Chapter M: Paston (5)

Right trusty and right intierly welbeloved, we grete you hertly wele. And it is so, as ye know wele your self, we haf and long tyme haf had the service of Thomas Denyes, by continuance wherof we wend to haf had his attendaunce at our lust; and nevertheless we haf so strictly examynid his demenyng that we fele and pleynly conceyve that the love and effeccion which he hath to a gentilwoman not ferre from yow, and which ye be privy to, as we suppose, causith hym alwey to desire toward your cuntre, rather than toward suych ocupacion as is behovefull to us. We write therfore to yow, prayng yow hertly as ye love us, that it like you to do that labour at our instaunce be suych men [_mean_] as your wisdom can seme, to meve that gentilwoman in our behalf for the wele of this mater, undirtakyng for us that we wole shew our bounte to thaym bothe, if it plese hir that this mater take effect, so that be reason she shall haf cause to take it in gree. And if the comyng thider of our persone self shuld be to plesir of hir, we wole not leve our labour in that: wherfore we pray you that ye wole do your part heryn, as ye wole we do for yow in tyme comyng, and that ye se us in hast. The Holy Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Wevenho, the xvij. day of May.

The Erle of Oxenford.

OXENFORD.

[Footnote 151.1: [From Fenn, iii. 360.] This letter cannot well
be of the same year as the last, but is probably not many years
earlier, and certainly not many years later. The reasons against
its being of the same year are--first, that it seems to be
implied in the letter preceding that the Earl of Oxford was at
Winch, near Lynn, in Norfolk, on the 13th May 1450, which makes
it improbable that he would be at Wivenhoe in Essex four days
after; and, secondly, that he is not likely to have offered to
go into Norfolk (especially after having just come out of
Norfolk) on a matter touching the private affairs of one of his
own adherents, when he declined to go to the Parliament at
Leicester.]

125

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS[152.1]

_To my trusty and welbelovyd frende, Sir Thomas Howys, Parson of Castellcombe._

[Sidenote: 1450 / MAY 27]

Trusty and welbelovyd frende, I grete you well.[152.2] . . . . And I pray you sende me word who darre be so hardy to keck agen you in my ryght. And sey hem on my half that they shall be qwyt as ferre as law and reson wolle. And yff they wolle not dredde, ne obey that, then they shall be quyt by Blackberd or Whyteberd; that ys to sey, by God or the Devyll. And therfor I charge yow, send me word whethyr such as hafe be myne adversaries before thys tyme, contynew still yn her wylfullnesse, &c.

Item, I hyre oft tymys manye straunge rapports of the gouvernaunce of my place at Castre and othyr plasys, as yn my chatell approvyng,[152.3] yn my wynys, the kepyng of my wardrobe and clothys, the avaylle[152.4] of my conyes at Haylysdon, &c., and approwement[152.3] of my londys; praying you hertly as my full trust ys yn you to help reforme it, and that ye suffre no vityouse man at my place of Castre abyde, but well gouverned and diligent, as ye woll aunswer to it.

Allmyghty God kepe you. Wryt at London, xxvij. day of Maij anno xxviijº regni Regis Henrici VI.

JOHN FASTOLF, Kt.

[Footnote 152.1: [From Fenn, i. 52.]]

[Footnote 152.2: Here, says Fenn, follow some orders respecting
his affairs at Caister.]

[Footnote 152.3: Approving lands or chattels meant turning them
to profit, and in the former case commonly implied increasing
the rents.]

[Footnote 152.4: Use or profit.]

126

J. PAYN TO JOHN PASTON[153.1]

_To my ryght honurabyll maister, John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 (written in 1465)]

Ryght honurabyll and my ryght enterly bylovyd maister, I recomaunde me un to yow, with al maner of due reverence, in the moste louly wyse as we ought to do, evermor desyryng to here of your worshipfull state, prosperite, and welfar; the which I beseke God of his aboundant grace encrece and mayntene to his moste plesaunce, and to your hartis dssyre.

Pleasyth it your gode and gracios maistershipp tendyrly to consedir the grete losses and hurts that your por peticioner haeth, and haeth jhad evyr seth the comons of Kent come to the Blakheth,[153.2] and that is at xv. yer passed, whereas my maister Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, that is youre testator,[153.3] commandyt your besecher to take a man, and ij. of the beste orsse that wer in his stabyll, with hym to ryde to the comens of Kent, to gete the articles that they come for. And so I dyd; and al so sone as I come to the Blakheth, the capteyn[153.4] made the comens to take me. And for the savacion of my maisters horse, I made my fellowe to ryde a wey with the ij. horses; and I was brought forth with befor the capteyn of Kent. And the capteyn demaundit me what was my cause of comyng thedyr, and why that I made my fellowe to stele a wey with the horse. And I seyd that I come thedyr to chere with my wyves brethren, and other that were my alys and gossippes of myn that were present there. And than was there oone there, and seid to the capteyn that I was one of Syr John Fastolfes men, and the ij. horse were Syr John Fastolfes; and then the capteyn lete cry treson upon me thorought all the felde, and brought me at iiij. partes of the feld with a harrawd of the Duke of Exetter[154.1] before me in the dukes cote of armes, makyng iiij. _Oyes_ at iiij. partes of the feld; proclaymyng opynly by the seid harrawd that I was sent thedyr for to espy theyre pusaunce, and theyre abyllyments of werr, fro the grettyst traytor that was in Yngelond or in Fraunce, as the seyd capteyn made proclaymacion at that tyme, fro oone Syr John Fastolf, Knyght, the whech mynnysshed all the garrisons of Normaundy, and Manns, and Mayn, the whech was the cause of the lesyng of all the Kyngs tytyll and ryght of an herytaunce that he had by yonde see. And morovyr he seid that the seid Sir John Fastolf had furnysshyd his plase[154.2] with the olde sawdyors of Normaundy and abyllyments of werr, to destroy the comens of Kent whan that they come to Southewerk; and therfor he seyd playnly that I shulde lese my hede.

And so furthewith I was taken, and led to the capteyns tent, and j. ax and j. blok was brought forth to have smetyn of myn hede; and than my maister Ponyngs, your brodyr,[154.3] with other of my frendes, come and lettyd the capteyn, and seyd pleynly that there shulde dye a C. or ij. [_a hundred or two_], that in case be that I dyed; and so by that meane my lyf was savyd at that tyme. And than I was sworen to the capteyn, and to the comens, that I shulde go to Southewerk, and aray me in the best wyse that I coude, and come ageyn to hem to helpe hem; and so I gote th’articles, and brought hem to my maister, and that cost me more emongs the comens that day than xxvij_s._

Wherupon I come to my maister Fastolf, and brought hym th’articles, and enformed hym of all the mater, and counseyled hym to put a wey all his abyllyments of werr and the olde sawdiors; and so he dyd, and went hymself to the Tour, and all his meyny with hym but Betts and j. [_i.e._ one] Mathew Brayn; and had not I ben, the comens wolde have brennyd his plase and all his tennuryes, wher thorough it cost me of my noune propr godes at that tyme more than vj. merks in mate and drynke; and nought withstondyng the capteyn that same tyme lete take me atte Whyte Harte in Suthewerk, and there comandyt Lovelase to dispoyle me oute of myn aray, and so he dyd. And there he toke a fyn gowne of muster dewyllers[155.1] furryd with fyn bevers, and j. peyr of Bregandyrns[155.2] kevert with blew fellewet [_velvet_] and gylt naile, with legharneyse, the vallew of the gown and the bregardyns viij_li._

Item, the capteyn sent certeyn of his meyny to my chamber in your rents, and there breke up my chest, and toke awey j. obligacion of myn that was due unto me of xxxvj_li._ by a prest of Poules, and j. nother obligacion of j. knyght of x_li._, and my purse with v. ryngs of golde, and xvij_s._ vj_d._ of golde and sylver; and j. herneyse [_harness_] complete of the touche of Milleyn;[155.3] and j. gowne of fyn perse[155.4] blewe furryd with martens; and ij. gounes, one furryd with bogey,[155.5] and j. nother lyned with fryse;[155.6] and ther wolde have smetyn of myn hede, whan that they had dyspoyled me atte White Hart. And there my Maister Ponyngs and my frends savyd me, and so I was put up tyll at nyght that the batayle was at London Brygge;[155.7] and than atte nyght the capteyn put me oute into the batayle atte Brygge, and there I was woundyt, and hurt nere hand to deth; and there I was vj. oures in the batayle, and myght nevyr come oute therof; and iiij. tymes before that tyme I was caryd abought thorought Kent and Sousex, and ther they wolde have smetyn of my hede.

And in Kent there as my wyfe dwellyd, they toke awey all oure godes mevabyll that we had, and there wolde have hongyd my wyfe and v. of my chyldren, and lefte her no more gode but her kyrtyll and her smook. And a none aftyr that hurlyng, the Bysshop Roffe[156.1] apechyd me to the Quene, and so I was arestyd by the Quenes commaundment in to the Marchalsy, and there was in rygt grete durasse, and fere of myn lyf, and was thretenyd to have ben hongyd, drawen, and quarteryd; and so wold have made me to have pechyd my Maister Fastolf of treson. And by cause that I wolde not, they had me up to Westminster, and there wolde have sent me to the gole house at Wyndsor; but my wyves and j. coseyn of myn noune that were yomen of the Croune, they went to the Kyng, and got grase and j. chartyr of pardon.

Per le vostre,

J. PAYN.

[Footnote 153.1: [From Fenn, i. 54.] This letter was actually
written in the year 1465; but as the circumstances to which it
relates belong to the year 1450, and are connected with the
memorable insurrection of Jack Cade, we have thought it right,
as Fenn did, to place it under the earlier year.]

[Footnote 153.2: Jack Cade and his followers encamped on
Blackheath on the 11th June 1450, and again from the 29th of
June to the 1st July. Payn refers to the latter occasion.]

[Footnote 153.3: Sir John Fastolf (who is dead at the date of
this letter) left Paston his executor, as will be seen
hereafter.]

[Footnote 153.4: Jack Cade.]

[Footnote 154.1: Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter. During the civil
war which followed, he adhered to the House of Lancaster, though
he married Edward IV.’s sister. His herald had probably been
seized by Cade’s followers, and pressed into their service.]

[Footnote 154.2: Sir John Fastolf had a residence in Southwark.]

[Footnote 154.3: Robert Poynings, who, some years before this
letter was written, had married Elizabeth, the sister of John
Paston, was sword-bearer and carver to Cade, and was accused of
creating disturbances on more than one occasion afterwards.
He was slain at the second battle of St. Albans on the 17th Feb.
1461.]

[Footnote 155.1: ‘A kind of mixed grey woollen cloth, which
continued in use to Elizabeth’s reign.’ --Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.2: A brigandine was a coat of leather or quilted
linen, with small iron plates sewed on. --_See_ Grose’s _Antient
Armour_. The back and breast of this coat were sometimes made
separately, and called a pair.--Meyrick.]

[Footnote 155.3: Milan was famous for its manufacture of arms
and armour.]

[Footnote 155.4: ‘Skye or bluish grey. There was a kind of cloth
so called.’ --Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.5: Budge fur.]

[Footnote 155.6: ‘Frieze. A coarse narrow cloth, formerly much
in use’ -- Halliwell.]

[Footnote 155.7: The battle on London Bridge was on the 5th
July.]

[Footnote 156.1: Fenn gives this name ‘Rosse’ with two long s’s,
but translates it Rochester, from which I presume it was written
‘Roffe’ for _Roffensis_. The Bishop of Rochester’s name was John
Lowe.]

[[Footnote 154.3: He was slain...
_final sentence added by editor in Errata; see also note 135.1
in Volume III._]]

127

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[156.2]

_To my right worshipfull [mai]ster John Paston at Wynchestre be this delyuered._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 3]

After al due recomendacion had, I recomaunde me to yow and prey yow to wete that Heydon seweth in his accion a geynst Osebern x. _tales_ retournable xv^a. Johannis. _Ideo mittetur vel loquatur Vicecomiti Norffolk_, &c. And I suppose that as for Costardis accions thei wole have _nisi prius_, &c. As touchyng the matier of Oxened the frere[156.3] leveth his delagacie a abideth up on our plee of profession by as meche as we sey that long to fore the writte purchaced he was professed a frere and sey not and yet is professed, &c. And Sotyll and other of your counseill thynk the law is on our syde. Brampton brought me a lettre and a clowt sowed clos with thynggis therin, and a letter endorsed to yow from my maistresse your moder, whiche I sende yow with this. The lord Moleyns man brought ij. writtes to the Shirrefis depute of Norfolk, oon a geynst yow, myn eme[157.1] and James Gloys _quare clausum suum apud Gresham fregerunt_, &c., the othir writte a geynst yow and J. Gloys _quare vi et armis in hominis et servientes ipsius apud Gresham insultum fecerunt_, &c. And whanne the seid lord Moleyns man delyvered these wrettys, Lomnour stode be side and aspied it. And thanne the seid man desired to have ageyn the writtis, and toke hem a geyn; and whanne he had theym he seid they shuld not come in their handes a vii. nyght after. And so he kepeth theym stille. And Caly and Yates also have promysed me that ther shall no writte be retourned a geyn yow but that ye shall have copies ther of at reasonable tyme to make your avantage as the law wole, &c., to caste your esson[157.2] or suyche other, &c. Sir, I prey God yeld yow for your letter ye sent me by Lethom, whiche I receyved yistereuyn right late. Wherby I hope and conceyve that ye be in good cas for your maner of Gr[esham], for truly I was right weel comforted therof. As touchyng Skyner and his borwys the attachementes may not be wretyn but by the recordes of the reconysance, and alle the recordes of Chauncerye be at Wynchestre. _Ideo_, &c. I prey God be your good speed in all your matiers, Amen. Wretyn in hast at London the Friday next after seint Petir day.

Your servant,

J. GRESHAM.

[Footnote 156.2: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 73.] The legal
proceedings mentioned in this letter show that the year is the
same as that of Gresham’s other letter immediately following
(No. 128).]

[Footnote 156.3: John Hauteyn.]

[Footnote 157.1: ‘eme,’ _i.e._ uncle.]

[Footnote 157.2: _Essoin_, a legal expression, meaning an excuse
admitted for non-appearance in Court.]

128

JAMES GRESHAM TO MASTER WHITE[158.1]

_To my Maister Whyte, Esquyer, with my Lord Cardynall,[158.2] for to take to John Paston._

[Sidenote: 1450 / JULY 8]

After al due recomendacion, I recomaund me to yow, and do yow wete that this same Wednesseday I receyved your lettre whiche was wretyn on Saterday last passed, wherby ye willed me to send yow worde of your matiers, &c. As touchyng the frere,[158.3] he abydeth in lawe up on our plee of profession, like as I sent yow word by wrytyng, whiche I sent yow in a box with other stuf by a man of the Archedeken of Rychemond. I endorsed it thus, ‘To William Plumstede, with my Lord of Winchestre,[158.4] or to John Paston.’

We shuld have amendet our plee of profession, but thanne your counseyll fereth he wolde take an issue that he is not professed, and that shuld[158.5] be tried by the certificat of the Dean of Poulys, _sede vacante_; and therfore we abide in lawe, and wole not amende our plee. The day of th’assises in Norffolk is _die Veneris proximo post Festum Nativitatis Beatæ Mariæ apud Norwicum_, and Costards _nisi prius_ is take owt ageynst that day, and Prentis _nisi prius_ ageynst Halman also.

As touchyng the sute ageyns Osebern and Foke, he hath geve day xv. Johannis with x. _tales_, as I have wretyn to yow to fore this tyme; and I suppose that he wole have a _nisi prius_ of the same atte seid assises. As touchynge the fyn in the Kyngs Benche for Osebern and Foke, the fyne were cessed this terme, but I hadde no leyser to talke with Croxton ther of yet, &c. Your bedfelawe seigh bothe my other writynge and this, and he recomaundeth hym to yow, and shuld have wretyn to yow, if he had not be prevy to my writyng. Ye ar meche hold to hym, for he is diligent for yow, &c.

As touchyng Drewe Barantyn, I myght not yet speke with hym, &c. _Circumspecte agatis_, and be war of lordis promysses, for it is tolde me in counseil ther is a writte of forcyble entre[159.1] in framyng ageynst yow.

Almyghty God be your gyde. Wretyn in hast with inne an hour after the resceyte of your lettre, at Wesminster, the Wednesseday next after Seint Thomas day.[159.2]

Yours JAMES GRE.

[Footnote 158.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter appears
to have been written in the year 1450, when Gresham was in
London looking after John Paston’s interests in various
lawsuits. Mr. White, to whom it is directed for the purpose of
being conveyed to Paston, was a servant of Cardinal Kemp, who
had been made Lord Chancellor in the beginning of the year. It
is evident from other letters that John Paston took counsel of
the Lord Chancellor’s servant in his causes.]

[Footnote 158.2: Cardinal Kemp.]

[Footnote 158.3: John Hawteyn. --_See_ Nos. 46 and 63.]

[Footnote 158.4: William of Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester.]

[Footnote 158.5: The word ‘it’ is interlined in the original
after ‘shuld,’ but is clearly superfluous.]

[Footnote 159.1: For Gresham?]

[Footnote 159.2: The translation of St. Thomas was on the 3rd
July.]

[[die Veneris proximo _text has “aie” (Italic a for d)_]]

129

ABSTRACT[159.3]

JAMES GRESHAM TO [JOHN PASTON?].

[Sidenote: About 1450]

Inquiry made as to the injury of Sporle wood for lack of hedging. The three years’ growth of the wood availeth no man. The farmers now cannot sell it the better, so it must be either to your hurt or Halman’s. Hopes the wastes at Cressingham will be amended. Your tenants are treated unfairly about the Sheriff’s turn by those of the Prior of Norwich and John Coo. Can get no money, for Fulchier hopes he is not so far in arrear as you think. Halman can get no money; his corns are so cheap he will not sell, but he hopes to make purveyance at Michaelmas.

Calybut says he never asked the Vicar of Sporle to be bound for him. They will meet with me at Gressenhale on St. Bartholomew’s day and seal the other part, so that they have notice from you at Swaffham Market, Saturday next before.

_Accounts of Sneylewell, Cressingham, and Sparham on the back._

[We have placed this letter after the preceding as being probably
not many years apart from it in date, if not the very same year. The
name of Halman occurs in both, and also in a letter of the Vicar of
Sporle, which will be found a little further on.]

[Footnote 159.3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

130

ABSTRACT[160.1]

SIR J. FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, Parson of Castlecombe, at Caister.

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 8]

Has sent home letters by John Bedford. Sends by the bearer Thomas Medew eight writs of ‘green wax’[160.2] for certain processes he has in Norfolk, with a _distringas_ for Sir John Shypton, which he must get served with the advice of Thomas Grene and other of Fastolf’s trusty friends. The inquest must be certified of the truth and Shypton’s falsehood proved. Will give his testimonial, when needful, ‘that I never sealed none such quittance.’ Let Greene correct the roll of articles I send by Bedford. I hear you have omitted several of the extortions done to me (_in margin_, ‘eyer and determiner’). London, 8 August 28 Henry VI.

Let Master Doket have a copy of the evidence of Rydlyngfeeld.

‘Item, purvey me at the leest v. doseyn long bowes, with shot longyng thertoo. And purveyeth also quarell[160.3] hedys to be made ther, for the price ys derer heer then ther; and let no langage be had of ordenances makyng.’

_Signed._

[Footnote 160.1: [MS. Phillipps, 9735, f. 224.]]

[Footnote 160.2: Writs under the seal of the Court of Exchequer,
which was of green wax, directing the sheriff of a county to
levy certain fines.]

[Footnote 160.3: _See_ page 101, Note 3.]

131

JAMES GRESHAM TO JOHN PASTON[160.4]

_To my right especiall maister, John Paston,[160.5] in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / AUG. 19]

Ryght worthy worshipfull sir, and myn especiall maister, I recomaund me to yow, and pray yow wete that I was [yesterdaye atte][160.6] . . . .[160.6] my lord Chauncellers[160.7] hous, and there I spake with White; and he tolde me that he hadde the letter that ye sewed for from . . . . . . . .[161.1] directed to the Lord Moleyns of that substance that ye hadde sued to hym for an especiall assise[161.2] and an _oier_ and _determiner_,[161.3] [and][161.1] . . . . .[161.1] that he shuld comaunde his men beyng at Gresham to departe thens, and that the profitez thereof shuld be receyved by an endifferent [person][161.1] . .[161.1] saufly to be kepte til the right were determyned be twen yow and my Lord M., &c., whiche letter White sente forthe [by][161.1] a man of my Lord Chaunceller to the Lord Moleyns. And he sent his answer in writyng of this substance, that it shuld not like my Lord Chaunceller to graunte assise, &c., for als moche as the Lord M. hadde sore be laboured in his cuntre to peas and stille the poeple[161.4] there to restreyngne them from rysyng, and so he was dayly laboured there abowt in the Kynggs servyce, and that considered, he trustid veryly that there shuld non assise be graunted to your entent. And he seid forther in his answer, if he myght attende to be in Norffolk, and leve the necessary servyce that he dede to the Kyng now in Wyltshire, he wolde be but weel pleased that ye hadde your assise; for he knewe his title and his evydence so good for his part, that he durst weel putte it in my Lord Chaunceller, and in what juge he wolde calle to hym. And wher my Lord Chaunceller desired hym to avoyde his men from Gresham, he trustid that my Lord wolde not desire that, by cause he hadde his possession, and that it was his wyffs ryght, and so hym thought it a geynst reason that he shuld a voide utterly his possession.

This same Moneday goth my Lord Chaunceller and my Lord of Buk[161.5] into Kent to sytte up on an _oier_ and _determyner_[161.6] at Rorchestre; and Whyte told me that there is wretyn an generall _oier_ and _determyner_ to be in Norffolk, and what ther[fore][162.1] and for the Lord Moleyns writyng, hym semyth it is not to your avayll to sewe for an especiall assise, ne for an _oier_ and _determyner_.

Whan I come hiddirward, I mette with my Lord of Norffolk betwen Berkewey and Baburgham homward, and whethir he shall come agayn hiddir or noght I wot not, but I trowe rather yes thanne nay; for it is seid that alle the Lords be sent for to be here on Moneday or Tuysday next comyng for a counseyll.

The Chief Justice[162.2] is not here, ne noon other Justice, except Danvers[162.3] is now made Juge of the Comune Place, and is forth into Kent with the Lords, &c.

Al this tofore was wretyn on the Moneday next after our Lady day. And this same Wednesseday was it told that Shirburgh[162.4] is goon, and we have not now a foote of londe in Normandie, and men arn ferd that Calese wole be beseged hastily, &c.

Pynchamour shall telle yow by mowthe more thanne I have leyser to write now to yow. I wrot to myn em’[162.5] that there were ix. or x. m^l. [_nine or ten thousand_] men up in Wiltshire, and I hadde it of the report of Whittocks mede; but I trowe it is not so, for here is now littel speche therof; ner the lesse, if I here more, I shall sende yow worde her after by sum loders that come to Seynt Bertilmews [fayre].[162.1]

Wretyn in hast at London, the Wednesseday next after our Lady day, &c.

Your own symple servaunt,

JAMES GR.

[Footnote 160.4: [From Fenn, iii. 86.] The date of this letter
is ascertained by the news contained in the last paragraph of
the fall of Cherbourg, besides other internal evidence.]

[Footnote 160.5: ‘After John Paston had received this letter,’
says Fenn, ‘it seems as if he had sent it to my Lord Oxford, for
on the back of it, in John Paston’s handwriting, is the
following direction: “To the rith worspfull and my rith speciall
lord, my Lord of Oxenford.”’]

[Footnote 160.6: These passages, in which the text is broken by
brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the
original.]

[Footnote 160.7: John Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of York,
afterwards of Canterbury.]

[Footnote 161.1: These passages, in which the text is broken by
brackets or dots, are indicated by Fenn as illegible in the
original.]

[Footnote 161.2: A writ directed to the sheriff for recovery of
possession of things immoveable, whereof yourself or ancestors
have been disseised.--F.]

[Footnote 161.3: Is a commission especially granted to certain
persons for the hearing and determining of causes, and was
formerly only in use upon some sudden outrage or insurrection in
any place.--F.]

[Footnote 161.4: These disturbances among the people were the
remains of Cade’s rebellion, which had been lately
suppressed.--F.]

[Footnote 161.5: Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, fell in
the battle of Northampton in July 1460.--F.]

[Footnote 161.6: These commissions of _oyer_ and _determiner_
were to try those who had been concerned in the late rebellion
under Cade.--F.]

[Footnote 162.1: _See_ Note 1, p. 161.]

[Footnote 162.2: John Hody was at this time Chief Justice of the
King’s Bench.--F.]

[Footnote 162.3: Robert Danvers became a Judge of the Common
Pleas 14th of August 1450.--F.]

[Footnote 162.4: Cherbourg surrendered to the French on the 12th
August 1450. --_See_ Stevenson’s _Reductio Normanniæ_, p. 367.]

[Footnote 162.5: ‘Quære this abbreviated word,’ says Fenn. It is
probably _eme_, meaning uncle.]

132

THE EARL OF OXFORD TO JOHN PASTON[163.1]

_To my right trusty and intierly welbeloved John Paston, Squyer._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Right trusty and intierly welbeloved, I grete yow wele, and wole and pray you that ye dispose your self to be with my Lord of Norffolk in al hast goodly, to that intent that where it was desired by dyvers gentilmen of this shire[163.2] that I shuld my self a be with his Lordship at Framyngham, to excuse me to his Lordship; for truly I haf suych writyn to my said Lord for myn excuse, which writyng I send to yow by Thomas Denyes, to whome I pray you to gif credens. And the Trinite kepe yow. Wretyn at Bury Seynt Edmond, the xxj. day of August.

I pray you to speke with Sir Miles Stapilton and Brewes, and to delyver to thaym my lettres, wherof I send you copies, and make Brewes to send over a man to me with th’entent of my Lord of Norffolk, and with th’effect of your deligens, with a more credible message than Brewes ded to my wif; for I had never a wers jurney for a jape in my lif, ne a lewder, as ye shal wele conceyve.

OXENFORD.

[Footnote 163.1: [Douce MS. 393, f. 88.] From the similarity of
the contents of this and the two following letters, it is
evident that they belong to the same year; and the mention of
Thomas Denyes, from whom the Earl of Oxford was afterwards
estranged, proves that it must have been before 1454. In the
summer of 1450, there was disaffection in Norfolk, which led to
the issuing of a special commission of _oyer and terminer_ in
September. These three letters may, therefore, have belonged to
that year.]

[Footnote 163.2: ‘This shire’ should be Suffolk, as the Earl
dates from Bury St. Edmunds, but I should think Norfolk was
intended, which the Earl had probably just left on his way up to
London. Compare next number.]

133

THE EARL OF OXFORD (?) TO SIR MILES STAPLETON AND THOMAS BREWES[164.1]

_To my ryght trusti and wyth all myn hert intyerly welbelovyd Sir Mylys Stapelton, Knyght._

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / AUG. 21]

Ryght trusty and wyth all myn hert entierly welbelovyd, I grete yow wele, and wol that ye wete that a gentelman of your ally haghe [_hath_] ben wyth me, at whos instans and steryng and by hese good avyes I wold ful fayne amet [_have met_] wyth yow at Framyngham; but I may no lenger abyde here for the strayte comaundment that I have to be wyth the Kyng. Wherfore I pray yow to comown wyth Brews and Paston, and to put in artycles be ther avyses and be your wysdom the indisposicion of the people of this counte, and what were most necesary to be desierid of the Kyng and of my Lordis of the Councell for the restreynte of ther mourmour and the peas, and to sende it me be the brynger herof, to whom I pray yow gef credens. And the Holy Ternyte kepe yow. Wretyn at Wynche, the xxj. day of August.

_To my ryght trusty and entierly welbelovyd Thomas Brewes, Squyer._

Ryght trusty and intyerly welbelovid, I grete yow wele. And for as mouche as ye were with my wyf at Wynche in the name and behalve of the substaunce of the gentelys of this shyer, and cause my wyf to wryte to me for to turne agayn into Norffolk, be wheche wrytyng, and be your report it semyd to me that a gret asemble had be purposid wythin the counte heer. I therfore sayd unto yow, wolyng and mevyng yow aftyr your trowth, and as ye know, that ye do put in artycles the indisposicion of the people, and what your avyce is to be do for the restreynyng of the same; and this articles I pray yow set to your seal, and cause other gentelmen with wham ye have comonyng set ther seales, for this is necessary, and that I may schew it to the Kyng and to my Lordis of hese Councell, and that I fayle not here of for your honeste and myn excuse. And the Ternyte kepe yow. Wreten at Wynche, the xxj. day of August.

[Footnote 164.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The two letters
following are from contemporaneous copies written on the same
paper. Being dated the same day as the preceding letter of the
Earl of Oxford, and addressed to the two persons named in the
postscript, we should have every reason to suppose they are the
copies there mentioned, were it not for the circumstance that
the Earl of Oxford’s seat at Wynche, near Lynn, in Norfolk, must
have been a good day’s journey from Bury St. Edmunds. The
internal evidence, however, is in other respects so strong that
we have no doubt at all upon the subject. The difficulty as to
the date may be accounted for by supposing that these two
letters were really written at Wynche the day before, but that
the date 21st August was filled in by the Earl at Bury St.
Edmunds at the time he despatched his letter of the same date to
John Paston.]

134

[THE EARL OF OXFORD TO THE DUKE OF NORFOLK][165.1]

[Sidenote: 1450 / [AUG.]]

Ryght high and myghty Prynce and my right good Lord, I recomaunde me un to youre good Lordshep. And for asmouch as I am enformed [that] certeyn notable knyghtis and squyers of this counte dispose thaym self to be with youre Lordshep in hasty tyme at Fram[yngham], theer to have comonyngs with youre good Lordshep for the sad rule and governaunce of this counte, wych standyth ryght . . . . . indisposyd, God amend it; for qwych sad rule and governaunce to be had I wold full fayn a ben with your good [Lordship]. But for asmouch as the Kynge hath geve to me straitly in charge to be with hys Highnesse at Westminstre on Saterda[y]. . . . . . [I must] departe towards London. Therfore therof I beseche your good Lordship that ye vouchesaf to comon with the seyd k[nyghtes and squyers] as with your feytfull servaunts; and I trost to God to se youre good Lordship at Framyngham as I shall . . . . . And yf your Lordshep seme necessary that I now beynge at Westminster shall any thynge laboure or des[ire for the rule] and governaunce of the counte forsayd, or for reformacion of suche wronge as the peples herts most agrugge as . . . . . . . . lyke that I meve to the Kynge and the Lordes of the Counceyll, so wyll I meve, and none otherwyse as . . . . . . . . Wheryn I beseche your grace to know your entente by the brynger her of. And my service is redy to your Lords[hip] . . . . . mercy who kepe who kepe[166.1] nebbey (?) for hese grace.

[Footnote 165.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This would seem by
internal evidence to be the letter of excuse written by Oxford
to the Duke of Norfolk, which the Earl mentions in his letter to
John Paston of the 21st August. The original from which it is
taken is a copy without signature or address, and mutilated in
the margin.]

[Footnote 166.1: So in MS.]

135

JOHN PASTON AND LORD MOLEYNS[166.2]

_Un to the right reverent fadir in God and my right gracioux Lord, the Cardinal Archebisshop of York, Prymat and Chaunceller of Inglond._

[Sidenote: 1450(?)]

Besecheth mekely John Paston that where Robert Hungerford, Knyght, Lord Molens, and Alianore, his wyff, late with force and strength, and grete multitude of riottous peple, to the noumbre of a thousand persones and mo, gadered by th’excitacion and procuryng of John Heydon[166.3] a yenst the Kynggs pees, in riotous maner entred up on your seid besecher and othir enfeoffed to his use in the manoir of Gresham with th’appurtenaunces in the shire of Norffolk; whiche riotous peple brake, dispoiled, and drew doun the place of your seid besecher in the seid toun, and drafe out his wiff and servauntes there beyng, and ryfled, took, and bare awey alle the goodes and catalx that your seid besecher and his servauntes hadde there to the value of cc_li._ [£200] and more; and the seid manoir, after the seid riottous entre, kept with strong hande in manere of werre, as weel ayenst your seid besecher and his feffees, as ayenst oon of the Kyngges justicez of the pees in the seid shire, that come thedir to execute the statutes ordeigned and provyded ayenst suche forcible entrees and kepyng of possessions with force, as it appiereth by recorde of the seid justice certifyed in to the Chauncerie; and yet the seid Lord Molens the same manoir kepith with force and strengthe ayenst the fourme of the seid statutes: Please it your reverent Faderhood and gracioux Lordship, these premisses considered, to graunte on to your seid besecher for his feffees by hym to be named a special assise[167.1] ayenst the seid Lord Molens, Alianore, and John Heidon, and othir to be named by your seid besecher, and also an oyer and determyner[167.2] ayenst the seid Lord Molens, John Heidon, and othir of the seid riotous peple in like fourme to be named, to enquere, here and determyn all trespaces, extorcions, riottes, forcible entrees, mayntenaunces,[167.3] champerties,[167.4] embraceries,[167.5] offenses, and mesprisions[167.6] by hem or ony of hem doen, als weel atte sute of our sovereign Lord the Kyng, as of your seid besecher and his seid feffees, and every of hem, or of ony othir of the Kyngges lieges: atte reverence of God, and in weye of charite.

[Footnote 166.2: [Add. Charter 17,239, B.M.] This is a bill
addressed to Cardinal Kemp as Lord Chancellor, to which
reference will be found to be made in the succeeding letter.
Kemp was appointed Lord Chancellor on the 31st January 1450. The
acts here complained of were therefore those connected with
Paston’s second expulsion from Gresham.]

[Footnote 166.3: John Heydon, Esq. of Baconsthorpe, a lawyer,
who was recorder of Norwich from 1431 to 1433, and sheriff in
1431-2.]

[Footnote 167.1: _See_ p. 161, Note 2.]

[Footnote 167.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

[Footnote 167.3: Unlawful support given to a disputant by one
not concerned in the cause.]

[Footnote 167.4: Bargains made with litigants for a share in
what may be gained by the suit.]

[Footnote 167.5: Attempts to corrupt juries.]

[Footnote 167.6: Treason or felony committed by oversight or
wilful neglect of a duty.]

136

JOHN PASTON TO JAMES GRESHAM[168.1]

_The copie of the letter of J. P._

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 4]

James Gresham, I prey yow laboure forth to have answer of my bille for myn especial assise, and the oyer and termyner,[168.2] accordyng to my seid bille that I delyvered to my Lord Chaunceler,[168.3] letyng hym wete that his Lordship conceyved the graunt of suyche a special matier myght cause a rumour in the cuntre. Owt of dowte the cuntre is not so disposed, for it is desired ageyn suche persones as the c[untre] wolde were ponysshid; and if they be not ponysshid to refourme that they have do amysse, by liklynesse the cuntre wole rise up on th[em]. Men talke that a general oier and termyner is graunted to the Duke of Norfolk, my Lord of Ely, the Erll of Oxenford, the Lord Scales, Sir John Fastolf, Sir Thomas Fulthorp, and William Yelverton, and men be right glad therof. Yet that notwithstondyng, laboure ye forth for me. F[or] in a general oyer and termyner a _supersedeas_ may dassh al, and so shall not in a special. And also if the justicez come at my request, they shall sytte als long as I wole, and so shall thei not by the generall. And as for commyssioners in myn, &c., Sir John Fastolf must be pleyntyf als weel as I my self, and so he may not be commyssioner; and as for alle the remenant, I can thynke them indifferent inow in the matier, except my Lord Scales, whos wyff is aunte to the Lady Moleyns.

And as for that the Lord Moleyns hath wretyn that he dar put the matier in awarde of my Lord Chaunceler, and in what juge he wole take to hym, &c. (which offre as I suppose shall be tolde to yow for to make yow to cesse your labour), thanne lete that be answerid, and my Lord Chaunceller enfourmed thus: The matier was in trete by th’assent of the Lord Moleyns a twene his counseil and myn, whiche assembled at London xvj. dyvers dayes, and for the more part there was a sergeant and vj. or vij. thrifty apprentisez; at whiche tyme the Lord Moleyns title was shewed, and clerly answerid, in so meche that his own counseil seide they cowde no forther in the matier, desiryng me to ride to Salesbury to the Lord Moleyns, promyttyng of their part that thei wolde moeve the Lord Moleyns, so that thei trusted I shuld have myn entent or I come thens; of whiche title and answer I send yow a copie that hath be put in to the Parlement, the Lord Moleyns being there present, whereto he cowde not sey nay. Also by fore this tyme I have agreed to put it in ij. juges, so thei wolde determyne by our evydences the right, moevyng nother partie to yeve other by ony mene, but only the right determyned, he to be fully recompensed that hath right. Whereto he wold not agree, but alle tymes wolde that thoe juges shulde entrete the parties as they myght be drawe to by offre and profre to my conceyte as men bye hors. Whiche matiers considerid, my counseil hath alwey conceyved that the tretees he offred hath be to non othir entent but to delaye the matier, or ellis to entrete me to relese my damages, for title hath he non. And he knowith weel the title shall never better be undirstond thanne it hath be by his counseil and myn atte seid comunycacions. And also my Lord Chaunceler undirstond that the Lord Moleyns men toke and bar away more than cc_li._ [£200] worth of my goodes and catalles. Wherof I delyvered hym a bylle of every parcell, wherto al the world knoweth he canne make no title. And if he were disposed to do right, my counseil thynketh he shuld restore that, for therfor nedith nowthir comunycacion nor trete. And with owt he wole restore that, I trowe no man can thynk that his trete is to no good purpose.

I preye yow hertily laboure ye so to my Lord Chaunceller that owther he wole graunte me my desire, or ellis that he wole denye it. And lete me have answer from yow in wrytyng how ye spede. If my Lord Chaunceler hath lost my bille that I delyvered hym, wherof I sende yowe a copie, that thanne ye put up to hym an othir of the same, takyng a copie to your self.

Recomand me to my cosyn William Whyte,[170.1] and prey hym to gyf yow his help in this, and lete hym be prevye to this letter. And lete hym w[ete] that my cosyn his suster hath childe, a doughter. Wretyn at Norwich, the iiij. day of Septembre.

Dyverse men of my freendis avyse me to entre in to the maner of Gresham by force of my writte of restitution, whiche I wole not do by cause the maner is so decayed by the Lord Moleyns occupacion, that where it was worth to me l. marks clerly by yeer, I cowde not now make it worth xx_li._; for whiche hurt, and for othir hurtis, by this special assise I trust to have remedye.

[Footnote 168.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] It is evident that
this letter was written partly in answer to Gresham’s of the
19th August 1450. The year is therefore the same. The letter is
printed from a copy in Gresham’s handwriting.]

[Footnote 168.2: _See_ p. 161, Note 3.]

[Footnote 168.3: Cardinal Kemp. --_See_ last No.]

[Footnote 170.1: Cardinal Kemp’s servant. --_See_ No. 128.]

137

ABSTRACT[170.2]

SIR JOHN FASTOLF TO SIR THOMAS HOWYS, THOMAS GRENE, AND WATKYN SHYPDAM.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 7]

Has no word from them of the correction and engrossing of the damages done to him by divers men in Norfolk, of part of which he sent a roll to them at Castre a month ago. Sends John Bokkyng for an answer. Was often damaged by the Duke of Suffolk’s officers in Lodylond, both by undue amerciaments and distraining cattle at Cotton, and by the officers of Cossey, of which there should be remembrances at Castre. Wrote also that they should see the Bishop of Norwich about the letter left with him concerning the award of Dedham. Is particularly anxious to know what they have done about Rydlyngfeld, &c.

London, 7 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

_Signed._

[Footnote 170.2: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 245.]]

138

ABSTRACT[171.1]

_Sir John Fastolf to Sir Thomas Howys_, at Castre, or at Pokethorp in Norwich, or at Haylydon Manor.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 15]

Has received his letter by Thomas Fastolf touching his diligence about the recovery of the letter with the Bishop of Norwich, and of the evidences of Rydlyngfeld, with a copy of a certain indenture which F. has already sealed. Has no answer of the correction of the articles F. sent home to him two months ago. As my Lord of Norfolk is at Norwich to sit upon the oyer and terminer, you must labor to shew forth my grievances. Nothing can be done till after Michaelmas about the _venire facias_ for the jury of Sybton. Has written this week by the Parson of Estharlyng to Berney, who, he hears, has been shewing favor to his adversaries. Refers him further to John Bokkyng, who is now in Norfolk.

London, 15 Sept. 29 Hen. VI.

[Footnote 171.1: [From MS. Phillipps, 9735, No. 253.]]

139

HENRY VI. TO JOHN PASTON[171.2]

_To oure trusty and welbeloved John Paston, Squier._

By the King.

[Sidenote: 1450 / SEPT. 18]

Trusty and welbeloved, for asmuche as oure right trusty and welbeloved the Lord Moleyns is by our special desire and comaundement waitting upon us, and now for divers consideracions moeving us, we purpose to sende hym in to certaine places for to execute oure commaundement, for the whiche he ne may be attendant to be in oure countees of Northfolk and Suffolk at the time of oure Commissioners sitting upon oure commission of oier determiner within the same oure counties: We therfore desire and praye that considering his attendance upon us, and that he must applie hym to execute oure commaundement, ye wol respite as for any thing attempting ayenst hym as for any matiers that ye have to do or seye ayenst hym, or any other of his servants, welwillers, or tenaunts, by cause of hym, unto tyme he shal mowe be present to ansuere there unto; wherein ye shall ministere unto us cause of pleasure, and over that, deserve of us right good thanke. Yeven under oure signet at oure Palois of Westmynster, the xviij. day of September.

[Footnote 171.2: [From Fenn, iii. 362.] The bearing of this
letter upon the contents of Nos. 135 and 136 proves it to be of
the same year.]

140

ABSTRACT[172.1]

THE VICAR OF SPORLE TO JOHN PASTON.

[Sidenote: 1450(?) / SEPT. 29]

Reports the disposition of ‘my master,’ the Provost. Francis Costard brought his evidence to my master’s presence, where it was examined. He wondered what title you would claim to the land. I said, men said it was once free till it was soiled by a bondman. He gave more weight to the evidence of John Aleyn and Nicholas Waterman. Aleyn says he was steward of the manor, in Garleke’s days, forty years, and never knew it claimed for bond ground; and the said Nicholas says it was he who moved your father to buy the manor. Many others have set their seals to corroborate this. Asked him to be good unto Henry Halman, who was amerced in his court for chastising a servant of his, a bondman of yours. My master asked mockingly if a man might not beat his own wife.

Sporle, Michaelmas morning.

[This letter would seem to belong to the same year as No. 128, in
which ‘Costard’s _nisi prius_’ and an action against Halman are
referred to. No. 129 also mentions Halman and the writer of this
letter.]

[Footnote 172.1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.]]

141

THOMAS DENYES TO JOHN PASTON[173.1]

_To my maister Paston in hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 4]

Right worshipfull and my right good maister, I recomaund me to you. And like you wete that it is now . . . . I haf for Danyels sake put my self withynne the maner of Rydon; and her is with me a kynnesman [of] my mastres your wifes, John Bendyssh. And as yestirday cam John Wodehous with a xij. hors to Geyt[on]; on the othre side cometh Fitz William with xx. hors; and on the third parte, oon Hoberd of Midelton hath redy a xx. felaws; and on the fourth parte, stant the toune of Lynne redy with Herry Wodehous; and thei all be gon thedir this nyght. This day folwyng cometh to thaym Herry Tudenham, William Narburgh, Thomas Trusbut, Thomas Kervile, and Shuldham servauntez, Salesbury and William Owayn. It is so that of my lorde[173.2] gete I no socour, and lever I had to dy than gif up the place sith I am ther yn. And I wene if thei gete the place upon me ther helpith my lif no pardon. Wherfore I lowly beseche yow, maister Paston, advertise in your wisdom that this was the first porpose of Tudenham and Heydon whils thei regned, to gete this place; and to that intent thei brought hider the lord Roos, which now is full simpely thought on with my maister that I serve. And ye wete wele that I have most encountred the entent of Tudenham and Heydon of ony pouer man on lyve; And if I be lost or put to an ungoodly rebuke heryn my service is the lesse of valu to you that be gentils of the shire. Wherfore I requyre your maistership to come hider in your persone with suych as ye seme not to that intent to take party in the mater, but to that intent to help to set peas in the shire, and to stire my lord for his honour. For yisterday my lord sent to Lynne and made a cry to be made that he wold be named in the writ of the statute of Northampton, and that cry hath caused the common pople of the toun of Lynne to stere the more. Neverthelesse all the substaunce of the toun is in peas and peasid by the wisdam of the Meir theer, but not for than sum of thaym come with Harry Wodehous, so that I deme he hath a vj^xx. persones in all on all sides. I beseche you to send me hider sum socour beside forth, with John Osbern and John Lister with thaym, and come ye aftir a parte by your good wisdome soukyng (_sic_) their demenynges, and send me your advyse. Wretyn the nyght of the Sunday a forn seynt Feithesday.

Your servaunt,

THOMAS DENYES.

This day I deme thei come beforn us. If ye help not now, Tudenham and Heydon shal achieve in their desese the conquest that thei coude never achieve in their prosperite.

[Footnote 173.1: [Add. MS. 34,888, f. 45.] This is evidently the
same year as No. 142, in which William Wayte writes to Paston
that Denyes ought to withdraw his garrison from Roydon. The MS.
is slightly mutilated at the top in the right-hand corner.]

[Footnote 173.2: The Earl of Oxford.]

142

WILLIAM WAYTE TO JOHN PASTON[174.1]

_To my mayster, John Paston, in ryght gret hast._

[Sidenote: 1450 / OCT. 6]

Syr, and it plese, I was in my Lord of Yorks[174.2] howse, and I herde meche thynge more thanne my mayster[174.3] wrytyth un to yow of; I herde meche thynge in Fletestrede. But, Sir, my Lord was with the Kynge, and he vesaged so the mater that alle the Kynges howshold was and is aferd ryght sore; and my seyd Lord hayth putte a bille to the Kynge, and desyryd meche thynge, qwych is meche after the Comouns desyre, and all is up on justice, and to putte all thos that ben indyted under arest with owte suerte or maynpryce, and to be tryed be lawe as lawe wyll; in so meche that on Monday Sir William Oldhall was with the Kynge atte Westminster more thanne to houres, and hadde of the Kynge good cher. And the Kynge desyryd of Sir William Oldhall that he shuld speke to hese cosyn York, that he wold be good Lord to John Penycock, and that my Lord of York shuld wryte un to hese tenance that they wold suffyr Peny Cocks officers go and gader up hys rents fermes with inne the seyd Dukes lordsheps. And Sir William Oldhall answherd ayen to the Kynge, and preyed hym to hold my Lord escusyd, for thow my Lord wrotte under hese seale of hys armes hys tenantez wyll not obeyet; in someche that whanne Sir Thomas Hoo mette with my Lord of Zork be yon Sent Albons, the Western men felle upon hym, and wold a slayne hym, hadde [not?] Sir William Oldhall abe [_have been_], and therfor wold the Westerne men affalle up on the seyd Sir William, and akyllyd hym. And so he tolde the Kynge.