and zu. I told hym I wost wele he sett never ther upon be no tytyl of rytz that he hadde to the maner of Gressam, but only be the informacion of a fals schrew.[133.1] I rehersyd no name, but me thowt be hem that thei wost ho I ment. Meche other langage we hadde, qhyche xuld taken long leysyr in wrytyng. I rehersyd to hem that it xuld abe seyd thatt I xuld not longe dwell so ner hem as I dewe and they for swer it, as thei do other thyngs more that it was never seyd, and meche thyngs that I know veryly was seyd.

I here seyn that ze and Jon of Damme ben sore thrett alway, and seyn thow ze ben at London, ze xul ben met with ther as wele as thow ze were her; and ther for I pray zu hertyly be ware how ze walk ther, and have a gode felaschep with zu qhan ze xul walk owt. The Lord Moleynys hathe a cumpany of brothell with hym that rekk not qhat they don, and seche ar most for to drede. Thei that ben at Gressam seyn that they have not don so moche hurte to zu as thei were commawndyd to don. Rabert Lauerawns is wele amendyd, and I hope xall recure. He seyth pleynly he wyl compleyn of his hurt, and I soppose Bek wyl compleyn also, as he hath cause. Bek and Purry dare not abyd att hom tyl thei here other tydyngs. I wold not Jon of Damme xuld com hom tyl the cuntre be storyd otherwyse than it is. I pray Godde grawnt that it mot sone ben otherwyse than it is. I pray zu hertyly that ze wil send me word how ze don, and how ze spede in zour materis, for be my trowth I kan not ben wel att ese in my hert, ner not xal ben tyl I here tydynges how ze don. The most part of zour stuff that was at Gressam is sold, and zovyn away. Barow and his felaw spak to me in the most plesawnt wyse, and me semyth be hem thei wold fayn plese me. Thei seyd thei wold do me servyse and plesans, if it lay in her powres to don owth for me, save only in that that longeth to her lordes rytz. I seyd to hem, as for seche servys as they had do to zw and to me, I desyr no mor that thei xuld do nother to zw ner to me. Thei seyd I myt an had of them att Gressham qhat I hadde desyryd of hem, and had as moche as I desyryd. I seyd, nay; if I mytz an had my desyr, I xuld nother a departid owth of the place, ner from the stuff that was ther in. Thei seyd, as for the stuff it was but esy. I seyd ze wold not a zoven the stuff that was in the place qhan thei com in, not for C_li._ Thei seyd the stuff that thei sey [saw] ther was skars worth xx_li._ As for zour moder and myn, sche faryth wel, blissid be God, and she had no tydynges but gode zett, blissid be God. The blissyd Trynyte have zou in his kepyng, and send zou hele, and gode spede in al your maters. Wretyn at Sustede,[134.1] on the Satyrday next after Seynt Valentynys day.

Here dare no man seyn a gode wurd for zu in this cuntre, Godde amend it.

Yowres,

M. P.

[Footnote 130.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] From an allusion in
the latter part of this letter, it is evident that it was
written in 1450, after Margaret had been driven out of Gresham,
as mentioned in John Paston’s petition, No. 102 preceding.]

[Footnote 130.2: William Hasard. --_See_ Letter No. 88.]

[Footnote 130.3: But if, _i.e._ unless.]

[Footnote 131.1: Fastyngong was a popular name for Shrovetide.
Fastingong Sunday I believe to have been the Sunday _after_
Shrove Tuesday, which would be the 22nd of February in 1450.]

[Footnote 131.2: Mutilated.]

[Footnote 133.1: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, appears to
have been the person referred to. --_See_ No. 135 following.]

[Footnote 134.1: Sustead was John Damme’s place (_see_
Blomefield, viii. 168). It is in the immediate neighbourhood of
Gresham.]

104

ABSTRACT[134.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, CLERK, WILLIAM COLE, AND WATKYN SHIPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 7]

The beginning of this letter, which is more than half lost by mutilation, speaks of ‘a bill in the Parliament of the extortions done [to me]’ from the 17th year [of Henry VI.] hitherto. The rest seems to be partly memoranda of things to be entered in this ‘bill,’ viz. of sheep distrained at Drayton, of a matter of trespass between Lady Bardolf and Fastolf, of ‘Chevers mater in Blyclyng,’ of an unpaid annuity at Hiklyng, of decays at Tichewell, etc. They are to learn from Nich. Bokkyng, to whom the £100 for Busshop was paid. Thinks two men should occupy Castre and Wynterton which Broun holds alone. It is too much for one to occupy well; ‘and in the same wise at Heylesden and Drayton.’ Let me know what Lampet has done in my matter, and if you find him friendly. Both my ships have arrived in safety, thank God.

London, 7 March 28 Henry VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 134.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 225.]]

105

AGNES PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[135.1]

_To John Paston, dwellyn in the Inder In of the Tempyll, att London, be thys letter delyverd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 11]

Son, I grete yow, and send yow Godds blyssyng, and myn; and as for my doughtyr your wyfe, che faryt well, blyssyd be God, as a woman in hyr plyte may do, and all your sonys and doughtrys.

And for as meche as ye will send me no tydyngs, I send yow seche as ben in thys contre. Rychard Lynsted cam thys day fro Paston, and letyt me wete that on Saturday last past Dravale, halfe brother to Waryn Harman, was takyn with enemyis, walkyn be the se syde, and have hym forthe with hem; and they tokyn ij. pylgremys, a man and a woman, and they robbyd the woman, and lete hyr gon, and ledde the man to the see, and whan they knew he was a pylgreme, they geffe hym monei, and sett hym ageyn on the lond. And they have thys weke takyn iiij. vesselys of [_i.e._ off] Wyntyrton; and Happysborough and Ecles men ben sore aferd for takyn of mo [_i.e._ more (?)], for ther ben x. grete vesselys of the enemyis; God yeue grace that the see may be better kepte than it is now, or ellys it chall ben a perlyous dwellyng be the se cost.

I pray yow grete well your brethyrne, and sey hem that I send hem Goddis blyssyn and myn; and sey William that if Jenett Lauton be not payd for the krymson cort wheche Alson Crane wrote to hyr for in hyr owyn name, that than he pay hyr, and see Alson Cranys name strekyn owt of hyr boke, for che seithe che wyll aske no man the money butt Alson Crane. And I pray yow that ye wyll remembr the letter that I sent yow last, and God be with yow.

Wretyn att Norwyche, the Wedenesday next before Sent Gregory.

AUGNES PASTON.

[Footnote 135.1: [From Fenn, iii. 304.] Fenn assigns this letter
to the year 1458, but not very confidently. The similarity of
its contents, in part, to those of the letter immediately
following, appears to me to render the year 1450 the more
probable date.]

106

MARGARET PASTON TO JOHN PASTON[136.1]

_To my rytz worchypful maystyr, Jon Paston, be this delyveryd in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MARCH 12]

Rytz worchipful hosbond, I recomawnd me to yow, desyring hertyly to her of zour wellfar, &c.[136.2] . . . . Wyllyam Rutt, the whiche is with Sir Jon Hevenyngham, kom hom from London zesterday, and he seyd pleynly to his master, and to many other folks, that the Duke of Suffolk is pardonyd, and hath his men azen waytyng up on hym, and is rytz wel at ese and mery, and is in the Kyngs gode grase, and in the gode conseyt of all the Lords, as well as ever he was.

Ther ben many enemys azens Yermowth and Crowmer, and have don moche harm, and taken many Englysch men, and put hem in grett distresse, and grettely rawnsommyd hem; and the seyd enmys been so bold that they kom up to the lond, and pleyn hem on Caster Sonds, and in other plases, as homely as they were Englysch men. Folks ben rytz sore afred that they wel don moche harm this somer, but if [_i.e._ unless] ther be made rytz grett purvyans azens hem.

Other tydyngs know I non at this tym. The blysseful Trinyte have zow in his kepyng.

Wryten at Norwyche, on Seynt Gregorys day.

Yowrs,

M. P.

[Footnote 136.1: [From Fenn, i. 28.] The reference to the Duke
of Suffolk’s pardon proves this letter to have been written in
the year 1450.]

[Footnote 136.2: Here Fenn has omitted a passage, relating, as
he says, to some common business about Paston’s farms and
tenants.]

107

ABSTRACT[137.1]

SIR JO. FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, PARSON OF CASTLCOMBE, WILL. COKE, AND WATKIN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 16]

Bids ‘Sir Parson’ send in all haste ‘the utmost knowledge of all grievances’ done to him by John Heydon this thirteen years. You have sent me the costs of the pleas, but not declared particularly how often I have been wrongfully distrained by the enforcing of the said Heydon. ‘I took never plea in the matter because the world was alway set after his rule, and as I would have engrossed up [_upon_] my bill.’

London, 16 April 28 Henry VI.

Search the accounts of Drayton Heylesdon, &c., these thirteen years.

[Footnote 137.1: [From a modern copy by Blomefield on the
fly-leaf of a Letter addressed to him. Headed, ‘Gave this
original letter of Sir John’s to Sir Andrew Fountain.’
--MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 229.]]

108

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[137.2]

_To my right trusty and right enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 22]

Right t[r]usty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle, and wyll ze wite that a man of Osberd Monford hath declared me how the said Osberd is infourmed that Danyelle shuld be pourposed to enter in the place of Braystone. And as fer as I can undirstande, Danyelle is come in to this cuntre, for none other cause but for to have suche as the Kyng hath gifen hym in Rysyng, which lieth not in me ner in none of the Kynges subgectes to go ageyns hise graunte and plesaunce. And in cas the said Danyelle wold enter upon the said Osberd otherwise than lawe wold, seyng the said Osberd is my tenaunt and homager, it is my part to holde with hym rather than with Danyelle in hise right, which I wylle do to my pouer. And as zet I can not apperceyve that Danyelle wylle labore in any maters in this cuntre; and if he wylle be of good governance, I am wel paied. And in cas that he wold do wrong to the lesse gentilman in the chirre, it shal not lye in hise pouer be the grace of God. He letethe me wite that he wylle be wel governed in tyme commyng.

Right trusty and enterly wel beloved frend, I pray God have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xxij. day of Aprille.

SCALES.

[Footnote 137.2: [Douce MSS. 393, f. 100.] It appears by a
paper, which will be found further on (No. 119), that Daniel
entered the manor of Braydeston or Brayston during the
Parliament which was held at Leicester in the spring of 1450.
This letter must have been written at that time.]

109

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frende, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you hertly wel, and wul ye wite that Wotton is ever creyng and callyng upon me to write un to you for hise londe; wherfore at the reverence of Good, consideryng the symplenesse of hem all, I pray you that ye put hem at a certen, and lete hem all that they aught to have of right, for thaire creyng cause men to thinke ye do hem grete wrong, which I wote wel ye wold be sory to do.

Oure Lord have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xvj. day of October.

Youre frende,

SCALES.

[Footnote 138.1: [From Fenn, iii. 364.] This and the six letters
following, all but one of which are, like the last, written by
Lord Scales to John Paston, are placed here merely for
convenience, the years in which they were written being quite
uncertain, though probably not very far apart. The one letter
among them of which Lord Scales is not the writer, is inserted
in abstract on account of its bearing on that which immediately
precedes it.]

110

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[138.2]

_To my right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and enterly welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and for as mych as there is vareaunce betwene William Wotton and hise moder and the fermour there, wherfore I pray you that ze wyll [fynde][138.3] a weye accordyng to right for to put hem in rest and pees. For in as mych as they be yo[ur] tenantes, ze aught to have the reule of them before any other, praying you to do youre part to put hem oute of trouble.

I pray God have you in hise governance. Writen at Midelton, the xiij. day of Aprille.

Youre frend,

THE LORD SCALES.

[Footnote 138.2: [Douce MS. 393, f. 99.]]

[Footnote 138.3: Mutilated.]

111

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wel beloved frend, John Paston, Sqyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I comande me to you, and for certain maters that I have for to do, for the which ma[ters I] sende unto you a squier of myne called Elyngham; praying you to gefe hym faythful credence of that he shall declare you on myne behalfe as for this tyme. God have you in Hise keping. Writene at Midleton, the xviij. day of Julle.

Yowre frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 139.1: [MS. in Pembroke College, Cambridge.] This
letter evidently was written in the same year as the next, but
there is no evidence what that year was. Below the signature is
a note in a modern hand erroneously identifying the writer with
Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales. He was certainly Thomas, Lord
Scales, of Henry VI.’s time.]

112

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[139.2]

_To [my] right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you welle; and as touchyng the mater that Elyngham and ze comuned to giders of the last tyme he was with you, I pray you that ze wylle assigne such a day as you liketh best, so that it be with inne this viij. dayes, and sende me worde what day ze wylle be here be the bringer herof.

I pray God have you in governance. Writen at Midelton, the iij. day of August.

Youre frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 139.2: [Douce MS., f. 101.]]

113

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[140.1]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frend, I grete you wel; and for as myche as there is certayn vareaunce betwene Elizabeth Clere and a servaunt of myne, called William Stiwa[r]desson, prayng you feithfully that ze wylle labore and intrete the said Elizabeth to such appointement as the brynger of this letter shal informe you of, and do your trewe dilligence in this mater, as ze wyll I do for you in any thyng ze may have ado in this cuntre, whiche I will do with al my herte.

Oure Lord have yow in hise keping. Writen at Myddelton, the last day of August.

SCALES.

[Footnote 140.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 102.]]

114

ABSTRACT[140.2]

ELIZABETH CLERE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Stywardesson came to her on Easter even to church, and made a very humble submission. He at first denied having slandered her, or said that he was beaten, only that he was sore afraid; but at last acknowledged he had untruly charged her men with coming into his place with force and arms, and that he was beaten, for which his master took an action against her. Called her tenants to bear witness to his recantation. Said she would give him no answer now but by advice of her friends, and his master must leave his maintenance. Promised him an answer on Saturday in Easter week. He told another man that Heidon promised his master it should be put in award by Palm Sunday; ‘for he is double both to him and to me, and so is William Geney and mo of my counsel.’ He is willing to make a release. His barn which his men entered to distrain, he says, is frank, and he may give the rent when he pleases. Wishes Paston’s advice what answer to make.--Easter Monday.

[Footnote 140.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

115

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.1]

_To my right trusty and wel be loved frend, Jhon Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and wel beloved frend, I grete you wel, thankyng you hertely for the gentilnes and good wylle I have founde in you at alle tymes. And for as myche as I and other stonde feffed in the landes of Thomas Canon, which is in vareaunce betwene you and hym, if ye wylle do so myche as for your part chese ij. lerned menn and the said Canon shal chese other ij., they to juge this mater as they shal seme of right and resoun. And if so be that the said Canon wylle not do so, I wylle not lete you to suye hym after the forme of the Kynges lawe. And if ze thinke it to many lerned men, take ze one, and he another; and if they may not accorde, ze and I to be umpere, for we stande bothe in like cas. And we shal make a good ende be the grace of oure Lord, which have you in hise governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Octobre.

Zowr frend,

SCALES.

[Footnote 141.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 103.]]

116

LORD SCALES TO JOHN PASTON[141.2]

_To my right trusty and welbeloved frend, John Paston, Squier._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]

Right trusty and welbeloved frende, I grete you hertly well, praying you that ye wyll sende me a coppie of the awarde that was made be you and my cousyn Sir Miles[141.3] betwex my cousyn Bryan Stapylton and Elizabeth Clere, and that ze wyll sende me the said awarde be the bringer herof. I pray God have you in governance.

Writen at Midelton, the ix. day of Novembre.

SCALES.

[Footnote 141.2: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

[Footnote 141.3: Sir Miles Stapleton.]

117

THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK TO HIS SON[142.1]

_The copie of a notable Lettre, written by the Duke of Suffolk to his Sonne,[142.2] giving hym therein very good counseil.[142.3]_

[Sidenote: 1450 / APRIL 30]

My dere and only welbeloved sone, I beseche oure Lord in Heven, the Maker of alle the world, to blesse you, and to sende you ever grace to love hym, and to drede hym; to the which, as ferre as a fader may charge his child, I both charge you, and prei you to sette alle spirites and wittes to do, and to knowe his holy lawes and comaundments, by the which ye shall with his grete mercy passe alle the grete tempestes and troubles of this wrecched world. And that also, wetyngly, ye do no thyng for love nor drede of any erthely creature that shuld displese hym. And there as any freelte maketh you to falle, be secheth hys mercy soone to calle you to hym agen with repentaunce, satisfaccion, and contricion of youre herte never more in will to offend hym.

Secondly, next hym, above alle erthely thyng, to be trewe liege man in hert, in wille, in thought, in dede, unto the Kyng oure alder most high and dredde sovereygne Lord, to whom bothe ye and I been so moche bounde to; chargyng you, as fader can and may, rather to die than to be the contrarye, or to knowe any thyng that were ayenste the welfare or prosperite of his most riall person, but that as ferre as your body and lyf may strecthe, ye lyve and die to defende it, and to lete his highnesse have knowlache thereof in alle the haste ye can.

Thirdly, in the same wyse, I charge you, my dere sone, alwey, as ye be bounden by the commaundement of God to do, to love, to worshepe youre lady and moder, and also that ye obey alwey hyr commaundements, and to beleve hyr councelles and advises in alle youre werks, the which dredeth not, but shall be best and trewest to you. And yef any other body wold stere you to the contrarie, to flee the councell in any wyse, for ye shall fynde it nought and evyll.

Forthe[rmore],[143.1] as ferre as fader may and can, I charge you in any wyse to flee the company and councel of proude men, of coveitowse men, and of flateryng men, the more especially and myghtily to withstonde hem, and not to drawe, ne to medle with hem, with all youre myght and power. And to drawe to you and to your comp[any good][143.1] and vertuowse men, and such as ben of good conversacion, and of trouthe, and be them shal ye never be deseyved, ner repente you off. [Moreover never follow][143.1] youre owne witte in no wyse, but in alle youre werkes, of suche folks as I write of above, axeth youre advise a[nd counse]l;[143.1] and doyng thus, with the mercy of God, ye shall do right well, and lyve in right moche worship, and grete herts rest and ease. And I wyll be to you as good lord and fader as my hert can thynke.

And last of alle, as hertily and as lovyngly as ever fader blessed his child in erthe, I yeve you the blessyng of oure Lord and of me, which of his infynite mercy encrece you in alle vertu and good lyvyng. And that youre blood may by his grace from kynrede to kynrede multeplye in this erthe to hys servise, in such wyse as after the departyng fro this wreched world here, ye and thei may glorefye hym eternally amongs his aungelys in hevyn.

Wreten of myn hand,

The day of my departyng fro this land.[143.2]

Your trewe and lovyng fader,

SUFFOLK.

[Footnote 142.1: [From Fenn, i. 32.] The date of this letter is
sufficiently clear from the last words of it.]

[Footnote 142.2: John de la Pole, who succeeded him as Duke of
Suffolk.]

[Footnote 142.3: This heading looks as if copied by Fenn from an
endorsement, which is probably not quite contemporaneous.]

[Footnote 143.1: These words in brackets were chafed and
illegible in the original MS.]

[Footnote 143.2: According to William Worcester, the Duke
embarked on Thursday, the 30th April.]

118

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[144.1]

_To owre Ryght trusty and right welbeloved Frend, Johan Paston, Esquier._

The Erle of Oxenford.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / APRIL 30]

Right tristy and welbeloved frend, we grete you right hertily well. And for asmuche as we be enformed that on [_one_] Thomas Kecham, a servaunt of owre right welbeloved brothir, Sir Richard de Veer, knyght, hath to done with Sir Henry Inglose knyght in a certeyn matier in wich youre good maisterschep may cause his singuler ease and a vaile as anenst the said knyght, as Thomas Kecham hath enformed us; We pray you hertily that, at the reverence of us and this oure writyng, ye woll take the labour upon you to speke unto the said Sir Henry, conceyving a mene and the weye of an ende to be had be twix thaym of right, causyng the said knyght to sease of hese malice and wrongful suette as a nenst the said Thomas. And ferthermore we pray you to see that the said knyght take no benefeys ne prevayle not as a nenst the Gaoyler of the Castell of Norwich for the suerte of the said Thomas Kecham, as we verily trust ye will; in wich feithfully doyng we shall kun you hertily thanke. And right trusty and welbeloved, the Trynitie have yow in Hese kepyng. Wreton at oure Manour of Wevenhoo, the last day of Aprill.

Below the text of this letter is written in another hand, ‘Smalwode
Sparhawk.’

[Footnote 144.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 164.] This letter cannot
be later than 1451, as Sir Henry Inglose died in June of that
year. The date may be about 1450, like that of some other
letters of the Earl of Oxford.]

[[we shall kun you hertily thanke
_text unchanged (expected editorial gloss)_]]

119

ABSTRACT[145.1]

[Sidenote: 1450-2]

A paper of memoranda in William Worcester’s handwriting, of which the principal contents are as follows:--

A commission of _oyer_ and _terminer_, dated 1 August 28 Henry VI.--A session at Swaffham, on Thursday after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 29 Henry VI. (17 September 1450).--A note of six other sessions:--1. At Norwich before the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Oxford and Yelverton, Tuesday after St. Mathias’ day, 29 Henry VI. (2 March 1451); 2. At Norwich, before Oxford and Yelverton, Monday after St. Martin in Winter, 29 Henry VI. (16 November 1450); 3. At Norwich, before Oxford and Yelverton, Wednesday after the Conception of St. Mary (15 December), continued seven days; 4. At Lynn, before Oxford, Scales, and Yelverton, Tuesday after Epiphany (13 January); 5. At Norwich, before John Prysot and Yelverton, Thursday in Easter week, 29 Henry VI. (29 April 1451); 6. At Walsingham, before Scales and Prysot, Monday _in crastino clausi Paschæ_ (3 May 1451).

‘Parliamentum apud Leyseter ---- anno xxviijº.--Durante illo Parliamento intravit T. Daniell manerium de Braydeston.--Will’us, Dux Suff’ obiit tertio die Maii anno xxviijº Regis Henry VI^{ti}.--Jak Cade, proditor de Kent, fugit de le Blakheth xxij. die Junii anno xxviij. H. VI., [ ] Julii mense decapitatus fuit.--Injuria Plumbsted post hoc (?)’ --Mundford and Heydon entered Braysto[ne] on the eve of the Nativity of St. Mary anno 29 (7 September 1450). Thomas Danyell entered Braydeston a second time, 30 Henry VI.

Between Mich. 30 and 31 Henry VI. (1451 and 1452) Norfolk, Oxford, Scales, and a great number of others were at Norwich holding sessions. The same year ‘John P.’ was with John, Earl of Oxford, at Whevenho on the Nativity of St. Mary (8 September). The same year, before all these things, Thomas Danyell was married at Framlyngham.

‘Testimonium Commissionariorum et cognitio Milonis Stapulton quo ad impanellationem juratorum.

‘Item, testimonium concilii quoad mutationem actionum in indictamentis et recordum apparet et declaratio Johannis Geney facta Thomæ Gurney.

‘Item, testimonium concilii et Thomæ Grene quoad absenciam Johannis Porter. Et testimonium hominum de Bliclyng. Item, missio pro Johanne Porter pro pecunia et placito proprio. (Memorandum, quando Porter fuit juratus, J. Andru fuit extractus de indictamento.)

‘Item, testimonium juratorum de non procuratione. Et indictamentum Johannis Andrew in Suff. causa fugationis ejus.

‘Item, antiquum debat’ supposit’ inter Andrews et Porter erat pro districtione capta de Johanne Andrews apud Weston pro debito domini Bardolf; pro qua causa idem Johannes Andrews implacitare vellet dictum Johannem Porter ad terminum (?) nisi pro dicto domino Bardolf; sic dictus Andrews continuavit maliciam suam erga prædictum Johannem Porter, et e contra quod et malicia Heydon erat causa conspiracionis per ipsum. . . .’

[As this document is a key to the dates of several of the letters
during the years 1450 to 1452, we have thought it best to insert it
in the beginning of the period to which it refers, instead of the
date at which it may be supposed to have been written.]

[Footnote 145.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

120

WILLIAM LOMNER TO JOHN PASTON[146.1]

_To my ryght worchipfull John Paston, at Norwich._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 5]

Ryght worchipfull sir, I recomaunde me to yow, and am right sory of that I shalle sey, and have soo wesshe this litel bille with sorwfulle terys, that on ethes ye shalle reede it.

As on Monday[146.2] nexte after May day there come tydyngs to London, that on Thorsday[146.3] before the Duke of Suffolk come unto the costes of Kent full nere Dower with his ij. shepes and a litel spynner; the qweche spynner he sente with certeyn letters to certeyn of his trustid men unto Caleys warde, to knowe howe he shuld be resceyvyd; and with hym mette a shippe callyd Nicolas of the Towre, with other shippis waytyng on hym, and by hem that were in the spyner, the maister of the Nicolas hadde knowlich of the dukes comyng. And whanne he espyed the dukes shepis, he sent forthe his bote to wete what they were, and the duke hym selfe spakke to hem, and seyd, he was be the Kyngs comaundement sent to Caleys ward, &c.

And they seyd he most speke with here master. And soo he, with ij. or iij. of his men, wente forth with hem yn here bote to the Nicolas; and whanne he come, the master badde hym, ‘Welcom, Traitor,’ as men sey; and forther the maister desyryd to wete yf the shepmen woldde holde with the duke, and they sent word they wold not yn noo wyse; and soo he was on the Nicolas tyl Saturday[146.4] next folwyng.

Soom sey he wrotte moche thenke [_thing_] to be delyverd to the Kynge, but thet is not verily knowe. He hadde hes confessor with hym, &c.

And some sey he was arreyned yn the sheppe on here maner upon the appechementes and fonde gylty, &c.

Also he asked the name of the sheppe, and whanne he knew it, he remembred Stacy that seid, if he myght eschape the daunger of the Towr, he should be saffe; and thanne his herte faylyd hym, for he thowghte he was desseyvyd, and yn the syght of all his men he was drawyn ought of the grete shippe yn to the bote; and there was an exe, and a stoke, and oon of the lewdeste of the shippe badde hym ley down his hedde, and he should be fair ferd wyth, and dye on a swerd; and toke a rusty swerd, and smotte of his hedde withyn halfe a doseyn strokes, and toke awey his gown of russet, and his dobelette of velvet mayled, and leyde his body on the sonds of Dover; and some sey his hedde was sette oon a pole by it, and hes men sette on the londe be grette circumstaunce and preye. And the shreve of Kent doth weche the body, and sent his under shreve to the juges to wete what to doo, and also to the Kenge whatte shalbe doo.

Forther I wotte nott, but this fer (?) is that yf the proces be erroneous, lete his concell reverse it, &c.

Also for alle your other maters they slepe, and the freer[147.1] also, &c.

Sir Thomas Keriel[147.2] is take prisoner, and alle the legge harneyse, and abowte iij. m^l. [3000] Englishe men slayn.

Mathew Gooth[147.3] with xv^c. [1500] fledde, and savyd hym selffe and hem; and Peris Brusy was cheffe capteyn, and hadde x. m^l. Frenshe men and more, &c.

I prey yow lete my mastras your moder knowe these tydyngis, and God have yow all yn his kepyn.

I prey yow this bille may recomaunde me to my mastrases your moder and wyfe, &c.

James Gresham hath wretyn to John of Dam, and recomaundith hym, &c.

Wretyn yn gret hast at London, the v. day of May, &c.

By yowr wyfe.[148.1]

W. L.

[Footnote 146.1: [From Fenn, i. 38.] The date of this letter is
perfectly determined by the events to which it relates.]

[Footnote 146.2: 4th May.]

[Footnote 146.3: 30th April.]

[Footnote 146.4: 2nd May.]

[Footnote 147.1: An allusion to Friar Hauteyn’s suit or Oxnead.]

[Footnote 147.2: Sent to France to carry succours to the Duke of
Somerset, but defeated and taken prisoner at the battle of
Fourmigni, 15th April 1450.]

[Footnote 147.3: Matthew Gough, a celebrated captain in the
French war.]

[Footnote 148.1: This singular subscription Fenn believes to
have been owing to a momentary forgetfulness on the part of the
writer, William Lomner, who had been in the habit of acting as
Margaret Paston’s secretary in writing to her husband.]

121

JOHN CRANE TO JOHN PASTON[148.2]

_To my right worshupfull cosygne, John Paston of Norwyche, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 6]

Right worshupfull sir, I recomaunde me unto yow in the most goodly wyse that y can; and forasmuche as ye desired of me to sende yow worde of dyvers matirs here, whiche been opened in the Parliament openly, I sende yow of them suche as I can.

First moost especiall, that for verray trowthe upon Saterday[148.3] that last was, the Duke of Suffolk was taken in the see, and there he was byheded, and his body with the appurtenaunce sette at lande at Dover, and alle the folks that he haad with hym were sette to lande, and haad noon harme.

Also the Kyng hath sumwhat graanted to have the resumpsion agayne in summe, but nat in alle, &c.

Also yef ye purpose to come hydre to put up your bylles, ye may come now in a good tyme; for now every man that hath any, they put theme now inne, and so may ye, yif ye come with Godds grace to your pleasur.

Ferthermore, upon the iiij^th day of this monthe, the Erle of Devenesshire[148.4] come hydre with iij^c. [300] men wel byseen, &c.

And upon the morow after my Lord of Warrewyke[148.5] with iiij^c. [400] and moo, &c.

Also, as hyt ys noysed here Calys shal be byseged withynne this vij. dayes, &c.

God save the Kyng, and sende us pees, &c.

Other tithyngs be ther noon here, but Almyghty God have yow in his kepyng.

Writen at Leycestre, the vj. day of May.

Your cosigne,

JOHN CRANE.[149.1]

[Footnote 148.2: [From Fenn, i. 44.] The date of this letter, as
of the preceding, is clearly proved by internal evidence.]

[Footnote 148.3: 2nd May.]

[Footnote 148.4: Thomas Courtenay.]

[Footnote 148.5: Richard Nevill. --_See_ Letter 98.]

[Footnote 149.1: Probably John Crane of Woodnorton, of whom
there are some notices in Blomefield (_Hist. Norf._ viii. 313,
316; x. 282).]

122

ABSTRACT[149.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOS. HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, ‘being at Castre.’

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 7]

Begs him to solicit the expedition of the matters of which he wrote since Easter.--Debts of Thos. Symmys for rents and sale of wools not yet paid to F. in Dedham.--As for the matter of Rydlyngfold and Hykele, ‘seth it ys soo the world is changed gretely over it was, y pray you, and charge you, parson, labour ye to my frendz Lampet and others’ to get a copy of their evidences; for ‘howbeit the said prioress say that her evidence be in the Duke of Suffolk’s keeping or his counsel,’ she had a book in which all the evidence is copied. The thing would have been sped long ere this, if ‘my Lord Norwich[’s] Chancellor’ or Master Pope, had labored as they promised. For God’s sake send me a good answer. ‘If an inordinate book be made, remembering the deliverance’ of cloths, &c. into F.’s wardrobe, let the indentures be engrossed. Wonders Howys cannot furnish him with a full account of the damages sustained by F. and his tenants these ten or twelve years past. He has only sent a declaration of costs in defending some of them. Get a letter of Nich. Bokkyng of the £100 to whom it was paid.

London, 7 May 28 Henry VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 149.2: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 223.]]

[[_footnote marker misprinted as 1_]]

123

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[150.1]

_To my maister Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 13]

I recomaund me unto your good maistership; and as for tidings, Arblaster come home to my Lord[150.2] on Munday, at sopertyme; and my Maister Danyell[150.3] is Styward of the Duche of Lancastre by yonde Trent, and Arblastr seith he hath made me his undirstyward.

And as for the Chamberleynship of Inglond, the Lord Beamond[150.4] hath it, and the Lord Rivers[150.5] Constable of Inglond.

As for the Duche on this side Trent, Sir Thomas Tudenham had a joynte patent with the Duke of Suffolk,[150.6] which, if it be resumed, Sir Thomas Stanley hath a bille redy endossed therof.

My lord wole not to Leicestre.[150.7] My Maister Danyell desireth yow thedir. I shall ride thiderward on Friday by tymes.

Wretyn in hast at Wynche,[150.8] the xiij. day of May.

I pray yow to thynk upon my mater to my mastresse your wyf, for my mastresse Anne, for in good feith I haf fully conquered my lady sith ye went, so that I haf hir promisse to be my good lady, and that she shall help me by the feith of hir body.

Your servant,

DENYES.

[Footnote 150.1: [From Fenn, i. 162.] This letter, which Fenn
vaguely assigned to the latter part of the reign of Henry VI.,
may be pretty safely attributed to the year 1450. The mention of
Lord Rivers and the Duke of Suffolk could not have been earlier
than 1449, as the one was only created lord, and the other duke
in 1448, and at a later date than the 13th of May. The reference
to the Duke of Suffolk again is not likely to have been long
after his decease. Further, there is a strong presumption, from
Monday being spoken of as a past date, and Friday as a future,
that the letter was written on a Wednesday. Had it been on a
Tuesday or Thursday, Monday would have been spoken of as
‘yesterday’ or Friday as ‘to-morrow.’ Now, the 13th of May was a
Wednesday in 1450. The changes in officers of state mentioned in
this letter are, therefore, those consequent on the fall of the
Duke of Suffolk. There is, besides, as will be seen by a
foot-note, an allusion to the Parliament at Leicester.]

[Footnote 150.2: John de Vere, 12th Earl of Oxford.]

[Footnote 150.3: Thomas Daniel. --_See_ p. 80.]

[Footnote 150.4: John, Viscount Beaumont.]

[Footnote 150.5: Richard Woodville, created Baron Rivers 29th
May 1448; afterwards earl.]

[Footnote 150.6: William de la Pole. --_See_ p. 80, Note 2.]

[Footnote 150.7: Parliament was sitting at Leicester in May
1450.]

[Footnote 150.8: A seat of the Earl of Oxford, near King’s Lynn,
in Norfolk.]

124

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[151.1]

_To our right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Esquyer._

[Sidenote: Year uncertain]