Chapter IV: The Primacy of Anselm and the Acquisition of Normandy.903 (11)

[67] See the foundation charter in the Monasticon, iv. 682;
though it is hard to understand how Pope Alexander could
have confirmed anything in 1089. According to the charter,
the church had once been held by a body of canons, which had
come to nothing. Ralph now restored it as a Benedictine
monastery, a cell to Marmoutiers.

[68] “Præcepit omnibus regis fidelibus de parte regis ut
malum facerent episcopo ubicumque et quomodo cumque possent.
Cumque episcopus per se vel per legatos suos regem non
posset requirere, et terras suas destrui et vastari absque
ulla ultione per vii. septimanas et amplius sustineret,”
etc.

[69] Their absence from the assembly comes from Florence;
“Execrabile hoc factum clam tractaverunt in quadragesima,
quod cito in palam prorumpi posset post pascha; nam a regali
se subtrahentes curia, munierunt castella, ferrum, flammam,
prædas, necem, excitaverunt in patriam.” Cf. Orderic, 666 C;
“Munitiones suas fossis et hominibus, atque alimentis
hominum et equorum, abundanter instruebant.”

[70] On Count Robert, see N. C. vol. ii. p. 296; iv. pp. 78,
168, 170. His name does not now occur in the Chronicles, nor
in Orderic, who does not mention the siege of his castle of
Pevensey. But his action comes out strongly in Florence, who
classes him with Odo as a leader, though in his narrative he
appears merely as his tool. The Hyde writer (297) also
dwells fully on his share in the work, but he has no special
facts or legends.

[71] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 117, 672; iv. pp. 39, 562, 825.

[72] In Orderic, 667 B, he appears as “Rogerius Merciorum
comes.”

[73] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rogerius de Laceio, qui jam super
regem invaserat Herefordam.” He appears in Domesday in
Berkshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, but
most largely in Herefordshire. See Ellis, i. 442.

[74] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 138, 352.

[75] Ib. vol. iii. p. 132; iv. p. 448.

[76] Ib. vol. iii. p. 737.

[77] Ib. vol. iii. p. 233.

[78] Ord. Vit. 666 D. See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 74, 489.

[79] See below, p. 36.

[80] See his picture in Orderic, 703 B. “Præfatus præsul
nobilitate cluebat, magisque peritia militari quam clericali
vigebat. Ideoque loricatos milites ad bellandum quam
revestitos clericos ad psallendum magis erudire noverat.”

[81] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 672. Orderic gives his portrait
along with that of his uncle; “Robertus Rogerii de Molbraio
filius potentia divitiisque admodum pollebat, audacia et
militari feritate superbus pares despiciebat, et
superbioribus obtemperare, vana ventositate turgidus,
indignum autumabat. Erat erim corpore magnus, fortis, niger
et hispidus, audax et dolosus, vultu tristis et severus.
Plus meditari quam loqui studebat, et vix in confabulatione
ridebat.”

[82] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Swiðe mycel folc mid heom, ealle
Frencisce men.” He must mean that all the leaders were
French. We shall see (see below, p. 47) that there were both
Englishmen and Britons in the rebel army.

[83] Flor. Wig. 1088.

[84] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Roger hét an of heom se hleop
into þam castele æt Norðwic, and dyde git eallra wærst ofer
eall þæt land.” He is “Rogerius Bigot” in William of
Malmesbury. We shall find him behaving better later in our
story.

[85] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 68, 590.

[86] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Hugo eac an þe hit ne gebette nan
þing, ne innan Lægreceastrescire ne innan Norðamtune.” He is
“Hugo de Grentemesnil” in William of Malmesbury. See N. C.
vol. iv. pp. 74, 232.

[87] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 226.

[88] Ib. p. 382.

[89] Gesta Stephani, 41. “Totius Angliæ noverca Bristoa.”

[90] Simeon of Durham (1088) speaks of the “castellum
fortissimum” at this time.

[91] Gesta Steph. 36. “Est Bristoa civitas … ipso situ loci
omnium civitatum Angliæ munitissima. Sicut enim de Brundusio
legimus, quædam provinciæ Glaornensis pars ad formam linguæ
restricta, et in longum protensa, duobus fluviis gemina ejus
latera proluentibus, inque inferiori parte, ubi ipsa terra
defectum patitur, in unam aquarum abundantiam coeuntibus,
efficit civitatem.”

[92] One might quote nearer instances in the streams which
flow out of Mendip; only they have their _katabothra_ at the
beginning.

[93] Gesta Steph. u. s. “Viva quoque et fortis maris
exæstuatio, noctibus et diebus abundanter exundans, ex
ambabus civitatis partibus fluvios ipsos in latum et
profundum pelagus regurgitare in seipsos cogit, portumque
mille carinis habillimum et tutissimum efficiens, ambitum
illius adeo prope et conjuncte constringit ut tota civitas
aquis innatare, tota super ripas considere videatur.”

[94] In what was the castle green is a very pretty
undercroft of early thirteenth century work, most likely the
support of a chapel.

[95] The course of the stream and the line of the walls have
been altered more than once; but the description in the
Gesta Stephani of the peninsula, as long and tongue-shaped,
shows that the Frome cannot, when that was written, have
taken the line of the present Baldwin Street. The town was
on the peninsula, but it covered only the north-east part of
it.

[96] Gesta Steph. “Ex una tamen ejus regione ubi ad
obsidendum opportunior magisque pervia habetur, castellum
plurimo aggere exaltatum, muro et propugnaculis, turribus,
et diversis machinis firmatum, impugnantium coercet
accessus.” This is doubtless equally true in its measure of
the state of things in 1088; but there is not now much sign
of the “plurimus agger.” The old prints of Bristol show Earl
Robert’s keep, a square tower of the best class.

[97] The description of the later occupation of Bristol
(Gesta Steph. p. 37) will serve equally for this earlier
one. “E diversis siquidem provinciis et regionibus emersi,
tanto illic abundantius et gratulantius affuerunt, quanto
sub divite domino ex munitissimo castello, quicquid
libentium animo occurreret, in uberrima committere Anglia
fuit eis permissum.”

[98] His estates in Somerset are very large. See Domesday,
87 _a_ et seqq. In Gloucestershire (165) he appears as
“Episcopus de Sancto Laudo”――the older seat of the bishopric
of Coutances.

[99] Domesday, 163. Under “Bertune apud Bristou,” now Barton
Regis, we read, “Hoc manerium et Bristou reddit regi c. et
x. markas argenti. Burgenses dicunt quod episcopus G. habet
xxxiii. markas argenti et unam markam auri propter firmam
regis.” This looks like the Earl’s third penny; but Geoffrey
certainly had no formal earldom in Gloucestershire.

[100] This is Camden’s conjecture; it does not greatly
matter for my purpose.

[101] See above, p. 33.

[102] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Gosfrid bisceop and Rodbeard a
Mundbræg ferdon to Bricgstowe and hergodon, and brohton to
þam castele þa hergunge.” So Florence; “Gosfridus episcopus
Constantiensis, in castello Brycstowa, socium conjurationis
et perfidiæ habebat secum nepotem suum Rotbertum de
Mulbraio, virum gnarum militiæ.”

[103] In the song in the Chronicles, 973, Eadgar is crowned
“On þaere ealdan byrig,
Acemannes ceastre,
Eac hie egbuend.
Oþre worde
Beornas Baðan nemnað.”
In the prose entries in Worcester and Peterborough this is
done “at Hatabaðum.”

[104] See Richard of the Devizes, 62. “Bathonia, in imis
vallium, in crasso nimis aere et vapore sulphureo posita,
imo deposita, est ad portas inferi.”

[105] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 385.

[106] Mr. Earle has, I think, made it morally certain that
the Old-English poem on a ruined city in the Codex
Exoniensis refers to Bath. It is a pity that his account is
hidden in the Proceedings of the Bath Natural History and
Antiquarian Field Club, vol. ii. no. 3, 1872.

[107] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 310.

[108] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And syððon foron út of þam
castele and hergodon Baðon, and eall þæt land þær abutan.”
Florence adds the burning; “Rotbertus … congregato exercitu
invasit Bathoniam, civitatem regiam, eamque igne succendit.”

[109] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Illa [Bathonia] deprædata, transivit
in Wiltusciram, villasque depopulans, multorumque hominum
strage facta, tandem adiit Givelceastram, obsedit, et
expugnare disposuit.”

[110] Geveltone, now Yeovilton, was held by one Ralph under
William of Eu (Domesday, 96 _b_). Givele, now Yeovil, was
held by Count Robert (Domesday, 93). All these names come in
various corruptions from the river Givel or Ivel, also
called Yeo. Only in _Yeovil_ we may trace a bit of false
etymology, which has also set the pattern to Yeovilton.

[111] I took with me to Ilchester a book by the Rev. W.
Buckler, “Ilchester Almshouse Deeds” (Yeovil, 1866), which
contains the accounts of Ilchester from Leland, Camden, and
Stukeley, together with Stukeley’s map. The last-named
writer may have drawn somewhat on his imagination; but I
could trace the line of the walls, represented in a great
part of their course by modern buildings. Under the
circumstances of the site, the usual _carfax_ is not to be
found at Ilchester, any more than at Godmanchester.

[112] Domesday, 86 _a_. “In Givelcestre sunt 107 burgenses,
reddentes xx. solidos. Mercatum cum suis appendiciis reddit
xi. libras.”

[113] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Pugnant exterius spe capti prædæ et
amore victoriæ, repugnant intrinsecus acriter pro se
suorumque salute. Tandem inter utrumque necessitatis vicit
causa; repulsus et tristis recedit Rotbertus privatus
victoria.” The Chronicle and William of Malmesbury do not
speak of Ilchester. William thus sums up the campaign;
“Gaufridus episcopus, cum nepote, Bathoniam et Bercheleiam
partemque pagi Wiltensis depopulans, manubias apud Bristou
collocabat.”

[114] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 144.

[115] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And eall Beorclea hyrnesse hi
awæston.” Florence more fully; “Willelmus de Owe
Glawornensem invadit comitatum, regiam villam deprædatur
Beorchelaum, per totam ferro et flamma grande perpetrat
malum.”

[116] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 557.

[117] See Domesday, 164. But it had already given a name to
Roger and Ralph of Berkeley; Domesday, 168. From Roger’s
descendants it passed by marriage to Robert the son of
Harding. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 758.

[118] Domesday, 163. “In Nesse [Sharpness] sunt v. hidæ
pertinentes ad Berchelai quos W. comes misit extra ad
faciendum unum castellulum.”

[119] Since I wrote the fourth volume of the Norman
Conquest, there has been much controversy about the origin
of Robert Fitz-Harding. (See Notes and Queries, Jan. 3rd,
1880.) I am confirmed on the whole in my old belief that he
was the son of Harding the son of Eadnoth.

[120] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 590, 855.

[121] See above, p. 33.

[122] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa men þe yldest wæron of
Hereforde, and eall þeo scír forþmid, and þa men of
Scrobscyre mid mycele folce of Brytlande.”

[123] See above, p. 33.

[124] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Cum hominibus comitis Rogerii de
Scrobbesbyria.” Yet the Chronicler says distinctly, “And
Rogere eorl wæs eac æt þam unræde.” That is, he joined in
the conspiracy, but did not take a personal share in the
war.

[125] See above, p. 35, note 3.

[126] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Congregato magno Anglorum,
Normannorum, et Walensium exercitu.”

[127] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 395.

[128] Ib. vol. i. p. 520.

[129] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa men … comon and hergodon and
þærndon on Wiðreceastrescire forð, and hi comon to þam porte
sylfan, and woldon þa þæne port bærnen, and þæt mynster
reafian, and þæs cynges castel gewinnan heom to handa.”
Florence adds, “grandem de regis incolis fidelibus sumpturos
vindictam.” On the deliverance of Worcester, see Appendix D.

[130] Florence brings in his own Bishop with a panegyric;
“Vir magnæ pietatis et columbinæ simplicitatis, Deo
populoque quern regebat in omnibus amabilis, regi, ut
terreno domino, per omnia fidelis, pater reverendus
Wlstanus.” In the Chronicle he is simply “se arwurða bisceop
Wlfstan.” He goes on to make his exhortation after the
manner of Moses.

[131] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 61.

[132] Ib. vol. iv. p. 579.

[133] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 174.

[134] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 379.

[135] Ib.

[136] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Normanni interim, ineuntes
consilium, rogant ipsum episcopum ut ab ecclesia transiret
in castellam, tutiores se affirmantes de ejus præsentia, si
majus incumberet periculum; diligebant enim eum valde. Ipse
enim, ut erat miræ mansuetudinis, et pro regis fidelitate,
_et pro eorum dilectione_, petitioni eorum adquievit.”

[137] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 174.

[138] Flor. Wig. u. s. “Interea audenter in arma se parat
episcopalis familia.” On the nature of this “familia,” see
N. C. vol. v. p. 496.

[139] Ib. “Inter quos [hostes] magna belli jam fervebat
insania; contumaciter enim episcopi contemnentes mandata, in
terram ipsius posuerunt incendia.” On the order of events,
see Appendix D.

[140] Ib. “Conveniunt castellani et omnis civium turma,
occurrere se affirmant hostibus ex altera parte Sabrinæ
fluminis, si hoc eis pontificis annueret licentia. Parati
igitur et armis instructi, ipsum ad castellum euntem habent
obviam, quam optabant requirunt licentiam; quibus libentur
annuens, ‘Ite,’ inquit, ‘filii, ite in pace, ite securi, cum
Dei et nostra benedictione.’ Confidens ego in Domino,
spondeo vobis, non hodie nocebit vobis gladius, non quicquam
infortunii, non quisquam adversarius. State in regis
fidelitate, viriliter agentes pro populi urbisque salute.”

[141] Ib. “Episcopus ingenti concutitur dolore, videns
debilitari res ecclesiæ, acceptoque inde consilio, gravi
eos, ab omnibus qui circumaderant coactus, percussit
anathemate.” See Appendix D.

[142] Ib. “Alacres pontem reparatum transeunt, hostes de
longinquo accelerantes conspiciunt.”

[143] See Appendix D.

[144] Flor. Wig. u. s. “Cæduntur pedites, capiuntur milites,
cum Normannis tam Angli quam Walenses, cæteris vero vix
debili elapsis fuga [were the ‘milites’ spared for the sake
of ransom?] regis fideles cum pontificis familia, exultantes
in gaudio, sine ulla diminutione suorum, redeunt ad propria;
gratias Deo referunt de rerum ecclesiæ incolumitate, gratias
episcopo referunt de consilii ejus salubritate.”

[145] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 386.

[146] Chron. Petrib, 1088. “Þe wæs ærur heafod to þam
unræde.”

[147] See above, p. 29.

[148] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ðe bisceop Odo, þe þas cyng of
awocan, ferde into Cent to his earldome and fordyde hit
swyðe, and þæs cynges land and þæs arcebisceopes mid ealle
aweston, and brohte eall þæt gód into his castele on
Hrofeceastre.” This follows at once on the accounts of Roger
the Bigod and Hugh of Grantmesnil. So William of Malmesbury,
who here brings in the story of Lanfranc’s share in Odo’s
imprisonment in 1082, in order to account for Odo’s special
hatred towards the Archbishop.

[149] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 267, 296. On the early history
of Rochester generally, see Mr. Hartshorne’s paper in the
Archæological Journal, September, 1863.

[150] This is brought out by Orderic, 667 B; “Oppidum igitur
Rovecestræ sollicita elegerunt provisione, quoniam, si rex
eos non obsedisset in urbe, in medio positi laxis habenis
Lundoniam et Cantuariam devastarent, et per mare, quod
proximum est, insulasque vicinas, pro auxiliis conducendis
nuntios cito dirigerent.” The islands must be Sheppey and
Thanet.

[151] See the siege of Rochester in 1215 and his defence by
William of Albini in Roger of Wendover, iii. 333.

[152] For the siege of 1264 see W. Rishanger, Chron. p. 25
(Camd. Soc.). On Simon’s military engines he remarks that
the Earl “exemplum relinquens Anglicis qualiter circa
castrorum assultationes agendum sit, qui penitus hujusmodi
diebus illis fuerant ignari.” A forerunner of Kanarês, he
had a fire-ship in the river; he also used mines, as the
Conqueror had done at Exeter.

[153] Mr. Hartshorne showed distinctly that the present
tower of Rochester was not built by Gundulf, but by William
of Corbeuil. See the passages which he quotes from Gervase,
X Scriptt. 1664, and the continuator of Florence, 1126. But
we have seen (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 366) that Gundulf did
build a stone castle at Rochester for William Rufus
(“castrum Hrofense lapidum”), and we should most naturally
look for it on the site of the later one. On the other hand,
there is a tower, seemingly of Gundulf’s building and of a
military rather than an ecclesiastical look, which is now
almost swallowed up between the transepts of the cathedral.
But it would be strange if a tower built for the King stood
in the middle of the monastic precinct.

[154] The odd position of the cloister at Rochester suggests
the notion that Gundulf’s church occupied only the site of
the present eastern limb, and that the later Norman nave was
an enlargement rather than a rebuilding.

[155] Domesday, 2 _b_. “Episcopus de Rouecestre pro excambio
terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod
xvii.s. et iv.d. valet.” This is said of land at Aylesford;
but the castle spoken of must surely be that of Rochester.
The Domesday phrase “sedet” seems beautifully to describe
either the massive square donjon or the shell-keep on the
mound; yet it may be doubted whether Rochester had either in
the Conqueror’s day.

[156] This ditch is said to have been traced right across
the middle of the cathedral, with the twelfth-century nave
to the west of it. I can say nothing either way from my own
observation; but such an extension of the church to the west
would exactly answer to the extension of the churches of Le
Mans and Lincoln to the east. In both those cases the Roman
wall had to give way.

[157] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 367.

[158] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Tunc Odo Bajocensis cum quingentis
militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit, ibique Robertum
ducem cum suis auxiliaribus secundum statuta quæ pepigerant
præstolari proposuit.” The last clause of course implies the
supposed earlier agreement with Duke Robert, on which see
above, p. 25, and Appendix B.

[159] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rumore autem percussus insolito,
comes exultat, amicis nunciat, quasi jam de victoria securus
triumphat, plures ad prædam incitat; Odoni episcopo, patruo
suo, auxiliarios in Angliam legat, se quantocius, congregato
majori exercitu, secuturum affirmat.”

[160] Ib. “Prædictus episcopus Baiocensis, munita
Roveceastra, misit Normanniam, exhortans comitem Rotbertum
cito venire in Angliam, nuntians ei rem gestam, affirmans
paratum sibi regnum, et si sibi non desisteret, paratam et
coronam.”

[161] Ib. “Missi a comite Rotberto venerunt in Angliam, ab
Odone episcopo ad custodiendum receperunt Roveceastram; et
horum ut primates Eustatius junior, comes Bononiæ, et
Rotbertus de Beleasmo gerebant curam.” Here we have (see
Appendix B) the true moment of their coming. From this point
we may accept the account in Orderic (667 B); “Prædictum
oppidum Odo præsul et Eustachius comes atque Robertus
Bellesmensis, cum multis nobilibus viris et mediocribus,
tenebant, auxiliumque Roberti ducis, qui desidia mollitieque
detinebatur, frustra exspectabant.” We meet them again in
765 B.

[162] “Eustatius junior,” “Eustatius þe iunga.” See N. C.
vol. iv. p. 745.

[163] They are mentioned in the Chronicle along with the
incidental mention of Eustace; “Innan þam castele wæron
swiðe gode cnihtas, Eustatius þe iunga, and Rogeres eorles
þreo sunan, and ealle þa betstboren men þe wæron innan þisan
lande oððe on Normandige.” This is followed by William of
Malmesbury (iv. 306); “Erat tunc apud Roveceastram omnis
pene juventutis ex Anglia et Normannia nobilitas; tres filii
Rogerii comitis, et Eustachius Bononiæ junior, _multique
alii quos infra curam nostram existimo_.”

[164] The three sons of Earl Roger can hardly fail to be his
three eldest sons (see Will. Gem. vii. 16; Ord. Vit. 708 D),
Robert, Hugh, and Roger, all of whom figure in our story.
Arnulf does not appear in English history till later, and
Philip the clerk does not appear at all. Geoffrey Gaimar
(Chron. Ang. Norm. i. 35), after setting forth the
possessions of Robert of Bellême, mentions the other three;
but one does not exactly see why he says,
“Le conte Ernulf ert le quarte frère,
Par cors valeit un emperère.”
Cf. Ord. Vit. 708 D, 808 C.

[165] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 488.

[166] See above, p. 33.

[167] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Rogerus fautor Rotberti erat in
castello suo Arundello, comitis prædicti opperiens
adventum.”

[168] See N. C. iv. 66, v. 808.

[169] See Tierney’s History of Arundel, i. 43.

[170] Domesday, 23 “Modo inter burgum et portum aquæ et
consuetudinem navium reddit xii. libras et tamen valet xiii.
libras. De his habet S Nicolaus xxiiii. solidos.” “Clerici
sancti Nicolai” are mentioned again in the next column. The
church then was secular in 1086; but the clerks must have
soon given way to the priory of Saint Nicolas, founded by
Earl Roger himself as a cell to his abbey at Seez; in 1386
it gave way to the college of Arundel.

[171] See N. C. iv. p. 501.

[172] Domesday, 23. “Modo est ipsa civitas in manu comitis
Rogerii.” Here he had one quarter of a Roman _chester_,
while the Bishop had another; yet there were sixty houses
more than there had been T. R. E.

[173] See the customs of Lewes and the rights of William of
Warren in Domesday, 26. The toll on selling a man was
threepence. The two mounds of the castle, the smaller known
as Brack Mount, are rare, perhaps unique. The inner gateway
seems to be of Earl William’s building.

[174] I suspect that the original title of the Earls of
Arundel was Earl of Sussex, and that the name of the castle
came to be used, much as the successors of William of
Warren, strictly Earls of Surrey, are more commonly called
Earls Warren. See more in Tierney’s History of Arundel.

[175] Lucan, iv. 819.

[176] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 161.

[177] Ord. Vit. 666 D. “Rex Guillelmus, ut vidit suos in
terra sua contra se pessima cogitare, et per singula
crebrescentibus malis ad pejora procedere; non meditatus est
ut timida vulpes ad tenebrosas cavernas fugere, sed ut leo
fortis et audax rebellium conatus terribiliter comprimere.”

[178] Will. Malms. iv. 306. “Nec minori astutia Rogerium de
Monte Gomerico, secum dissimulata perfidia equitantem,
circumvenit.”

[179] Ib. “Seorsum enim ducto magnam ingessit invidiam;
dicens, Libenter se imperio cessurum, si illi et aliis
videatur quos pater tutores reliquerat. Non se intelligere
quid ita effrænes sint: si velint, pecunias accipiant pro
libito; si augmentum patrimoniorum, eodem modo; prorsus, quæ
velint, habeant. Tantum videant ne judicium genitoris
periclitetur: quod si de se putaverint aspernandum, de se
ipsis caveant exemplum; idem enim se regem, qui illos duces
fecerit. His verbis comes et pollicitationibus incensus, qui
primus factionis post Odonem signifer fuit, primus defecit.”
Roger of Wendover (ii. 33) adds the words “pœnitentia
ductus.”

[180] Orderic a little later (667 B) says, “Rogerus
Merciorum comes, multique Normannorum, qui cum rege foris
obsidebant, clam adminiculari quantum poterant inclusis
satagebant.”

[181] Orderic (680 C) puts the creation of this earldom
somewhat later, at the Gemót held just before the invasion
of Normandy in 1090. He adds that the new earl died soon
after (“quem paulo post mors nulli parcens e medio rapuit”),
and records his burial at Lewes, and adds his epitaph. There
is no better authority than that of the Hyde writer (298)
for placing the creation at this time or for placing the
Earl’s death a little later (see below, p. 76). But his
narrative is so minute that one would think that he must
have had some kind of ground for it. His words are; “Rex
Willelmus … videns igitur principes regni nutantes et
exercitum a se dilabi, sapienti usus consilio, Willelmum de
Warennia, virum bellicosum, animo ferum et corpore strenuum
famaque præclarum, _in amicitia Asarum_ [what this may mean
I have no notion, but the editor vouches that such is the
reading of the MS.] comitis honore sublimat, multa impendit
multaque promittit.”

[182] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 251.

[183] Ord. Vit. 667 C. “Omnes episcopi Angliæ _cum Anglis_
sine dolo regem juvabant, et pro serena patriæ pace, quæ
bonis semper amabiles est, laborabant.”

[184] The appeal to the English is strongly marked in the
Chronicle; “Ða þe cyng undergeat ealle þas þing and hwilcne
swicdom hi dydon toweard his, þa wearð he on his mode swiðe
gedrefed. Sende þa æfter Englisce mannan, and heom fore sæde
his neode and gyrnde heora fultumes.” Simeon of Durham gives
a free translation quite independent of Florence; “Hoc
audito, rex fecit convocare Anglos, et ostendit eis
traditionem Normannorum, et rogavit ut sibi auxilio essent.”
But the appeal comes out no less strongly in Orderic (666
D); “Lanfrancum archiepiscopum cum suffraganeis præsulibus,
et comites, Anglosque naturales convocavit, et conatus
adversariorum, ac velle suum expugnandi eos indicavit.” The
writ comes from William of Malmesbury, iv. 306; “Ille,
videns Normannos pene omnes in una rabie conspiratos, Anglos
probos et fortes viros, qui adhuc residui erant,
invitatoriis scriptis accersiit.” It is singular that
Florence mentions the English only in an incidental way a
little later; “Congregato quantum ad præsens poterat
Normannorum, sed tamen maxime Anglorum, equestri et
pedestri, licet mediocri, exercitu.” Does the precious
document spoken of by William of Malmesbury still lurk in
any manuscript store?

[185] Chron. Petrib. “And behet heom þa betsta laga þe æfre
ær wæs on þisan lande, and ælc unriht geold he forbead, and
geatte mannan heora wudas and slǽtinge.” William of
Malmesbury (iv. 306) translates, “Bonas leges et tributorum
levamen, liberasque venationes pollicens.” Florence is less
literal; “Statuens leges, promittens fautoribus omnia bona.”
Simeon gives another version; “Eo tenore, ut si in hac
necessitate sibi fideles existerent, meliorem legem quam
vellent eligere eis concederet, et omnem injustum scottum
interdixit, et concessit omnibus silvas suas et venationem.
Sed quicquid promisit, parvo tempore custodivit. Angli tamen
fideliter eum juvabant.”

[186] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Jure regio, militari, ut impiger,
fretus audacia, mittit legatos, vocat quos sibi credit
fidos, vadit Lundoniam, belli tractaturus negotia,
expeditionis provisum, necessaria.”

[187] See above, p. 29.

[188] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ac Englisce men swa þeah fengon
to þam cynge heora hlaforde on fultume.” The numbers come
from Orderic (667A); “Anglorum triginta millia tunc ad
servitium regis sponte sua convenerunt.”

[189] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Passim per totum Albionem _impera_,
omnesque rebelles deice regali justitia.”

[190] Ib. “Viriliter age, ut regis filius et legitime ad
regnum assumptus; securus in hoc regno dominare omnibus.”

[191] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Solerter Anglorum rimare historias,
inveniesque semper fidos principibus suis Angligenas.” Fancy
William Rufus sitting down to study the Chronicles, as his
brother Henry may likely enough have done.

[192] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ferdon þa toweard Hrofeceastre
and woldon þone bisceop Odan begytan, þohtan gif hi hæfdon
hine, þe wæs ærur heafod to þam unræde, þæt hi mihton þe bet
begytan ealla þa oðre.”

[193] It is somewhat singular that, though Richard appears
in Domesday as “Ricardus de Tonebrige” as well as “Ricardus
filius Gisleberti comitis” (14 et al.), and though his
“leva” or “lowy” (see Ellis, i. 212) is often spoken of, yet
Tunbridge castle itself is not entered. See on Richard of
Bienfaite, Clare, or Tunbridge, N. C. vol. ii. p. 196; iv.
579. A singular story is told in the Continuation of William
of Jumièges (viii. 15), how Tunbridge was granted in
exchange for Brionne, and measured by the rope. See Appendix
S.

[194] At Tunbridge the mound and the gateway stand side by
side, as indeed they do, though less conspicuously, at
Arundel and Lewes. A wall is built from the gateway to the
keep on the mound, losing itself, as it were, in the side of
the mound. The mound thus stands half within and half
without the enclosure formed by the gateway.

[195] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa Englisce men ferdon and
tobræcon þone castel, and þa men þe þærinne wæron griðodon
wið þone cyng,” So Simeon of Durham; “Sed viriliter Angli
insilientes in illud, destruxerunt totum castrum, et qui
intus erant in manus regi dederunt.” Florence gives some
further details; “Tunebrycgiam cui præerat Gilebertus filius
Ricardi, contrarium sibi invenit: obsedit, in biduo
expugnavit, vulneratum Gilebertum cum castello ad deditionem
coegit.” Is it possible that, according to Orderic’s second
account of the rebellion (765 A, B), we are still only in
the Easter week?

[196] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 366. While I am revising my
text, an account of this tower by Mr. Clark has appeared in
the Builder, November 27, 1880.

[197] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Se cyng mid his here ferde
toweard Hrofeceastre, and wendon þæt se bisceop wære
þærinne, ac hit wearð þam cynge cuð þæt se bisceop wæs
afaren to þam castele on Pefenesea.” Florence helps us to an
hexameter in the middle of his prose; “Relatum erat ei ibi
esse episcopum Odonem cum omnibus suis et cohortem
ultramarinam….
Fama volans dicti pervenit Odonis ad aures,
et cum sociis inito consilio, relinquens Roveceastram, cum
paucis adiit castrum fratris sui Roberti Moritanensis
comitis quod Pevenessa dicitur.” Are the “cohors
ultramarina” those who had come with Eustace and Robert of
Bellême?

[198] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Fratrem reperiens, cum ut se teneat
hortatur, pollicens se securos ibi posse esse, et dum rex ad
expugnandam Roveceastram intenderet, comitem Normanniæ cum
magno exercitu venturum, seque suosque liberaturum et magna
fautoribus suis dando præmia regnum accepturum.”

[199] Ord. Vit. 666 D. “Statuerat præcursores suos vere
redeunte sequi cum multis legionibus militum.”

[200] Cont. Will. Gem. viii. 2. “Quum sui fideles eum
exhortarentur ut regnum Angliæ sibi a fratre præreptum
velocius armis sibimet restitueret, simplicitate solita et,
ut ita dicam, imprudentiæ proxima, respondisse fertur, ‘Per
angelos Dei [Gregory’s pun in another form], si essem in
Alexandria, exspectarent me Angli, nec ante adventum meum
Regem sibi facere auderent. Ipse etiam Willelmus frater
meus, quod eum præsumpsisse dicitur, pro capite suo sine mea
permissione minime attentaret.’”

[201] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Betwyx þissum se eorl of
Normandige Rodbeard, þes cynges broðer, gaderode swiðe mycel
folc, and þohte to gewinnane Englelande mid þæra manna
fultume þe wæron innan þisan lande ongean þone cyng, and he
sende of his mannan to þisum lande, and wolde cuman himsylf
æfter.”

[202] Florence seems here to translate what the Chronicler
had said a little before (see above, p. 67); “Inito itaque
salubri consilio, illum eo usque cum exercitu persequitur,
sperans se belli citius finem assequuturum, si ante
triumphare posset de principibus malorum prædictorum.”

[203] So I find it called in several papers in the Sussex
Archæological Collections. But the local antiquaries seem
hardly to have fully grasped the fact that there is a town
in Normandy called _Laigle_, and that the family with which
we are concerned took its name from it.

[204] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “And se cyng mid his here ferde
æfter, and besætt þone castel abutan mid swiðe mycele here
fulle six wucan.” The artillery comes from Florence;
“Accelerat, machinas parat, patruum utrumque obsidet; locus
erat munitissimus; ad expugnationem indies laborat.” William
of Malmesbury cuts the siege of Pevensey short, and Orderic
leaves it out altogether.

[205] See Appendix E.

[206] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 395.

[207] Liber de Hyda, 299. “Willelmus de Warennia apud
obsidionem Peveneselli sagitta in crure valde vulneratus,
Leuwias cum omnium mœrore deportatus est.” The writer goes
on to describe Earl William’s last testament and death. It
will be remembered (see above, p. 62) that Orderic makes
William of Warren die quietly at a later time; but, small as
is the authority of the Hyde writer, it is strange if he
altogether invented or dreamed this minute account.

[208] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Syððan heom ateorede mete
wiðinnan þam castele, þa gyrndon hi griðas, and agefan hine
þam cynge, and se bisceop swór þæt he wolde út of Englelande
faran, and ná mare cuman on þisan lande butan se cyng him
æfter sende, and þæt he wolde agyfan þone castel on
Hrofeceastre.” So William of Malmesbury (iv. 306); “Captum
ad quod libuit jusjurandum impulit, ut Anglia decederet et
Rovecestram traderet.”

[209] Chron. u. s. “Ealswa se bisceop ferde and sceolde
agifan þone castel and se cyng sende his men mid him.” So
Will. Malms. “Ad quod implendum eum cum fidelibus suis
præmisit, lento pede præeuntes subsecutus…. Regii cum
episcopo pauci et inermes (quis enim eo præsente insidias
timeret?) circa muros desiliunt, clamantes oppidanis ut
portas aperiant; hoc episcopum præsentem velle, hoc regem
absentem jubere.”

[210] Will. Malms. u. s. “At illi, de muro conspicati quod
vultus episcopi cum verbis oratorum non conveniret, raptim
apertis portis ruunt, equos involant, omnesque cum episcopo
vinctos abducunt.” This explains the shorter account in the
Chronicle; “þa arisan þa men þe wæron innan þam castele, and
namon þone bisceop and þes cynges men, and dydon hi on
hæftmenge.” It is now that both the Chronicle and William
give the names of the chief nobles who were in the castle.
Henry of Huntingdon (1088, p. 215) strongly marks Odo’s
treachery; “Eustachius consul et cæteri proceres qui urbi
inerant, fallacia ipsius, episcopum regisque ministros
ceperunt et in carcerem retruserunt.”

[211] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 104.

[212] Will. Malms, iv. 306. “Ille [rex]…. Anglos suos
appellat; jubet ut compatriotas advocent ad obsidionem
venire, nisi si qui velint sub nomine Niðing, quod nequam
sonat, remanere. Angli, qui nihil miserius putarent quam
hujusce vocabuli dedecore aduri, catervatim ad regem
confluunt, et invincibilem exercitum faciunt.” This leaves
out the fact that the proclamation was addressed both to
French and English. The words of the Chronicle are express;
“Ða se cyng undergeat þat þing, þa ferde he æfter mid þam
here þe he þær hæfde, and sende ofer eall Englalande, and
bead þæt _ælc man þe wære unniðing_ sceolde cuman to him,
_Frencisce and Englisce_, of porte and of uppelande.” We can
hardly doubt that we have here the actual words of the
proclamation. It must not be forgotten that, by the law of
the Conqueror, Frenchmen who had settled in King Eadward’s
day were counted as English. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 620.

[213] Ord. Vit. 667 B. “Animosus rex … oppidum Maio mense
cum grandi exercitu potenter obsedit, firmatisque duobus
castellis omnem exeundi facultatem hostibus abstulit.” It
must have been late in May, as six weeks had been spent
before Pevensey. Indeed, if the siege did begin in the
Easter week, it must have been June.

[214] See Mr. Clark in the Archæological Journal, vol.
xxxii. p. 205.

[215] This appears from the words of Florence; “Hrofenses
Cantwariensibus et Lundoniensibus cædes inferunt et
incendia. Landfrancus enim archiepiscopus et pene omnes
optimates ejusdem provinciæ erant cum rege.” Orderic too (u.
s.) points out the advantageous position of Rochester for
such purposes; “In medio positi laxis habenis Lundoniam et
Cantuariam devastarent.”

[216] See N. C. vol. v. p. 748.

[217] Ord. Vit. 667 C. “In oppido Rofensi plaga similis
Ægyptiorum plagæ apparuit, qua Deus, qui semper res humanas
curat et juste disponit, antiqua miracula nostris etiam
temporibus recentia ostendit.” Nobody could eat, unless his
neighbour drove away the flies; so they wielded the flapper
by turns.

[218] See above, p. 62.

[219] Will. Malms. iv. 306. “Nec diutius potuere pati
oppidani quin se traderent, experti quamlibet nobilem,
quamlibet consertam manum, nihil adversus regem Angliæ posse
proficere.”

[220] Ord. Vit. 667 D. “Guillermum regem nuntiis petierunt
ut pacem cum eis faceret, ac oppidum ab eis reciperet, tali
tenore ut terras, fundos, et omnia quæ hactenus habuerant,
ab ipso reciperent, et ipsi eidem ut naturali domino
[cynehlaford] fideliter amodo servirent.”

[221] Ord. Vit. 667 D. “His auditis rex iratus est, et valde
rigidus intumuit, et in nullo flexus legatorum
postulationibus non acquievit; sed perfidos traditores in
oppido virtute potenti capiendos juravit, et mox patibulis
suspendendos, et aliis mortium diversis generibus de terra
delendos asseruit.”

[222] Ib. “Ecce turgidi juvenes et cupiditate cæcati senes
jam satis edocti sunt quod regiæ vires in hac insula nondum
defecerunt. Nam qui de Normannia, tamquam milvi ad prædam,
super nos cum impetu advolarunt, et in Anglia regiam stirpem
defecisse arbitrati sunt, jam Guillelmum juvenem Guillelmo
sene non debiliorem, cohibente Deo, experti sunt.”

[223] Ord. Vit. 668 B. “Quid sceleratis peccavi? quid illis
nocui? quid mortem meam totis nisibus procuraverunt, et
omnes pro posse suo contra me populos cum detrimento
multorum erexerunt?”

[224] Ib. “Quisquis parcit perjuris et latronibus,
plagiariis et execratis proditoribus, aufert pacem et
quietem innocentibus, innumerasque cædes et damna serit
bonis et inermibus.” We seem to be reading the cover of the
Edinburgh Review.

[225] Ord. Vit. 668 C. “Baiocensis Odo patruus tuus est et
_pontificali sanctificatione_ præditus est.” “Cum patre tuo
Anglos subjugavit”――a merit which would hardly be pleaded in
the hearing of the King’s army. He is “antistes Domini,” and
so forth. “Omnes precamur ut illi benevolentiam tuam
concedas et illæsum in Normanniam ad diocesim suam abire
permittas.”

[226] Ib. “Comes Boloniensis patri tuo satis fuit fidelis,
et in rebus arduis strenuus adjutor et contubernalis.” There
must be some confusion between father and son.

[227] Ib. “Magnam Normanniæ partem possidet, fortissimisque
castellis corroboratus pene omnibus vicinis suis et Neustriæ
proceribus præeminet.”

[228] Here (ib. D) a hexameter peeps out;
“Idem qui lædit, fors post ut amicus obedit.”
It is the doctrine of Aias in Sophoklês (659);
ἐγὼ δ’ ἐπίσταμαι γὰρ ἀρτίως, ὅτι
ὅ τ’ ἐχθρὸς ἡμῖν ἐς τοσόνδ’ ἐχθαρτέος,
ὡς καὶ φιλήσων αὖθις.
[egô d’ epistamai gar artiôs, hoti
ho t’ echthros hêmin es tosond’ echtharteos,
hôs kai philêsôn authis.]
The balancing clause was not called for.

[229] They were (ib.) “eximii tirones”――“swiðe gode
cnihtas”――“quorum servitutem, inclite rex, parvi pendere non
debes.”

[230] Ib. “Igitur, quos jam superasti potestate, divitiis,
et ingenti probitate, subjuga tibi magnificentia et
pietate.” On the sense of “magnificentia,” cf. N. C. vol. i.
p. 261.

[231] Ord. Vit. 668 D. “Omnem spem habendi hæreditates et
terras in regno ejus, quamdiu ipse regnaret, funditus
abscidit.”

[232] Ord. Vit. 668 D. “Tunc Odo pontifex a rege Rufo
impetrare temptavit, ne tubicines in eorum egressu tubis
canerent, sicut moris est dum hostes vincuntur et parvum
oppidum capitur.” Why “parvum”?

[233] Ib. “Nec se concessurum etiam propter mille auri
marcos palam asseruit.”

[234] Ib. “Oppidanis cum mœrore et verecundia egredientibus,
et regalibus tubis cum gratulatione clangentibus.”

[235] Ord. Vit. 669 A. “Multitudo Anglorum quæ regi
adhærebat cunctis audientibus, vociferabatur, et dicebat;
Torques, torques afferte, traditorem episcopum cum suis
complicibus patibulis suspendite. Magne rex Anglorum, cur
sospitem pateris abire incentorem malorum? Non debet vivere
perjurus homicida, qui dolis et crudelitatibus peremit
hominum multa milia.”

[236] Ib. “Hæc et alia probra mœstus antistes cum suis
audivit.”

[237] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Se bisceop Odo mid þam mannum þe
innan þam castele wæron ofer sæ ferdon, and se bisceop swa
forlet þone wurðscipe þe he on þis land hæfde.” Orderic (669
A)――in his character of “Angligena”――moralizes; “Sic
irreligiosus præsul de Anglia expulsus est, et amplissimis
possessionibus spoliatus est. Tunc maximos quæstus, quos cum
facinore obtinuit, justo Dei judicio cum ingenti dedecore
perdidit, et confusus Baiocas rediit, nec in Angliam
postmodum repedavit.”

[238] Ord. Vit. 669 A. “Anno primo Guillelmi Rufi regis, in
initio æstatis, Rofensis urbs ei redita est, omniumque qui
contra pacem enses acceperant, nequam commotio compressa
est.” We shall see by the story of Robert of Rhuddlan, to
which we shall presently come, that some of the King’s
followers were at home again by the end of June.

[239] See above, p. 74.

[240] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Eac manige Frencisce men
forleton heora land and ferdon ofer sæ, and se cyng geaf
heora land þam mannum þe him holde wæron.”

[241] Ord. Vit. 669 B. “Quorumdam factiones sævissimis
legibus puniit, aliquorum vero reatus ex industria
dissimulavit. Antiquis baronibus, quos ab ipso aliquantum
desciverat nequitia, versute pepercit, _pro amore patris
sui_ cui diu fideliter inhæserant, et pro senectutis
reverentia, sciens profecto quod non eos diu vigere sinerent
morbi et mors propria. Porro quidam, quanto gravius se
errasse in regiam majestatem noverunt, tanto ferventius omni
tempore postmodum ei famulati sunt, et tam muneribus quam
servitiis ac adulationibus multis modis placere studuerunt.”

[242] See above, p. 32.

[243] See above, p. 28.

[244] See above, p. 88.

[245] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 409, 825, and below, p. 139.

[246] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Tandem misi sibi rex abbatem sancti
Augustini, mandans ei ut, sicut prius mandaverat sibi, ad
curiam suam cum abbate veniret. Episcopus autem, inimicorum
suorum insidias cum regis ira metuens, sine bono conductu se
non posse venire respondet et legatos suos per abbatis
conductum cum subscriptis litteris regi misit.”

[247] Ib. “Homines meos et terras et pecuniam quam
vicecomites vestri ubicumque poterant, mihi abstulerunt,
scilicet Offedene et Welletune quas diviserunt Odoni et
Alano comitibus, cum cæteris terris in Ewerwickschire.” See
above, p. 31. On Count Alan, see N. C. vol. iv. p. 294, and
on Odo, vol. iv. pp. 301, 805.

[248] Ib. “Quod breve cum mississem Radulfo Paganello non
solum mihi pacem negavit sed et de parte vestra me
diffidavit.” On _diffidatio_ see Ducange _in voce_. In N. C.
vol. v. p. 270 we have a case of the man _defying_ his lord.
Here the lord _defies_ his man. In either case there is the
withdrawal of one side of the mutual duty of lord and man.

[249] Ib. “Hominum vero quosdam vendidit, quosdam redimi
permisit.”

[250] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Hoc in veritate vobis mando quod
libenter cum hoc abbate venissem, nisi plus inimicos meos et
_indoctam populi multitudinem_ timuissem quod de vestro
brevi et baronum vestrorum fiducia dubitassem.”

[251] Ib. “Rex visis his litteris misit conductum episcopo
et bene affidavit eum per litteras suas quod per eum vel per
suos homines nullum ei damnum eveniret usque quo de rege
rediens Dunelmum intraret. Perrexit ergo episcopus ad
regem.”

[252] Mon. Ang. i. 245. “Episcopus … deprecatus est eum ut
rectitudinem sibi consentiret sicut episcopo suo. Rex autem
respondit ei, Quod si laicaliter placitare vellet, et extra
pacem quam rex ei dederat se mitteret, hoc modo rectitudinem
sibi consentiret, et, si hoc modo placitare recusaret,
Dunelmum faceret eum reconduci.”

[253] Ib. “Dunelmum rediit episcopus, cui rex interim plus
quam septingentos homines cum multa præda abstulerat.”

[254] They were to have (Mon. Ang. i. 246) the “securitas et
conductus regis” till they had crossed――“donec ultra mare ad
terram siccam cum rebus suis essent.” The catalogue of the
“res suæ” is curious; “Et liceret eos per conductum regis
secum ducere et portare [ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν] [agein kai
pherein] aurum et argentum, equos et pannos et arma et canes
et accipitres, et sua prorsus omnia quæ de terra portari
debent.” The hawks and hounds remind us of Harold setting
sail from Bosham in the Tapestry. See N. C. vol. iii. p.
222.

[255] Mon. Ang. i. 246. “Episcopus dedit fidem suam Rogero
Pictavensi, quod si ipse per præscriptam condicionem
castellum reduceretur, et major fortitudo in castello missa
vel facta esset in hominibus vel in munitione vel in
castelli fortitudine quam eadem die ibi erat, episcopus
totum illud destrui faceret, ita quod episcopus inde nullum
proficuum haberet nec rex damnum.”

[256] Mon. Angl. i. 246. “In quarto nonas Novembris … venit
episcopus Salisbiriam, quem cum Ursus de Habetot unus ex
servientibus regis ad regem intrare moneret.” On Urse of
Abetot, see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 173, 383, 579, 820.

[257] Ib. “Episcopus reqnisivit ab archiepiscopis utrum
revestitus ingredi deberet, dixitque, ‘Nihil se prorsus
acturum ibi nisi canonice et secundum ordinem suum et sibi
videbatur quod ecclesiastica consuetudo exigebat ut ipse
revestitus ante revestitos causam suam diceret et
causantibus canonice responderet,’ Cui Lanfrancus
archiepiscopus respondens, ‘bene possumus,’ inquit, ‘hoc
modo vestiti de regalibus tuisque negotiis disceptare,
vestes enim non impediunt veritatem,’”

[258] See William FitzStephen, iii. 56, Robertson.

[259] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Episcopus surgens precatus est regem
ut episcopatum suum quem jamdiu sine judicio abstulerat sibi
redderet. Lanfrancus vero, rege tacente, dixit, ‘Rex de
episcopatu tuo nihil tibi abstulit vel aliquis per eam neque
breve suum vidisti per quod te de episcopatu tuo dissaisiret
vel dissaisiri præciperet.’”

[260] The Bishop now tells his grievances at length. After
other wrongs the King “misit comites et barones cum exercitu
suo, et per eos totum episcopatum meum vastavit, terras
quoque et homines et pecuniam Sancti Cuthberti et meam mihi
abstulit. Nostram etiam sedem me ad tempus abjuvare coegit;
ipsi etiam casati ecclesiæ qui mei homines ligii fuerant et
quidquid habebant de casamento ecclesiæ tenebat ex præcepto
regis guerram mihi fecerunt, et terras suas de rege tenentes
pacifice hic eos cum rege video adversum me convenisse.”

[261] “Rectitudinem facere” is the technical phrase. See
Appendix C.

[262] “Tunc laici hujusmodi verbis Lanfranci totius Angliæ
primatis animati, adversus episcopum exclamantes dixerunt
‘injustum esse quod rex episcopo responderet antequam regi
fecisset justitiam.’ Laicis vero hæc et alia multa
declamantibus et iterantibus, facto silentio, dixit
episcopus.”

[263] “Domini barones et laici, permittite me, quæso, quæ
dicturus sum regi dicere, archiepiscopis et episcopis
respondere, quia nihil vobis habeo dicere, et, sicut huc non
veni judicium vestrum recepturus, ita illud omnino recuso,
et si domino nostri regi et archiepiscopis et episcopis
placuisset vos hic negotio interesse, nec me taliter obloqui
decuisset.”

[264] See the complaints from the ecclesiastical side in N.
C. vol. iv. p. 436.

[265] Mon. Angl. i. 247. “Tunc Rogerus Bygotus dixit regi,
‘Vos debetis episcopo dicere unde eum appellare vultis, et
postea, si ipse nobis voluerit respondere de responsione sua
facite eum judicari; sin autem, facite inde quod barones
vestri vobis consulerent.’”

[266] I cannot identify this Hugh. “Hugo cognomento pauper”
(Ord. Vit. 806 A), son of Count Robert of Meulan, and
afterwards Earl of Bedford (Gest. Steph. 61), was not yet
born.

[267] See above, p. 30.

[268] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Rex te appellat quod, cum ipse
audivit quod inimici sui super eum veniebant, et homines
sui, episcopus scilicet Baiocensis et Rogerus comes et alii
plures regnum suum pariter sibi et coronam auferre volebant,
et ipse per consilium tuum contra illos equitabat.” There is
something odd in this calm mention of Earl Roger as an open
rebel.

[269] See above, p. 28.

[270] Macaulay, ii. 496-499, 510, 511.

[271] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Episcopus autem Hugoni respondit,
‘Hugo, dicas quidquid volueris, non tibi tamen hodie
respondebo.’”

[272] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Tum multum tumultuantes laici,
quidam rationibus, quidam vero contumeliis, adversus
episcopum deiterarent.”

[273] Ib. “Domini archiepiscopi, nos non oporteret diutius
hæc ita considerare, sed deceret nos surgere et episcopos et
abbates convocare, quosdam etiam baronum et comitum istorum
nobiscum habere, et cum eis juste decernere si episcopus
debeat prius investiri vel ante investituram de querelis
regis intrare in placitum.” The text has “S. Constantiensis
episcopus,” but Bishop Geoffrey must be meant.

[274] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Ad hæc Lanfrancus archiepiscopus,
‘Non est necesse,’ inquit, ‘nos surgere, sed episcopus et
homines sui egrediantur, et nos remanentes, tam clerici quam
laici, consideremus equaliter quid inde juste facere
debeamus.’”

[275] Ib. “Vade, nos enim juste faciemus quidquid
fecerimus.”

[276] Ib. “Si ego hodie te et tuum ordinem judicare non
potero, tu vel tuus ordo nunquam me amplius judicabitis.”

[277] Ib. “Vide autem qui in domo ista remanent et me
judicare disponunt ut et canonicos judices habeant et
canonice me judicent; si enim aliter agerent, eorum judicia
penitus recusarem.”

[278] Ib. “Rege, cum suis episcopis et consulibus et
vicecomitibus et præpositis et venatoribus aliisque
quorumlibet officiorum, in judicio remanente.”

[279] We have met with Osgeat the Reeve in Domesday. See N.
C. vol. v. p. 812. Croc the hunter, like others of his
craft, appears in 49, 74 _b_. See Ellis, i. 403. This odd
mixture of great and small officials is not unusual. In the
“Constitutio Domus Regis” in Hearne’s Liber Niger, i. 341,
the descent from the Chancellor to the bakers and cooks――the
huntsmen come at the end――is more sudden than one would have
looked for, though certain chaplains and seneschals break
the fall.

[280] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878.

[281] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Dominus noster archiepiscopus et
regis curia vobis judicat quod rectitudinem regi facere
debetis antequam de _vestro feodo_ revestiat.”

[282] Ib. “Nullus mihi hodie vel ego alicui de feodo feci
verbum,” says Bishop William. To which Archbishop Thomas
answers, “Vobis judicat curia ista, quia de nulla re debet
vos rex resaissire antequam sibi rectitudinem faciatis.”

[283] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Episcopi sunt judices, et eos ad
consilium tuum habere non debes.”

[284] Ib. “Cum tuis ibi consule, quia de nostris in consilio
tuo nullum prorsus habebis.”

[285] Ib. “Parum consilii in his septem hominibus habeo
contra virtutem et scientiam totius hujus regni quod hic
adversum me video congregatum.”

[286] Mon. Angl. u. s. “In _lege nostra_ prohibitum invenio,
ne tale judicium suspiciam.” This strange phrase, twice
repeated, most likely refers to the False Decretals, of
which he seems to have had a copy with him. See below, p.
109.

[287] Ib. “Apostolicam sedem Romanam, sanctam ecclesiam et
beatum Petrum ejusque vicarium appello, ut ipsius
ordinatione negotii mei justam sententiam suscipere merear,
cujus dispositioni majores causas ecclesiasticas et
episcoporum judicia antiqua apostolorum eorumque successorum
atque canonum auctoritas reservavit.” Yet, according to the
doctrine held long after by Thomas Stubbs (see N. C. vol.
iv. p. 260), the Bishop of Durham need not have gone very
far to find a Vicar of Saint Peter.

[288] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 338.

[289] Mon. Angl. u. s. “Dispoliatus episcopio extra
provinciam meam, absentibus omnibus comprovincialibus meis,
in laicali conventu causam meam dicere compellor.”

[290] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Nos non de episcopio sed de tuo te
feodo judicamus, et hoc modo judicavimus Baiocensem
episcopum ante patrem hujus regis de feodo suo, nec rex
vocabat eum episcopum in placito illo, sed fratrem et
comitem.”

[291] Ib. “Quia Dei gratia sapientissimus et nominatissimus
estis, in hoc sapere vestrum tam sublime intelligo, quod
parvitas mea illud comprehendere non potest; sed apostolicam
sedem quam ex necessitate appellavi per licentiam regis et
vestram adire volo.”

[292] Mon. Ang. u. s. “In omni loco in quo non violentia sed
justitia dominetur, de scelere et perjurio me purgare
paratus sum, et hoc quod hic pro judicio recitasti in Romana
ecclesia falsum et injuste dictum esse monstrabo.”

[293] Ib. “In curia ista nullum ad præsens placitum
subintrabo, quia nihil ibi tam bene dicerem quin fautores
regis depravando perverterent, qui ipsam et non reverentes
apostolicam auctoritatem post ejus appellationem me judicio
non legali gravant, sed Dei et Sancti Petri postulans
auxilium Romam vadam.”

[294] Ib. “Tunc rex ait, ‘Modo volo ut castellum tuum mihi
reddas, quoniam judicium meæ curiæ non sequeris.’”

[295] Mon. Ang. i. 248. “Per vultum de Luca nunquam exibis
de manibus meis donec castellum habeam.”

[296] Ib. “Ego passus sum per tres servientes vestros
aufferri mihi terras et pecuniam ecclesiæ, præsentibus
centum meis militibus, et in nullo prorsus vobis restiti.”

[297] Durham is described as “Urbs ipsa in qua sedes est
ecclesiæ.” The Bishop adds; “Paratus sum bonos obsides et
fiducias dare vobis, quod homines mei quos ibi dum Romam
vado volo dimittere in fidelitate vestra eam custodient, et,
si volueritis, libenter vobis servient.”

[298] “Tunc rex ait, ‘In veritate credas, episcope, quod
nullo modo Dunelmum reverteris et quod homines tui Dunelmi
nullatenus remanebunt, nec tu manus meas evades donec
castellum tuum liberum mihi reddas.’”

[299] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Si episcopus amplius castellum suum
vobis contradixerit, bene eum capere potestis, quia
conductum quem hactenus habuit nunc dimittit, cum prior
conventionem frangit, et barones vestros probare appetit
quod fidem suam servarent non bene.”

[300] On Randolf Peverel and his alleged connexion with
William, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 662; iv. 200; v. 26.

[301] Mon. Angl. i. 248. “Tunc Radulfus Piperellus et omnes
laici unanimiter conclamantes dixerunt; ‘Capite eum, capite
eum, bene enim loquitur _iste vetustus ligaminarius_.’” One
would like to have the original French of this somewhat
irreverent description of the Archbishop, but _gaoler_ seems
to be the most likely meaning of the unusual word
_ligaminarius_.

[302] Ib. “Multum precor dominum meum regem ne fidem meam
inde faciat me mentiri, nullum enim proficuum in me haberet
ulterius.”

[303] Ib. “Rex bene vos adquietavit; plenam namque
rectitudinem episcopo obtulit, et ipse eam vobis audientibus
recusavit, regem quoque Romam injuste invitavit; recognoscat
igitur episcopus hoc justum fecisse judicium, et si illud
sequi nollet, et rex sibi naves inveniet et conductum.”

[304] “Christianam legem quam hic scriptam habeo, testem
invoco.” See above, p. 104.

[305] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Non est justum ut placitum vel
judicium regis pro aliqua contradictione longius procedat,
sed quotiens in curia sua judicium agitur, ibidem necesse
est ut concedatur vel contradicatur, tu ergo judicium
nostrum vel hic concede, vel hic evidenti ratione
contradicito.”

[306] Ib. “Rex ait, ‘Dicas licet quidquid velis, non tamen
effugies manus meas nisi castellum prius mihi reddas.’” The
Bishop has just before spoken of “Roma, ubi debeo et ubi
justitia magis quam violentia.”

[307] Ib. “Cum vos non solum episcopatum, verum et omnia
mea, injuste abstuleritis, et ipsam modo sedem violenter
auferre velitis, pro nulla re quam facere possim capi me
patiar.”

[308] Ib. “Constituta est ergo dies qua episcopus urbem suis
hominibus vacuaret et rex ibi suos poneret.”

[309] Ib. “Tu pro regis damno et omnium nostrorum dedecore
vadis Romam, et ipse tibi terram dimitteret? Remane in terra
sua, et ipse episcopatum tuum præter urbem tibi reddet, ea
conditione quod in curia sua judicio baronum suorum
rectitudinem sibi facias.”

[310] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Ego apostolicam sedem appellavi, quia
in curia ejus nullum justum judicio audio et nullo modo
dimittam quin illuc vadam.”

[311] Ib. “Tunc rex ait, ‘Faciat mihi episcopus fiduciam
quod damnum meum citra mare non quærat vel recipiat, et quod
naves meas quas sibi inveniam non detinebit frater meus vel
aliquis suorum ad damnum meum contra nautarum voluntatem.’”

[312] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Reginaldus Paganellus ait, ‘Certe
comites vestri promiserunt hoc quod dicit episcopus et
convenienter inde eos custodite.’” “Reginaldus” must surely
be a slip for “Radulfus.”

[313] Ib. “‘Tace,’ inquit rex, ‘quia pro nullius fiducia
naves meas perdere patiar, sed, si episcopus inde se
fiduciam fecisse cognoverit, super illam aliam non
requiram.’”

[314] Ib. “Tunc rex iratus ait, ‘Per vultum de Luca, in hoc
anno mare non transibis, nisi fiduciam quam de navibus
requiro prius modo feceris.’”

[315] Ib. “Faciam hanc et multo majorem, si necesse fuerit,
fiduciam antequam hic in captione detinear; sed bene omnes
audiant quod ea invitus faciam et captionis timore coactus.”

[316] Ib. “Rex ait, ‘Nullum conductum habebis, sed Wiltone
moraberis donec ego vere sciam quod castellum habeam in mea
potestate, et tunc demum naves recipies et conductum.’”
Wilton seems an odd place for the purpose; should it be
“Wintonie?”

[317] Mon. Ang. u. s. “Cum quod vellem et deberem facere non
valeam, hoc ipsum quod dicitis injuste patiar et coactus.”

[318] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 215. “Walterus de Haiencora,” or
“Haiencorn,” must be a corruption of his name.