Chapter II: Was Independence Promised? (2)

"With regard to your proclamation, there is still a trump card
to be played. Did you not say that the basis of any negotiation
in Singapore was the Independence of the Philippines under an
American protectorate? This is what Consul Pratt telegraphed
and to which Dewey and Washington agreed; as I figured up
the 'price' of the telegram, I know very well what occurred,
and I am ready to state it and to swear to it when the proper
time comes. There are five of us against one in the event of
Consul Pratt receiving instructions to deny it. Furthermore,
Mr. St. Clair knows what happened and I am certain that he
also would testify. St. Clair still has the rough draft as
an historical relic, and St. Clair is a true and loyal friend
of yours, as is your humble servant." [39]

The utter unscrupulousness of Bray is shown by his claim that St. Clair would confirm his false statements, made as it was after receiving St. Clair's letter above quoted.

But Bray did not wait for Aguinaldo to play this trump card. He tried to play it himself by cabling Senator Hoar, on the same day, that as the man who introduced General Aguinaldo to the American government through the consul at Singapore he was prepared to swear that the conditions under which Aguinaldo promised to cooperate with Dewey were independence under a protectorate. [40]

Let us now trace Aguinaldo's subsequent movements, and see what promises, if any, were made to him by Wildman and Dewey. He had returned to Hongkong with two companions, all travelling under assumed names. Only his most trusted friends among the members of the junta were at first allowed to know where he was living.

His situation was a difficult one. It was necessary for him to come to some sort of a temporary arrangement with Artacho, if he was to avoid legal difficulties, and to reëstablish himself with some of his companions, who had accused him of deserting with the intention of going to Europe to live on money which belonged to them. When harmony had been temporarily restored through the good offices of Sandico, Aguinaldo had an interview with Consul General Wildman. He has since claimed that Wildman, too, promised him independence, but the truth seems to be that he himself said he was anxious to become an American citizen. This being impossible, he wanted to return to the Philippines and place himself under Dewey's orders. He wanted to help throw off the yoke of Spain, and this done, would abide by the decision of the United States as to the fate of the Philippines. [41]

Any claim that Aguinaldo had been promised independence by Wildman, or, indeed, that the latter had been allowed to know that the Filipinos desired it, seems to me to be negatived, not only by Wildman's own statements, but by a letter from Agoncillo to Aguinaldo written on August 5, 1908, in which he says:--

"The American consul left my house to-day at 3 o'clock, as I
had requested an interview with him before his departure, and
I was unable to go to the Consulate on account of the swelling
of my feet. From our conversation I infer that independence
will be given to us. I did not, however, disclose to him
our true desires.... Said consul approved my telegram to
McKinley, which has been sent to-day through him, a copy of
which is herewith enclosed. If they accept our representative
in the commission, we may arrive at a friendly understanding,
and it will enable us to prepare for the fight in case they
refuse to listen to our request. On the other hand, if at
the very beginning they refuse to admit our representative,
we will at once be in a position to know what should be done,
_i.e._ to prepare for war." [42]

On May 4, 1898, the Hongkong junta voted that Aguinaldo ought to go to the Philippines, and go he did. It would seem that he at first gave up the idea of joining Dewey, for on May 11 he wrote a cipher letter, giving minute directions for the preparation of signals to assist his ship in making land, by day or by night, at Dingalan Bay on the east coast of Luzon; directing the capture of the town of San Antonio, just back of Capones Islands, in Zambales, and ending with the words: "We will surely arrive at one of the two places above mentioned, so you must be prepared."

Something led him again to change his mind, and he finally sailed on the _McCulloch_.

In his "Reseña Verídica" written later for political purposes, Aguinaldo has definitely claimed that Dewey promised him that the United States would recognize the independence of the Filipino people. I will let him tell his own story, confronting his statements with those of the admiral.

"May 19, 1898.

"The _McCulloch_ started at eleven o'clock on the morning of
the 17th of May for the Philippines; we anchored, between
twelve and one o'clock on the afternoon of the 19th, in
the waters of Cavite, and immediately the launch of the
Admiral--with his aid and private secretary--came to convey
me to the _Olympia_, where I was received, with my aid,
Sr. Leyva, with the honors of a general, by a section of
marine guards." [43]

Relative to this matter, Admiral Dewey has testified: [44]

"_The Chairman_. You, of course, never saluted the flag?

_Admiral Dewey_. Certainly not; and I do not think I ever
called Aguinaldo anything but Don Emilio; I don't think I
ever called him 'General.'

_The Chairman_. And when he came on board ship was he received
with any special honors at the side?

_Admiral Dewey_. Never."

The "Reseña Verídica" continues:--

"The Admiral received me in a salon, and after greetings of
courtesy I asked him 'if all the telegrams relative to myself
which he had addressed to the Consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt,
were true.' He replied in the affirmative, and added, 'that
the United States had come to the Philippines to protect its
natives and free them from the yoke of Spain.'

He said, moreover, that 'America was rich in territory and
money, and needed no colonies,' concluding by assuring me,
'to have no doubt whatever about the recognition of Philippine
independence by the United States.' Thereupon he asked me
if I could get the people to arise against the Spaniards and
carry on a rapid campaign." [45]

As we have seen, Dewey sent only one telegram to Pratt about Aguinaldo. It merely directed that the latter be sent.

"I then expressed to him my profound acknowledgment for the
generous help which the United States was giving the Filipino
people, as well as my admiration for the magnificence and
goodness of the American people. I also stated to him that
'before leaving Hongkong, the Filipino Colony had held a
meeting, at which was discussed and considered the possibility
that--after defeating the Spaniards--the Filipinos might have a
war with the Americans, if they should refuse to recognize our
independence, who were sure to defeat us because they should
find us tired out, poor in ammunitions and worn out in the war
against the Spaniards,' requesting that he pardon my frankness.

"The Admiral replied that he 'was delighted at my sincerity,
and believed that both Filipinos and Americans should treat
each other as allies and friends, clearly explaining all
doubts for the better understanding between both parties,' and
added that, 'so he had been informed, the United States would
recognize the independence of the Filipino people, guaranteed
by the word of honor of the Americans,--more binding than
documents which may remain unfulfilled when it is desired
to fail in them as happened with the compacts signed by the
Spaniards, advising me to form at once a Filipino national
flag, offering in virtue thereof to recognize and protect
it before the other nations, which were represented by the
various squadrons then in the Bay; although he said we should
conquer the power from the Spaniards before floating said
flag, so that the act should be more honourable in the sight
of the whole world, and, above all, before the United States,
in order that when the Filipino ships with their national
flag would pass before the foreign squadrons they should
inspire respect and esteem.'

"Again I thanked the Admiral for his good advice and generous
offers, informing him that if the sacrifice of my life was
necessary to honor the Admiral before the United States,
I was then ready to sacrifice it.

"I added that under such conditions I could assure him that
all the Filipino people would unite in the revolution to
shake off the yoke of Spain; that it was not strange that
some few were not yet on his side on account of lack of arms
or because of personal expediency.

"Thus ended this first conference with Admiral Dewey, to whom
I announced that I would take up my residence at the Naval
Headquarters in the Cavite Arsenal." [46]

Further on, in the same document, Aguinaldo advances the claim that on the occasion of the visit of General Anderson and Admiral Dewey the latter again promised him independence.

He says:--

"In the same month of July, the Admiral, accompanied by General
Anderson, presented himself, and after greetings of courtesy
said to me: 'You have seen confirmed all of what I promised
and said to you. How pretty your flag is. It has a triangle,
and it looks like Cuba's. Will you give me one as a reminder
when I return to America?'

"I replied to him that I was convinced of his word of
honour and that there was no necessity whatever to draw up
in documentary form his agreements, and as for the flag,
that he could count on it, even at that very moment.

"Dewey continued: 'Documents are not complied with when
there is no honour, as has happened with your agreement
with the Spaniards, who have failed in what was written
and signed. Trust in my word for I hold myself responsible
that the United States will recognize the independence of
the country. But I recommend to you [plural.--TR.] to keep
everything which we have talked about and agreed upon with
a great deal of secrecy for the present. And, moreover,
I entreat you [plural.--TR.] to be patient if our soldiers
should insult some Filipino, because, as volunteers, they
are yet lacking in discipline.'" [47]

Admiral Dewey has testified as follows, concerning the recognition of Philippine independence by him:--

"_The Chairman_. You remember the question of your recognizing
his republic was a good deal discussed and you wrote me a
letter, which I read in the senate. Of course, I am only
asking now about what you said in the letter. There was no
recognition of the republic?

"_Admiral Dewey_. Never. I did not think I had any authority to
do it and it never occurred to me to do it. There was a sort
of a reign of terror; there was no government. These people
had got power for the first time in their lives and they
were riding roughshod over the community. The acts of cruelty
which were brought to my notice were hardly credible. I sent
word to Aguinaldo that he must treat his prisoners kindly,
and he said he would."

He has further testified that he never as much as heard of independence until the appearance of Aguinaldo's proclamation of June 15, 1898:--

"_Admiral Dewey_.... Then when I heard that our troops were
coming I asked him to withdraw his troops from Cavite and make
room for our men. He demurred at this, but finally withdrew
and established headquarters across the bay at a place called
Bacoor, from which place on the 15th of June he sent me a
proclamation declaring the independence of the Philippines.

"_The Chairman_. Was that the first?

"_Admiral Dewey_. That was the first intimation; the first
I had ever heard of independence of the Philippines.

"_The Chairman_. He had said something to you--

"_Admiral Dewey_. Not a word. He had done what I told him. He
was most obedient; whatever I told him to do he did. I attached
so little importance to this proclamation that I did not even
cable its contents to Washington, but forwarded it through
the mails. I never dreamed that they wanted independence."

Remembering that Admiral Dewey was not being interrogated as to the statements of the "Reseña Veridica," it will be seen that he has, nevertheless, covered them fully.

It was my good fortune to be long and intimately associated with Admiral Dewey while serving on the first Philippine commission. He always grew indignant when the subject of any promises relative to independence said to have been made by him was so much as mentioned, and gave to the commission in writing the following:--

"The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, under date of Sept. 23,
published in the _Springfield Republican_, so far as it
relates to reported conversations with me, or actions of mine,
is a tissue of falsehood. I never, directly or indirectly,
promised the Filipinos independence. I never received Aguinaldo
with military honors, or recognized or saluted the so-called
Filipino flag. I never considered him as an ally, although
I did make use of him and the natives to assist me in my
operations against the Spaniards." [48]

As Dewey's allegations flatly contradict those of Aguinaldo, we must choose between the two. While I have no doubt as to where the choice will fall, I will now submit some additional matter of interest. Let us first consider the history of the "Reseña Verídica" in which Aguinaldo makes the charges above quoted. On September 12, 1899, Buencamino wrote of it to Apacible in Hongkong, saying:--

"This work is entitled 'Reseña Verídica de la Revolución
Filipina' in which Don Emilio relates in detail his acts with
Admiral Dewey. It has been distributed to the Consuls and
you are ordered to reprint it there translated into English
and send some copies to the United States, even though only
a thousand, if you deem it advisable. Send copies also to
Europe, Señor Agoncillo taking charge of the publication. If
the Agent you may have selected for the United States should
still be there, it would be advisable for him to take a copy
of the pamphlet with him for its publication.

"This is an order of the Government which I take pleasure in
transmitting to you for due execution." [49]

But there was a change of heart about giving the pamphlet to the consuls, for under date of September 30 Buencamino wrote:--

"We have not distributed them here in order that Otis may
not counteract the effects that we desire to produce with
this publication, through his usual machinations. Nor do we
believe it advisable to make this pamphlet public in those
colonies before your arrival in the United States." [50]

To this letter he added in cipher the following postscript to Pablo Ocampo, in charge of Aguinaldo's correspondence in Manila:--

"At last moment--Nota bene:

"Don't deliver any copy of the 'Reseña Verídica' to the
Consuls, even though it was so directed in the beginning of
the letter. All except one, which is for you, will be sent
to Hong-kong, Don Pedro de la Viña being bearer of the same,
as also of the other documents. The copy intended for you
is neither to be divulged nor published, for strict reserve
is required until those which are being sent arrive at their
destination." [51]

The reason for preserving such secrecy relative to this document until it could reach its destination and work its harm is of course obvious. Its statements were so outrageously false that they would have been instantly and authoritatively contradicted had it been issued seasonably at Manila.

The truth is that Aguinaldo's claim that he had been promised independence was a gradual growth. Let us trace it.

On May 21, he wrote a circular letter to "My dear brother," inviting the recipients and their companions to meet him at once, and arrange the best way to entrap all the enemy in their homes.

In this he says that he has promised the American admiral that they will "carry on modern war" and adds: "Even if a Spaniard surrenders, he must be pardoned and treated well, and then you will see that our reputation will be very good in all Europe, which will declare for our independence; but if we do not conduct ourselves thus, the Americans will decide to sell us or else divide up our territory. As they will hold us incapable of governing our land, we shall not secure our liberty, rather the contrary; our own soil will be delivered over to other hands." [52]

In this letter, written on the very day of the interview at which he subsequently claimed that Admiral Dewey had promised independence, does he make any claim that this had occurred? No, he very distinctly implies the contrary. Is it believable that if he could truly have said "The United States, through its representatives Dewey and Pratt, has promised to recognize our independence" he would have failed to do so when this would instantly have secured him the vigorous support which he was then uncertain of obtaining? I think not.

In this letter Aguinaldo specifically directs that deceit be employed and that Spanish officers be treacherously attacked. The practising of deceit was a carefully considered part of the insurgent policy. In a letter from Hongkong dated July 21, 1898, Agoncillo writes as follows to Mabini: [53]--

"the time will come when disguises must be set aside and
we will see who is deceiving whom. The statements made by
some of the commanders of the fleet here to Don Emilio and
myself were to the effect that the exclusive purpose of the
Government at Washington with regard to the Filipinos, is to
grant this country independence, without any conditions,
although I said to myself that such a purpose was too
philanthropical. Don Emilio knew what I thought then, and
I still think the same; that is to say that we are the ones
who must secure the independence of our country by means of
unheard of sacrifices and thus work out its happiness." [54]

Aguinaldo himself frankly advocated the use of deceit. He practised what he preached. Simeon Villa, one of his companions on his subsequent flight through Northern Luzon, before he finally took refuge at Palanan, kept a diary, which constitutes an official record of this long journey. In it he has inserted some bits of history of other days, of which none is more interesting than his account of the beginning of hostilities against the Spaniards, in August, 1896. From it we learn that Aguinaldo, who was known to the friar of his town to be both a mason and a chief of the Katipúnan, was in danger during August, and on the night of the 29th of that month called a meeting of all the compromised persons of the place, who agreed that on the following day he should "make representations to the governor of the province." Villa says that he was greatly beloved by the governor and his wife. Early on the following morning, he "presented himself to the governor, and in the name of the people of Cavite Viejo, offered him their respects and their loyalty to Spain," at the same time asking a garrison of a hundred men for his town, which the governor promised to send at once if the captain-general approved.

That afternoon he reported the results of his efforts to his fellow-conspirators, "and told them that then was the opportune moment for rising against the Spaniards." He initiated the uprising himself the next morning. [55]

Could deceit be more deliberately practised or treachery more frankly employed?

I have indulged in this digression to show that Aguinaldo could hardly have complained had the methods which he used against others been employed against him. He was never deceived by the Americans, but his claims relative to independence grew rapidly, and he was soon deceiving his own people.

On May 24th, he issued no less than four proclamations. One of these, doubtless intended to be seen by Americans, made no mention of Independence, but said: [56]--

"The great powerful North American nation has offered its disinterested protection to secure the liberty of this country."

In another proclamation, doubtless intended for a different use, he made the statement that the great North American nation had come to give decisive and disinterested protection, "considering us as sufficiently civilized and capable of governing ourselves." [57]

On June 5, having practically gained control of Cavite Province, he felt strong enough to announce that independence would be proclaimed on June 12, and on that date he did proclaim it in a decree.

The Admiral of the American Squadron, with the commanders and officers of his command, was invited to the ceremonies, but none of them went. As it was important for Aguinaldo to have some one there to pose as a representative of the United States, he utilized for this purpose a certain "Colonel" Johnson, an ex-hotel keeper of Shanghai, who was running a cinematograph show. He appeared as Aguinaldo's chief of artillery and the representative of the North American nation. [58]

* * * * *

Even as late as October 3, 1898, Agoncillo in a memorandum addressed to President McKinley did not claim that independence had been promised, but said:--

"As soon as the Spanish-American war began, the American
representatives and officials in Singapore, Hongkong and
Manila, invited the natives of the Philippines to assist
the American arms, which they did gladly and loyally, as
allies, with the conviction that their personality would
be recognized, as well as their political, autonomous and
sovereign rights." [59]

In it he does, however, claim that the organization of a government independent of America and Spain was accomplished with the tacit consent of the admiral commanding the fleet and with that of the general and military and political commanders of the United States of North America in the Philippines.

"Who, knowing these facts, not only did not object but accepted
them as a consummated legal act, and maintained official
relations with the new organization, making use thereof in
its subsequent actions and for the subsequent development of
the campaign, which was consequently brought to such a happy
end." [60]

This is a second illustration of the stereotyped insurgent procedure of announcing a policy and then claiming that failure to attack it meant acquiescence in it. Admiral Dewey says that he did not even read this proclamation. There was no reason why he should have done so, as it did not deal with matters which he was authorized to settle. He had no instructions relative to the recognition of new governments, and he sent this document to Washington without comment, as he should have done. [61]

Apropos of this claim that American officers tacitly recognized the Insurgent government, certain passages from an unsigned document in the handwriting of Mabini, prepared about July 15, 1898, are of interest. Mabini, speaking of the attitude of the Americans, says, "Notwithstanding all this and in spite of their protestations of friendship, they have always refused to recognize that government." Also, "If they persist in refusing to recognize our government, we shall see ourselves compelled to come to an agreement with any other government that will consent to recognize us on friendly terms." [62]

This statement is certainly sufficiently specific as to whether Americans had recognized the Insurgent government on or before the date when it was written.

Let us now consider the relations between Aguinaldo and General Anderson.

Blount attempts to make much of a cablegram, sent by the latter, in which, after describing the Filipinos, he adds, "The people expect independence." Blount says:--

"That cablegram of July 22nd, above quoted, in which the
commanding general of our forces in the Philippines advises
the Washington Government, 'The people expect independence'
is the hardest thing in the public archives of our government
covering that momentous period for those who love the memory of
Mr. McKinley to get around. After the war with the Filipinos
broke out, McKinley said repeatedly in public speeches,
'I never dreamed they would turn against us.'" [63]

If there is nothing harder than this to get around the memory of President McKinley will not suffer, as the important thing is not what Aguinaldo had led his people to expect, but what the American officials had promised him. The President was certainly not bound to believe that the Filipinos would turn against us even if they did then expect independence. Blount has seen fit to leave unmentioned certain other facts which are very pertinent in this connection.

Apparently sometime during September, 1898, Sandico made the following statement in a letter to Aguinaldo:--

"I also have to inform you that Señores Basa, Cortés and
Co. have congratulated the Government of the United States
upon the capture of Manila, stating at the same time that now
that Filipino soil had been soaked with American blood, the
Islands must remain American. I believe that a telegram should
be sent immediately, to counteract that sent by them." [64]

Probably Sandico did not know that on August 15, 1898, Agoncillo had transmitted another telegram to President McKinley through Consul-General Wildman, reading as follows:--

"Agoncillo, my Commissioner and Ambassador-Extraordinary,
representing the provisional government of the Philippine
Islands, in its name and the name of its President, Emilio
Aguinaldo, congratulates you on the successful termination of
the war, and commends the occupancy of Manila. I assure the
United States of the allegiance and unquestioning support
of our people, and petition that we be granted one or more
representatives on the commission that is to decide the future
of our Islands." [65]

It would appear, therefore, that the President had more information on this subject than was transmitted by General Anderson!

Not only did the latter passively refrain from recognizing Aguinaldo's pretensions, but on July 22, 1898, he wrote to him as follows:--

"I observe that your Excellency has announced yourself
Dictator and proclaimed martial law. As I am here simply in
a military capacity, I have no authority to recognize such
an assumption. I have no orders from my government on the
subject." [66]

The effort to keep Americans in ignorance of the true state of affairs was kept up until further deception was useless. Consul Williams, for instance, wrote on June 16, 1898:--

"For future advantage, I am maintaining cordial relations
with General Aguinaldo, having stipulated submissiveness to
our forces when treating for their return here. Last Sunday,
12th, they held a council to form provisional government. I
was urged to attend, but thought best to decline. A form of
government was adopted, but General Aguinaldo told me today
that his friends all hoped that the Philippines would be held
as a colony of the United States of America." [67]

Yet on Sunday, June 12, Aguinaldo had in reality proclaimed the independence of the Philippines. Few Americans at this time knew any Spanish and none understood Tagalog, so that it was comparatively easy to deceive them. What Consul Williams reported was what Aguinaldo considered it expedient to have him believe.

The following undated letter from Aguinaldo to Mabini, supposed to have been sent at this time, is of especial interest in this connection:--

"My dear Brother: I do not want to go there [where the
addressee is] until after the visit of the American Consul,
because I do not wish the negotiations to end in an ultimatum,
and in order that you may tell him all that is favourable for
the cause of our Nation. I charge you with the task of giving
him a reply, and if he should ask about me tell him that
since the time of his last visit there I have not recovered
from my illness. If anything important should happen we can
communicate with each other by telegraph, using a code in
matters that require secrecy." [68]

In a letter supposed to have been written during November, 1898, prepared for Aguinaldo's signature and addressed to Señor McKinley, President of the Republic of the United States of North America, but apparently never sent, Aguinaldo renews the charge [69] previously made in his "Reseñia Verídica," that Pratt and Dewey promised independence. It need not be further discussed.

The climax was finally reached in an official protest against the Paris Treaty written by Agoncillo in Paris on the 12th of December, 1898, in which occurs the following:--

"The United States of America, on their part, cannot allege
a better right to constitute themselves as arbitrators as to
the future of the Philippines.

"On the contrary, the demands of honour and good faith impose
on them the explicit recognition of the political status of
the people, who, loyal to their conventions, were a devoted
ally of their forces in the moments of danger and strife. The
noble general Emilio Aguinaldo and the other Filipino chiefs
were solicited to place themselves at the head of the suffering
and heroic sons of that country, to fight against Spain and
to second the action of the brave and skilful Admiral Dewey.

"At the time of employing their armed coöperation, both the
Commander of the _Petrel_ and Captain Wood in Hongkong, before
the declaration of war, the American Consuls-General Mr. Pratt
in Singapore, Mr. Wildman, in Hongkong, and Mr. Williams in
Cavite, acting as international agents of the great American
nation, at a moment of great anxiety offered to recognize
the independence of the Filipino nation, as soon as triumph
was obtained.

"Under the faith of such promises, an American man-of-war,
the _McCulloch_ was placed at the disposal of the said leaders
and which took them to their native shores; and Admiral Dewey
himself, by sending the man-of-war; by not denying to General
Aguinaldo and his companions the exacting of his promises,
when they were presented to him on board his flag-ship in
the Bay of Manila; by receiving the said General Aguinaldo
before and after his victories and notable deeds of arms,
with the honours due the Commander-in-Chief of an allied
army, and chief of an independent state; by accepting the
efficacious coöperation of that Army and of those Generals;
by recognizing the Filipino flag, and permitting it to be
hoisted on sea and land, consenting that their ships should
sail with the said flag within the places which were blockaded;
by receiving a solemn notification of the formal proclamation
of the Philippine nation, without protesting against it,
nor opposing in any way its existence; by entering into
relations with those Generals and with the national Filipino
authorities recently established, recognized without question
the corporated body and autonomous sovereignty of the people
who had just succeeded in breaking their fetters and freeing
themselves by the impulse of their own force." [70]

It will be noted that the claim constantly grows. The commander of the _Petrel_ Captain Wood, Consul Wildman and Consul Williams are now included among those alleged to have promised independence, and it is claimed that Aguinaldo was received with the honours due the chief of an independent state when he visited Admiral Dewey, whereas his own original claim was that he was received with the honours due a general, which is quite a different matter.

As a matter of fact, American officers usually addressed and treated Aguinaldo as a general. The extent to which they were able to use his organization to further the ends of their government will be set forth later.

In a letter to Wildman, dated August 7, 1898, Aguinaldo admits that there is no agreement, but says that he cannot tell the peoples that it does not exist, "fearing that I may not be able to restrain the popular excitement." [71] He begs Wildman to use his influence on his government so that it will realize the inadvisability of deciding the fate of the people "without considering their will duly represented by my government." Is it conceivable that, if there had been any ground for claiming a promise of independence, Aguinaldo would have failed to mention it at this time?

We may summarize the well-established facts as follows:--

Consul-General Pratt was, or professed to be, in hearty sympathy with the ambition of the Filipino leaders to obtain independence, and would personally have profited from such a result, but he refrained from compromising his government and made no promises in its behalf.

Admiral Dewey never even discussed with Aguinaldo the possibility of independence.

There is no reason to believe that any subordinate of the Admiral ever discussed independence with any Filipino, much less made any promise concerning it.

Neither Consul Wildman nor Consul Williams promised it, and both were kept in ignorance of the fact that it was desired up to the last possible moment.

It is not claimed that either General Anderson or General Merritt made any promise concerning it.

The conclusion that no such promise was ever made by any of these men is fully justified by well-established facts.

Aguinaldo himself carefully refrained at the outset from saying, in any document which Americans could read, that independence had been promised, and advanced this claim only when the growing strength of his land force had given him confidence. He repeated it, with increasing emphasis, as his army increased in size, ultimately openly threatening war if his pretensions were not recognized. In doing this, he was merely carrying out a carefully prearranged plan, agreed upon by the Hongkong junta.

And now let us examine the claim that the insurgents were our "faithful allies" and "coöperated" with us in the taking of Manila. We shall find that this subject richly repays investigation.