Chapter IV: The Primacy of Anselm and the Acquisition of Normandy.903 (13)

[547] Ib. 672 D, “Baiocensis tyrannus;” 673 A, “pessimus
præsul Odo.” This last phrase comes at the beginning of
Odo’s speech in the Duke’s council; at the end of it our
historian has waxed milder, and tells us (674 A) how
“exhortatoriam antistitis allocutionem omnes qui aderant
laudaverunt.”

[548] Ord. Vit. 673 A. “Variis seditionibus commovebat
Normanniam, ut sic de aliquo modo nepoti suo, a quo turpiter
expulsus fuerat, machinaretur injuriam.”

[549] Orderic here (672 D) speaks only of “quidam malevoli
discordiæ satores … falsa veris immiscentes.” But surely the
Bishop was at their head.

[550] I think we may accept this circumstantial account of
Orderic. For other versions, see Appendix I.

[551] Ord. Vit. 672 D. “Rogerius comes Scrobesburiæ, ut
Robertum filium suum captum audivit, accepta a rege
licentia, festinus in Neustriam venit, et omnia castella sua
militari manu contra ducem munivit.”

[552] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 297.

[553] Ord. Vit. 673 A. “Ipsum nempe dux multum metuebat, et
quibusdam consiliis ejus adquiescebat, quædam vero flocci
pendebat.”

[554] At least there were others besides the Duke to hear
and to cheer. See p. 198, note 4.

[555] Ord. Vit. 673 B. “Reminiscere patrum et proavorum,
quorum magnanimitatem et virtutem pertimuit bellicosa gens
Francorum.” It is curious to see how often Norman patriotism
falls back on the memory of the wars with France rather than
on the conquest of England. So it is in the speech of Walter
of Espec before the battle of the Standard. See N. C. vol.
v. p. 832.

[556] Ib. 673 D. “Hoc nimirum horrenda mors eorum
attestatur, quorum nullus communi et usitato fine, ut cæteri
homines, defecisse invenitur.”

[557] See Ord. Vit. 708 B.

[558] See above, p. 193.

[559] The only entry which the Chronicler has on Rufus’ wars
in Maine is the short one in 1099 (more was said about the
expedition of the elder William in 1063), but some parts of
the Norman war are given in great detail.

[560] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 543-563, 652-655.

[561] Ib. vol. iii. pp. 182-215.

[562] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 483, 557, 827.

[563] Ib. vol. iv. p. 652.

[564] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 635, 657.

[565] N. C. vol. iv. p. 563.

[566] Ord. Vit. 673 C. “Normannorum dux et Cœnomannorum
princeps nomine tenus multis annis factus est.”

[567] Ord. Vit. 531 A. “Cœnomanis, _a canina rabie dicta_,
urbs est antiqua, et plebs ejus finitimis procax et
sanguinolenta, dominisque suis semper contumax et
rebellionis avida.” Following the diphthongal spelling of
the text, one might rather be tempted to derive the name
from the _commune_ or κοινόν [koinon] set up by its _men_.

[568] N. C. vol. iii. pp. 167, 203, 209-212.

[569] Ib. iv. 546-555.

[570] Ib. vol. iii. p. 197.

[571] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 545, 560, 563.

[572] Mabillon, Vet. An. 288. “Favore totius cleri ejusdem
ecclesiæ decanum statuerat; in quo gradu tanto amore totius
populi erga se illexit affectum, ut eo jam tempore non
minorem quam episcopo omnes illi reverentiam exhiberent….
Unde factum est, ut post decessum memorati antistitis in
electionem ipsius omnes unanimiter convenirent, ipsumque
episcopatu dignissimum voce consona proclamarent.”

[573] Ord. Vit. 531 B. “‘Ecce in capella tua est quidam
pauper clericus, sed nobilis et bene morigeratus. Huic
præsulatum commenda in Dei timore, quia dignus est (ut
æstimo) tali honore.’ Regi autem percunctanti quis esset,
Samson respondit: ‘Hoëlus dicitur, et est genere Brito; sed
humilis est, et revera bonus homo.’” On Samson himself, see
N. C. vol. iv. p. 641.

[574] N. C. vol. iv. p. 478.

[575] Ord. Vit. 531 C. “Ei curam et seculare jus
Cœnomanensis episcopatus commisit” I have elsewhere spoken
of this kind of document in England (N. C. vol. ii. p. 588).
Only it would seem that in England the King either acted
wholly of himself or else confirmed an election already made
by the Chapter. Here the Chapter, as in later times, elects
on the King’s recommendation.

[576] Ib. “Decretum regis clero insinuatum est, et præfati
clerici bonæ vitæ testimonium ab his qui noverunt ventilatum
est. Pro tam pura et simplici electione devota laus a
fidelibus Deo reddita est, et electus pastor ad caulas ovium
suarum ab episcopis et reliquis fidelibus, quibus hoc a rege
jussum fuerat, honorifice perductus est.” The _regale_, or
rather _ducale_, comes out strongly in these matters, as it
always does in Normandy.

[577] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 194.

[578] Vet. An. 290. “Celeberrimum est enim Cenomannensis
ecclesiæ præsulem post Turonensem archiepiscopum totius
Turonensis diœceseos obtinere primatum.” _Diœcesis_ here
stands for province, as _parochia_ constantly stands for
diocese.

[579] Vet. An. 288. “Quia propter contentionem quæ inter
Vvillum regem Anglorum, et Fulconem Andegavorum comitem de
eodem episcopatu exorta erat, Radulfus Turonorum
archiepiscopus Turonis eum ordinare non potuit, ipsius
assensu atque præcepto omniumque suffraganeorum ejus, cum
magno honore ordinatus est in Rotomago civitate, a domno
Willelmo ejusdem urbis archiepiscopo xi. Kalend. Maii, anno
ab Incarnatione Domini millesimo lxxxv.”

[580] See Appendix MM.

[581] Vet. An. 290. “Cum fames populum oppressisset,
essetque impossibile unius copiis generalem afflictorum
indigentiam sustentari, _ex communi cleri plebisque
consilio_, aurum et argentum quod erat in tabula altaris
sanctorum martyrum Gervasii et Protasii pius temerator
accepit; illudque fideli dispensatione pauperibus erogavit.”
Compare the action of Abbot Leofric of Saint Alban’s, and
the “prædictæ rationes” which led him so to act, together
with the argument of Matthew Paris with regard to its
lawfulness; Gest. Abb. i. 29, 30.

[582] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 159, 465.

[583] Ib. vol. iv. p. 659.

[584] See Appendix KK.

[585] Ord. Vit. 674 B. “Paganus de Monte Dublabelis, cum
aliis contumacibus castrum Balaonem tenebat et venienti duci
cum turmis suis acriter resistebat.”

[586] N. C. vol. iii. p. 122.

[587] Ord. Vit. 674 B. “Post plurima damna utriusque partis,
Balaonenses pacem cum duce fecerunt.”

[588] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Habitatoribus hujus municipii quies
et pax pene semper defuit, finitimique Cenomannenses, seu
Normanni insistunt. Scopulosum montem anfractus Sartæ
fluminis ex tribus partibus ambit, in quo sanctus Cerenicus
venerandus confessor tempore Milehardi Sagiorum pontificis
habitavit.”

[589] In local belief, Saint Cenery on his own ground seems
to have supplanted the Archangel himself as the weigher of
souls.

[590] On surnames of places, see N. C. vol. v. p. 573.

[591] Ib. vol. ii. p. 233.

[592] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Carolo Simplice regnante, dum
Hastingus Danus cum gentilium phalange Neustriam depopulatus
est, sanctum corpus a fidelibus in castrum Theodorici
translatum est et dispersis monachis monasterium
destructum.” Yet at a later time (see Ord. Vit. 706 D) Saint
Cenery still possessed an arm of the eponymous saint, though
monks of Seez, not of Saint Cenery, were its keepers; and
there is still a bone or fragment of a bone under the high
altar of the parish church which claims to be a relic of
him.

[593] Ib. “Sanguinarii prædones ibi speluncam latronum
condiderunt,” “scelesti habitatores,” &c.

[594] Unless Orderic’s words just quoted are mere rhetoric,
we must infer that the site of the castle, and not the site
of the present church, had been the site of the forsaken
monastery. Well suited as the whole peninsula was for the
purposes of a castle, the actual isthmus, where three small
knolls rise above the general level of the hill, must have
been the most tempting spot of all. On two of the knolls
remains of its masonry are still to be seen, and the
outworks reach far down the hill on its western side. The
place seems to have been a simple fortress, with no town or
village, beyond such houses as may have grown up around the
castle.

[595] Orderic tells the story, 674 C.

[596] See the extract in the last page.

[597] N. C. vol. iv. p. 184.

[598] N. C. vol. iii. p. 169.

[599] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Ibi familia Roberti Belesmensis
erat, cui Robertus Quadrellus, acerrimus miles et multo
vigore conspicuus, præerat, qui hortatu Rogerii comitis
obsidentibus fortiter obstabat.” The modern form of
“Quadrellus” would be “Carrel.” “Fulcherius Quarel” appears
among the knights of Perche bearing harness under Philip
Augustus; Duchèsne, p. 1032.

[600] Ord. Vit. 674 D. “Præfatus municeps jussu irati ducis
protinus oculis privatus est. Aliis quoque pluribus qui
contumaciter ibidem restiterant principi Normanniæ [this
almost sounds like the wording of an indictment] debilitatio
membrorum inflicta est ex sententia curiæ.”

[601] N. C. vol. i. pp. 445, 476.

[602] This is told by Orderic, 674 D. He adds, “Ille fere
xxxvi annis postmodum tenuit, muris et vallis zetisque
munivit, et moriens Guillermo et Roberto filiis suis
dereliquit.” Yet he lost it for a season to the old enemy.
See 706 D.

[603] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Municipes Alencionis et Bellesmi
aliarumque munitionum, ut audierunt quam male contigerit
Roberto Quadrello et complicibus qui cum eo fuerant, valde
territi sunt, et ut debitas venienti duci munitiones
redderent, consilium inierunt.” But the words which
immediately follow are; “Verum Robertus ab incœpta virtute
cito defecit, et mollitie suadente ad tectum et quietem
avide recurrit, exercitumque suum, ut quisque ad sua
repedaret, dimisit.” This leaves it not quite clear, whether
he stayed to receive in person the surrenders which were
ready for him.

[604] The site of the true castle of Bellême may easily be
distinguished from the later fortress. The native home of
Mabel stands quite apart from the hill on which the town and
the later castle stand, being cut off from it by art. The
chapel is but little altered, and has a crypt, the way down
to which reminds one of Saint Zeno and other Italian
churches.

[605] See note 1, last page.

[606] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Per dicaces legatos a duce pacem
filiique sui absolutionem postulans, multa falso pollicitus
est.” Robert, he adds, “qui improvidus erat et instabilis,
ad lapsum facilis, ad tenendum justitiæ rigorem mollis, ex
insperato frivolis pactionibus infidorum adquievit.” It is
now that Orderic gives us his full picture of Robert of
Bellême and his doings.

[607] Ord. Vit. 675 B. “Liberatus intumuit, jussa ducis
atque minas minus appretiavit, præsentisque memor injuriæ
diutinam multiplicemque vindictam exercuit.”

[608] Ib. 681 D. “Tunc Edgarus Adelinus, et Robertus
Bellesmensis, atque Guillelmus de Archis monachus
Molismensis præcipui ducis consiliarii erant”――an oddly
assorted company. This is in 1090.

[609] Ib. 677 A. “Optimatum suorum supplicationibus
adquiescens, Henricum fratrem suum concessit, et a vinculis
in quibus cum Roberto Belesmensi constrictus fuerat
absolvit.”

[610] Ib. 689 C. “Constantienses Henricus clito strenue
regebat, rigidusque contra fratres suos persistebat. Nam
contra ducem inimicitias agitabat pro injusta captione quam
nudiustertius, ut prædictum est, ab illo perpessus fuerat.
Regi nihilominus Angliæ hostis erat pro terra matris suæ.”

[611] Ord. Vit. 689 C. “Oppida sua constanter firmabat, et
fautores sibi de proceribus patris sui plurimos callide
conciliabat. Abrincas et Cæsarisburgum et Constantiam atque
Guabreium, aliasque munitiones possidebat, et Hugonem
comitem et Ricardum de Radveriis, aliosque Constantinienses,
præter Robertum de Molbraio, secum habuit, et collectis
undique viribus prece pretioque quotidie crescebat.”

[612] Ord. Vit. 680 B. “Turmas optimatum adscivit, et
Guentoniæ congregatis quæ intrinsecus ruminabat sic ore
deprompsit.” The Chronicler tells us, under 1090, how “se
cyng wæs smægende hu he mihte wrecon his broðer Rodbeard
swiðost swencean, and Normandige of him gewinnan.” The
custom of holding the Easter Gemót at Winchester seems to
fix this assembly to Easter. 1090.

The continuance of the three yearly assemblies is well
marked by William of Malmesbury in the Life of Wulfstan
(Ang. Sac. iii. 257); “Rex Willelmus consuetudinem induxerat
[that is, he went on with what had been done T. R. E.], quam
successores aliquamdiu tritam consenescere permisere. Ea
erat, ut ter in anno cuncti optimates ad curiam convenirent,
de necessariis regni tractaturi, simulque visuri regis
insigne, quomodo iret gemmato fastigiatus diademate.”

[613] Ord. Vit. 680 C. “Commoneo vos omnes qui patris mei
homines fuistis et feudos vestros in Normannia et Anglia de
illo tenuistis, ut sine dolo ad probitatis opus mihi
viriliter unanimiter faveatis.”

[614] Ib. “Colligite, quæso, concilium, prudenter inite
consilium, sententiam proferte, quid in hoc agendum sit
discrimine. Mittam, si laudatis, exercitum in Normanniam, et
injuriis quas mihi frater meus sine causa machinatus est
talionem rependam. Ecclesiæ Dei subveniam, viduas et
orphanos inermes protegam, fures et sicarios gladio justitiæ
puniam.”

[615] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 93, 95.

[616] Ord. Vit. 680 C. “His dictis omnes assensum dederunt
et _magnanimitatem_ regis collaudaverunt.”

[617] See above, p. 60.

[618] See above, p. 177.

[619] Plutarch, Reg. et Imp. Apoph. Philip. 15.

[620] Æsch. Pers. 861;
ὅσσας δ’ εἷλε πόλεις, πόρον οὐ διαβὰς Ἄλυος ποταμοῖο,
οὐδ’ ἀφ’ ἑστίας συθείς.
[hossas d’ heile poleis, poron ou diabas Alyos
potamoio, oud’ aph’ hestias sytheis.]

[621] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “Ðeah þurh his geapscipe, oððe
þurh gærsuma he begeat þone castel aet S[~c]e Waleri and þa
hæfenan, and swa he begeat þone æt Albemare.” This is
followed by William of Malmesbury, iv. 307, who translates
the passage, “Castrum Sancti Walerici, et portum vicinum. et
oppidum quod Albamarla vocatur, sollertia sua acquisivit,
pecunia custodes corrumpens.” Florence however calls it
“castellum Walteri de Sancto Walarico.” This might be
understood of any castle belonging to Walter of Saint
Valery; and the change might be taken either as having the
force of a correction or as showing that Florence did not
understand what he found in the Chronicles. I do not find
any mention of the taking of Saint Valery, or of any
possession of Walter of Saint Valery, anywhere except in the
English writers. Walter, who is more than once mentioned by
Orderic (724 B, 729 D) as a crusader, was of the house of
the Advocates of Saint Valery of whom I have spoken
elsewhere (N. C. vol. iii. pp. 131, 393).

[622] N. C. vol. iv. pp. 557, 643.

[623] Ib. vol. iii. p. 157.

[624] Ib. vol. ii. p. 632.

[625] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Primus Normannorum Stephanus de
Albamarla filius Odonis Campaniæ comitis regi adhæsit, et
regiis sumptibus castellum suum super Aucium flumen
vehementer munivit, in quo validissimam regis familiam
contra ducem suscepit.” Florence calls it “castellum Odonis
de Albamarno.”

[626] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “And þarinne he sette his
cnihtas, and hi dydon hearmes uppon þam lande on hergunge
and on bærnete.”

[627] N. C. vol. iii. p. 153; vol. iv. p. 280.

[628] Ib. vol. iii. p. 226.

[629] Ib. vol. iii. p. 93.

[630] Domesday, 18. “Rex W. dedit comiti [de Ow]
castellariam de Hastinges.”

[631] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 152.

[632] See above, p. 59.

[633] N. C. vol. iv. p. 733; vol. v. p. 560.

[634] As Barrow _Gurney_ in Somerset.

[635] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 121.

[636] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Gornacum et Firmitatem et Goisleni
fontem, aliasque munitiones suas regi tradidit, finitimosque
suos regiæ parti subjicere studuit.”

[637] N. C. vol. iv. pp. 39, 737.

[638] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 201.

[639] See above, p. 209.

[640] Will. Gem. vii. 4. See N. C. vol. i. p. 465. The
kindred is also implied in the fact that William of Breteuil
was the nephew of both Ralph and William. See Ord. Vit. 688
B, D, and below, p. 266.

[641] Ord. Vit. 687 D. “Perstrepentibus undique præliis in
Neustria, securitate pacis perfrui non poterat Ebroicensis
provincia. Illic nempe plus quam civile bellum inter
opulentos fratres exortum est, et maligna superbarum
æmulatione mulierum malitia nimis augmentata est. Heluisa
namque comitissa contra Isabelem de Conchis pro quibusdam
contumeliosis verbis irata est, comitemque Guillelmum cum
baronibus suis in arma per iram commovere totis viribus
conata est. Sic per suspiciones et litigia feminarum in
furore succensa sunt fortium corda virorum, quorum manibus
paulo post multus mutuo cruor effusus est mortalium, et per
villas et vicos multarum incensa sunt tecta domorum.”

[642] She was the daughter of William the First, Count of
Auxerre and Nevers, by his first wife Ermengarde, daughter
of Reginald Count of Tonnerre. See Art de Vérifier les
Dates, ii. 559.

[643] Orderic has two pictures of her. In the second (834
B), drawn a few years later than our present time, when
Count William “natura senioque aliquantum hebescebat,” we
read, “Uxor ejus totum consulatum regebat, quæ in sua
sagacitate plus quam oporteret confidebat. Pulcra quidem et
facunda erat, et magnitudine corporis pene omnes feminas in
comitatu Ebroarum consistentes excellebat, et eximia
nobilitate, utpote illustris Guillelmi Nivernensis comitis
filia, satis pollebat. Hæc nimirum consilio baronum mariti
sui relicto, æstimationem suam præferebat, et ardua nimis
secularibus in rebus plerumque arripiebat atque immoderata
temptare properabat.” Elsewhere (688 A), he says, “Ambæ
mulieres quæ talia bella ciebant, loquaces et animosæ, ac
forma elegantes erant, suisque maritis imperabant, subditos
homines premebant, variisque modis terrebant.” When Orderic
(576 C), recording Isabel’s widowhood and religious
profession, speaks of her as “letalis lasciviæ cui nimis in
juventute servierat pœnitens,” the word need not be taken in
the worst sense. He uses (864 A) the same kind of language
of Juliana daughter of Henry the First, who, whatever she
was as a daughter, seems to have been a very good wife and
mother.

[644] Ord. Vit. 834 B. “Pro feminea procacitate Rodberto
comiti de Mellento aliisque Normannis invidiosa erat.”

[645] Ord. Vit. 576 B, C.

[646] Ib. 834 C.

[647] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 605, 643.

[648] Ord. Vit. 688 A. “Magna in eisdem morum diversitas
erat. Heluisa quidem solers erat et facunda, sed atrox et
avara. Isabel vero dapsilis et audax atque jocosa, ideoque
coessentibus amabilis et grata. In expeditione inter
milites, ut miles, equitabat armata, et loricatis equitibus
ac spiculatis satellitibus non minori præstabat audacia quam
decus Italiæ Turni manipularibus virgo Camilla.” He goes on
to liken her to Penthesileia and all the other Amazons.

[649] Ib. “Radulfus Robertum ducem adivit, querelas damnorum
quæ a contribulibus suis pertulerat intimavit, et herile
adjutorium ab eo poposcit; sed frustra, qui nihil obtinuit.”

[650] Ib. B. “Hinc alias conversus est, et utile sibi
patrocinium quærere compulsus est. Regem Angliæ per legatos
suos interpellatur, eique sua infortunia mandavit, et si
sibi suffragaretur, se et omnia sua permisit. His auditis
rex gavisus est, et efficax adminiculum indigenti pollicitus
est. Deinde Stephano comiti et Gerardo de Gornaco, aliisque
tribunis et centurionibus qui præerant in Normannia familiis
ejus, mandavit ut Radulfum totis adjuvarent nisibus et
oppida ejus munirent necessariis omnibus.”

[651] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Robertus Aucensium comes, et
Gauterius Gifardus et Radulfus de Mortuomari, et pene omnes
qui trans Sequanam usque ad mare habitabant, _Anglicis
conjuncti sunt_.”

[652] Ib. “De regiis opibus ad muniendas domos suas armis et
satellitibus copiosam pecuniam receperunt.”

[653] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 644.

[654] Ord. Vit. 681 A. “Robertus dux contra tot hostes
repagulum paravit, filiamque suam quam de pellice habuerat,
Heliæ filio Lamberti de Sancto Sidonio conjugem dedit.”

[655] N. C. vol, i. p. 253.

[656] Will. Gem. viii. 37.

[657] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Archas cum Buris et adjacente
provincia in maritagio tribuit, ut adversariis resisteret
Calegiique comitatum defenderet. Ille vero jussa viriliter
complere cœpit.”

[658] Neufchâtel-en-Bray, famous for cheeses.

[659] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 121.

[660] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Roberto duci et Guillelmo filio ejus
semper fidelis fuit, et sub duobus regibus Guillelmo et
Henrico multa pertulit, labores videlicet ac
exhæreditationem, damna, exsilium, ac multa pericula.” See
N. C. vol. v. pp. 84, 182.

[661] N. C. vol. ii. p. 254.

[662] N. C. vol. iv. p. 700.

[663] Will. Malms. iv. 307. “Domino suo regi Franciæ per
nuntios violentiam fratris exposuit, suppetias orans. Et
ille quidem iners, et quotidianam crapulam ructans, ad
bellum singultiens ingluvie veniebat.”

[664] The place is not mentioned in the Chronicles nor in
any other of our accounts, except by Robert of Torigny in
the Continuation of William of Jumièges, viii. 3. He tells
his story backwards in a very confused way, and mixes up the
events of this year and the next; “Facta est itaque tandem
inter eos [Robertum et Willelmum] apud Cadomum, ut diximus,
adminiculante Philippo rege Francorum, qui in auxilium ducis
contra Willelmum regem apud oppidum Auci ingenti Anglorum et
Normannorum exercitu tunc morantem venerat, qualiscumque
concordia.” This means the peace of 1092, when William was
in Normandy, and when Philip certainly did not come to Eu.
On the other hand, William was certainly not at Eu in 1091.
But as Philip did in 1091 come to some castle which must
have been either Eu, Aunde, or Gournay, we may perhaps
accept this as evidence in favour of Eu.

[665] Chron. Petrib. 1090. “Se cyng Willelm of Englalande
sende to Philippe Francena cynge, and he _for his lufan oððe
for his_ mycele gersuma, forlet swa his man þone eorl
Rodbeard and his land, and ferde ongean to France, and let
heom swa weorðan.” The spirit is lost in the Latin of
Florence; “Quod cum regi Willelmo nuntiatum esset, non
modica pecuniæ quantitati regi Philippo occulte transmissa,
ut obsidione dimissa, domum rediret, flagitavit et
imperavit.”

[666] Will. Malms. iv. 307. “Occurrerunt magna pollicenti
nummi regis Angliæ, quibus infractus cingulum solvit et
convivium repetiit.”

[667] Macaulay, Hist. Eng. iv. 265. “The Elector of Saxony …
had, together with a strong appetite for subsidies, a great
desire to be a member of the most select and illustrious
orders of knighthood.” For this last passion there was as
yet no room, but William Rufus did a good deal towards
bringing about the state of things in which it arose.

[668] N. C. vol. ii. p. 318.

[669] So are the Norman reigns of Geoffrey Plantagenet and
his son Henry. But their position in Normandy was quite
different from Robert’s, while they claimed England in quite
a different sense from the claims of Robert, and had――the
son at least had――partisans there.

[670] N. C. vol. v. pp. 85, 95, 96.

[671] The character of this Count Geoffrey (son of the
Rotrou who figures in the war of the Conqueror and his son,
N. C. vol. iv. pp. 637, 639) as drawn by Orderic (675 D; see
above, p. 183) is worth studying; “Erat idem consul
magnanimus, corpore pulcher, et callidus, timens Deum et
ecclesiæ cultor devotus, clericorum pauperumque Dei defensor
strenuus, in pace quietus et amabilis, bonisque pollebat
moribus.” Yet he was also “in bello gravis et fortunatus,
finitimisque intolerabilis regibus et inimicus [cis?]
omnibus.” Moreover “multas villas combussit multasque prædas
hominesque adduxit.” The truth is that the curse of private
warfare drew the best men, no less than the worst, into the
common whirlpool; and, once in arms, they could not keep
back their followers from the usual excesses, even if any
such thought occurred to themselves. Cf. Ord. Vit. 890 B for
another mention of Geoffrey.

[672] See above, p. 184.

[673] Ord. Vit. 685 A, B. This Gilbert is son of Eginulf,
who died at Senlac (N. C. vol. iii. p. 503, note), and
brother of Richer, who died before Sainte-Susanne (N. C.
vol. iv. p. 659). His sister Matilda married Robert of
Mowbray.

[674] Ib. 684 D, 685 C, D; Will. Gem. viii. 15. The
offender, a man of Belial, was Ascelin surnamed Goel. The
marriage was blessed or cursed with the birth of seven sons,
all, according to both our authorities, of evil report.

[675] See above, p. 194. The bandying of words, as given by
Orderic (686 A), is worth notice; “Robertus comes Mellenti
muneribus et promissis Guillelmi regis turgidus de Anglia
venit, Rothomagum ad ducem accessit, et ab eo arcem Ibreii
procaciter repetiit. Cui dux respondit, Æquipotens mutuum
patri tuo dedi Brioniam nobile castrum pro arce Ibreii.
Comes Mellenti dixit, Istud mutuum non concedo, sed quod
pater tuus patri meo dedit habere volo. Alioqui per sanctum
Nigasium faciam quod tibi displicebit. Iratus igitur dux
illico eum comprehendi et in carcere vinciri præcepit, et
Brioniam Roberto Balduini filio custodiendam commisit.” This
Robert in 686 D sets forth his pedigree, as grandson of
Count Gilbert the guardian of the Conqueror (see N. C. vol.
ii. pp. 195, 196). He was nephew of Richard of Bienfaite
(see above, p. 68), the founder of the house of Clare.

[676] He is now brought in as “callidus senex.”

[677] Ord. Vit. 686 C. The Duke speaks of the old Roger’s
“magna _legalitas_,” “_loyalty_,” according to its
etymology. Is it characteristic of the “callidus senex” that
he addresses the Duke as “vestra sublimitas,” “vestra
serenitas,” and thanks him for imprisoning his son,
“temerarium juvenem”? Yet it was twenty-four years since the
exploits of Robert of Meulan at Senlac.

[678] Ib. D. “Ob hoc ingens pecuniæ pondus promisit.”

[679] Ib. 687 A.

[680] Ib. A, B. “Tunc calor ingens incipientis æstatis, et
maxima siccitas erant, quæ forinsecus expugnantes admodum
juvabant. Callidi enim obsessores in fabrili fornace quæ in
promptu structa fuerat, ferrum missilium calefaciebant,
subitoque _super tectum principalis aulæ_ in munimento
jaciebant, et sic ferrum candens sagittarum atque pilorum in
arida veterum lanugine imbricum totis nisibus figebant.”

[681] Ib. “Sic Robertus dux ab hora nona Brioniam ante solis
occasum obtinuit, quam Guillelmus pater ejus cum auxilio
Henrici Francorum regis sibi vix in tribus annis subigere
potuit.” See N. C. vol. ii. p. 268.

[682] See above, p. 234.

[683] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 145, 451.

[684] Ib. vol. v. pp. 466, 474.

[685] Ord. Vit. 689 D. “Hujus nimirum factionis incentor
Conanus Gisleberti Pilati filius erat, qui inter cives,
utpote ditissimus eorum, præcellebat. Is cum rege de
tradenda civitate pactum fecerat, et immensis opibus ditatus
in urbe vigebat, ingentemque militum et satellitum familiam
contra ducem turgidus jugiter pascebat.”

[686] Ib. 691 A. “Guillelmus Ansgerii filius, Rodomensium
ditissimus.” This is after Conan’s death.

[687] Ib. 689 D. “Cives Rothomagi regiis muneribus et
promissis illecti de mutando principe tractaverunt, ac ut
Normanniæ metropolim _cum somnolento duce_ regi proderent
consiliati sunt.”

[688] Ib. “Maxima pars urbanorum eidem adquiescebant.
Nonnulli tamen pro fide duci servanda resistebant, et
opportunis tergiversationibus detestabile facinus
impediebant.”

[689] Ord. Vit. 689 D. “Conanus de suorum consensu
_contribulium_ securus, terminum constituit.” Orderic most
likely means nothing in particular by this odd word
“contribules.” But the later history of free cities supplies
a certain temptation to begin thinking of gilds, _Zünfte_,
_Geschlechter_, _abbayes_, and _alberghi_.

[690] Ib. “Dux, ubi tantam contra se machinationem
comperiit, amicos in quibus confidebat ad se convocavit.”

[691] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Henricus igitur primus ei suppetias
venit, et primo subsidium fratri contulit, deinde vindictam
viriliter in proditorem exercuit.”

[692] Ib. “Fidelibus suis desolationem sui cita legatione
intimavit.”

[693] Ib. See above, p. 76, and N. C. vol. iv. p. 654.

[694] See above, p. 242. He was killed next year. See Ord.
Vit. 685 B.

[695] This earlier castle of the dukes must be carefully
distinguished from the _Vieux Palais_, which, though it is
no longer standing, still lives in street nomenclature. This
last was the work of our Henry the Fifth, and lay to the
west, between the Roman wall and the wall of Saint Lewis.

On this side of the city the modern street lately called
_Rue de l’Impératrice_, and now promoted to the name of _Rue
Jeanne Darc_, is not a bad guide. It runs a little outside
of the Roman wall and may fairly represent its fosse. So the
other great modern street called _Rue de l’Hôtel de Ville_,
and now _Rue Thiers_, runs a little further outside the
northern wall of the ancient city, which is marked by the
_Rue de la Ganterie_.

[696] On this side again a modern street helps us. The _Rue
de la République_, lately _Rue Impériale_, marks, though
less accurately than the others, the eastern side of the
city. The Rebecq may be traced for a little way, but it
presently loses itself, or at least is lost to the inquirer.

[697] Ord. Vit. 690 B. See below, p. 255.

[698] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 203.

[699] “Archimonasterium” is a title of Saint Ouen’s. See
Neustria Pia, 1.

[700] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 183, 468.

[701] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 704.

[702] The “Tour de la Grosse Horloge” and the gate close by
are conspicuous features in that quarter of Rouen. The noble
Palace of Justice was not even represented in the times with
which we have to do.

[703] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 706.

[704] Neustria Pia, 611.

[705] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Ad Calcegiensem portam properavit.”

[706] Ord. Vit. 690 A. “Jampridem quidam de regiis
satellitibus in urbem introierant, et parati, rebellionem
tacite præstolantes, seditionis moram ægre ferebant.”

[707] Ib. B. “Dum militaris et civilis tumultus exoritur,
nimius hinc et inde clamor attollitur, et tota civitas
pessime confunditur, et in sua viscera crudeliter
debacchatur. Plures enim civium contra cognatos vicinosque
suos ad utramque portam dimicabant, dum quædam pars duci, et
altera regi favebant…. Dum perturbationis ingens tumultus
cuncta confunderet, et nesciretur quam quisque civium sibi
partem eligeret.”

[708] Ib. B. “Dux ubi furentes, ut dictum est, in civitate
advertit, cum Henrico fratre suo et commanipularibus suis de
arce prodiit, suisque velociter suffragari appetiit.”

[709] Ord. Vit. 690 B. “Ne perniciem inhonestam stolido
incurreret, cunctisque Normannis perenne opprobrium fieret.”

[710] Ib. “Fugiens cum paucis per orientalem portam egressus
est, et mox a suburbanis vici, qui Mala-palus dicitur,
fideliter ut specialis herus susceptus est.”

[711] Ord. Vit. 690 B. “Cimba parata Sequanam intravit, et
relicto post terga conflictu trepidus ad Ermentrudis-villam
navigavit. Tunc ibidem a Guillelmo de Archis Molismensi
monacho susceptus est, ibique in basilica sanctæ Mariæ de
Prato finem commotæ seditionis præstolatus est.” On this
William of Arques, see above, p. 220.

William of Malmesbury (v. 392) has quite another account, in
which the Duke’s flight is not spoken of, and in which Henry
at least urges him to action; “Regios eo interdiu venientes,
qui dolo civium totam jampridem occupaverant urbem, probe
expulit [Henricus], admonito per nuntios comite ut ille a
fronte propelleret quos ipse a tergo urgeret.” This account
does not come in its chronological place, but in William’s
account of the early life of Henry. And he misconceives the
date, placing the revolt of Rouen after the coming of
William into Normandy; “Willelmo veniente in Normanniam uti
se de fratre Roberto ulcisceretur, comiti obsequelam suam
exhibuit [Henricus], Rotomagi positus.”

[712] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Regia cohors territa fugit,
latebrasque silvarum quæ in vicinio erant, avide poscens,
delituit, et subsidio noctis discrimen mortis seu captionis
difficulter evasit.”

[713] On the different versions of the death of Conan in
Orderic and in William of Malmesbury, see Appendix K.

[714] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Considera, Conane, quam pulcram tibi
patriam conatus es subjicere.”

[715] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “En, ad meridiem delectabile parcum
patet oculis tuis. En saltuosa regio silvestribus abundans
feris. Ecce Sequana piscosum flumen Rotomagensem murum
allambit, navesque pluribus mercimoniis refertas huc
quotidie devehit.”

[716] Ib. D. “En ex alia parte civitas populosa, mœnibus
sacrisque templis et urbanis ædibus speciosa, cui jure a
priscis temporibus subjacet Normannia tota.”

[717] Ib. “Pro redemptione mei domino meo aurum dabo et
argentum, quantum reperire potero in thesauris meis
meorumque parentum, et pro culpa infidelitatis fidele usque
ad mortem rependam servitium.”

[718] Ord. Vit. 690 C. “Per animam matris meæ, traditori
nulla erit redemptio, sed debitæ mortis acceleratio.”

[719] Ib. “Conanus gemens clamavit alta voce; Pro amore,
inquit, Dei, confessionem mihi permitte.”

[720] Ib. “Henricus acer fraternæ ultor injuriæ præ ira
infremuit.” Simple wrath is an attribute which we are more
used to assign to Henry the Second, with his hereditary
touch of the Angevin devil, than to the calm, deliberate,
Henry the First. Yet we can understand how, through the
stages of the “ironica insultatio,” as Orderic calls Henry’s
discourse to Conan, a determination taken in cold blood
might grow into the fierce delight of destruction at the
actual moment of carrying it out.

[721] See Appendix K.

[722] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Locus ipse, ubi vindicta hujusmodi
perpetrata est, saltus Conani usque in hodiernam diem
vocitatus est.”

[723] See above, p. 190.

[724] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Robertus dux, ut de prato ad arcem
rediit et quæ gesta fuerant comperit, pietate motus
infortunio civium condoluit, sed, fortiori magnatorum
censura prævalente, reis parcere nequivit.”

[725] Ord. Vit. 691 A. “Robertus Belesmensis et Guillelmus
Bretoliensis affuerunt, et Rodomanos incolas velut exteros
prædones captivos abduxerunt, et squaloribus carceris
graviter afflixerunt…. Sic Belesmici et Aquilini ceterique
ducis auxiliarii contra se truculenter sæviunt, civesque
metropolis Neustriæ vinculatos attrahunt, cunctisque rebus
spoliatos, ut barbaros hostes male affligunt.”

[726] Ib. “A Guillelmo Bretoliensi ducitur captivus, et post
longos carceris squalores redimit se librarum tribus
millibus.”

[727] See above, p. 243.

[728] Ib. 688 B. “Mense Novembri Guillelmus comes ingentem
exercitum aggregavit, et Conchas expugnare cœpit.” One would
like to know what number passed for “ingens exercitus” in
this kind of warfare.

[729] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 713.

[730] Ib. p. 713.

[731] Ord. Vit. 834 C. “Prædictus comes et Heluisa comitissa
dangionem regis apud Ebroas funditus dejecerunt.”

[732] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 204.

[733] On the foundation of the abbey of Conches or
Castellion, see Neustria Pia, 567, and the passages from
Orderic and William of Jumièges there cited. William (vii.
22) puts it among the monasteries founded in the reign of
William the Great, and calls its founder Ralph. But Orderic
(460 A) attributes the foundation to a Roger, seemingly the
old Roger who came back from Spain. I can hardly accept the
suggestion in Neustria Pia that the Roger spoken of is the
young Roger of whom we shall presently hear, the son of
Ralph and Isabel, and that he was joint-founder with his
father Ralph.

Orderic twice (493 B, 576 A) distinguishes Ralph of
_Conches_, the husband of Isabel, from his father Roger of
_Toesny_; “Rodulphus de Conchis, Rogerii Toenitis filius,”
“Radulfus de _Conchis_, filius Rogerii de Toënia.”

[734] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 534.

[735] Will. Gem. vii. 22.

[736] Ord. Vit. 688 B.

[737] Ord. Vit. 688 B. “Dum cœnobialem curiam beati Petri
Castellionis invaderet, nec pro reverentia monachorum, qui
cum fletibus vociferantes Dominum interpellabant, ab
incœptis desisteret, hostili telo repente percussus est,
ipsoque die cum maximo luctu utriusque partis mortuus est.”
He is described as “formidabilis marchisius.”

[738] Ib. C. “Radulfus pervalidum agmen de suis, et de
familia regis habuit.”

[739] Ib. “Cupidis tironibus foras erumpere dixit, Armamini
et estote parati, sed de munitione non exeatis donec ego
jubeam vobis. Sinite hostes præda onerari, et discedentes
mecum viriliter insectamini. Illi autem principi suo, qui
probissimus et militiæ gnarus erat, obsecundarunt, et
abeuntes cum præda pedetentim persecuti sunt.” Cf. the same
kind of policy on the part of the Conqueror, N. C. vol. iii.
p. 152.

[740] Ib. “Ebroicenses erubescentes quod guerram superbe
cœperant et inde maximi pondus detrimenti cum dedecore
pertulerant, conditioni pacis post triennalem guerram
adquieverunt.” The peace was clearly made about the end of
1090 or the very beginning of 1091. The three years of war
must therefore be reckoned from the death of the Conqueror,
or from some time not long after.

[741] Ord. Vit. 688 D. He had at least two natural children,
a daughter Isabel, of whom we have already heard (see above,
p. 243), and a son Eustace, who succeeded his father in the
teeth of all collateral claimants. Eustace is best known as
the husband of Henry the First’s natural daughter Juliana
(see N. C. vol. v. p. 157, _note_), in whose story we come
again to the ever-disputed tower of Ivry. See Will. Gem.
viii. 15; Ord. Vit. 577 B; 810 C; 848 B, C.

[742] Ib. “Ebroicensis quoque comes eundem Rogerium, utpote
nepotem suum, consulatus sui heredem constituit.” This was
to the prejudice of his nephew Amalric of Montfort, son of
his whole sister Agnes, and half-brother of Isabel. After
Count William’s death in 1108, the strivings after his
county were great and long, till Amalric recovered full
possession in 1119. Ord. Vit. 863 C.

[743] Ib. “Pretiosis vestibus quibus superbi nimis
insolescunt, uti dedignabatur, et in omni esse suo sese
modeste regere nitebatur.” This must be taken in connexion
with Orderic’s various protests against the vain fashions of
the day, especially the great one in p. 682.

[744] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 219; iv. p. 448.

[745] Ord. Vit. 688 D. “Quondam milites otiosi simul in Aula
Conchis ludebant et colloquebantur, et coram domina
Elisabeth de diversis thematibus, ut mos est hujusmodi,
confabulabantur.” Then follows this beautiful story of the
three dreams.

[746] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 130.

[747] Ord. Vit. 689 A. “Dextera sua me benedicentem,
signumque crucis super caput meum benigniter facientem.”

[748] He married their daughter Godehild, the former wife of
Robert, son of Henry Earl of Warwick. See Ord. Vit. 576 C;
Will. Gem. viii. 41. The strange story of his two later
marriages does not concern us, and the way in which he
became Count of Edessa was hardly becoming in a holy
warrior.

[749] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 94, 819, and Appendix HH.

[750] Ord. Vit. 689 C.

[751] Ib. 784 B.

[752] Ib. 834 C. There is a singular contrast in the words
with which Orderic disposes of the dead bodies of the Count
and the Countess; “_Comitissa_ nempe defuncta prius apud
Nogionem _quiescit_; comes vero, postmodum apoplexia
percussus, sine viatico decessit, et _cadaver ejus_ cum
patre suo Fontinellæ _computrescit_.”

[753] See above, p. 233.

[754] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 496.

[755] Ord. Vit. 691 A, B. “Ecce quibus ærumnis superba
profligatur Normannia, quæ nimis olim victa gloriabatur
Anglia, et naturalibus regni filiis trucidatis sive fugatis
usurpabat eorum possessiones et imperia. Ecce massam
divitiarum quas aliis rapuit eisque pollens ad suam
perniciem insolentur tumuit, nunc non ad delectamentum sui
sed potius ad tormentum miserabiliter distrahit.” He has an
earlier reflexion to the same effect (664 B); “Sic proceres
Neustriæ … patriam divitiis opulentam propriis viribus
vicissim exspoliaverunt, opesque quas Anglis aliisque
gentibus violenter rapuerunt merito latrociniis et rapinis
perdiderunt.”

[756] Ord. Vit. 691 A, B. “Soli gaudent, sed non diu nec
feliciter, qui furari seu prædari possunt pertinaciter.”

[757] Ib. “In diebus illis non erat rex neque dux
Hierusalem, aureisque vitulis Jeroboam rebellis plebs
immolabat in Dan et Bethel.” We are used to this kind of
analogy whenever any one goes after a wrong Pope; but
Normandy, with all its crimes, seems to have been perfectly
orthodox.

[758] Ib. C. “Multa intueor in divina pagina quæ subtiliter
coaptata nostri temporis eventui videntur similia. [Every
age, except perhaps the eighteenth, has made the same
remark.] Ceterum allegoricas allegationes et idoneas humanis
moribus interpretationes studiosis rimandas relinquam,
simplicemque Normannicarum historiam rerum adhuc
aliquantulum protelare satagam.” This praiseworthy resolve
reminds us of an earlier passage (683 B) where he laments
the failure of the princes and prelates of his day to work
miracles, and his own inability to force them to the needful
pitch of holiness; “Ast ego vim illis ut sanctificentur
inferre nequeo. Unde his omissis super rebus quæ fiunt
veracem _dictatum_ facio.”

It would seem from this that Orderic dictated his book. (See
also his complaint in 718 C, when at the age of sixty he
felt too old to write and had no one to write for him.) We
need not therefore infer in some other cases that, because
an author dictated, therefore he could not write.

[759] The Chronicle (1091) says expressly, “On þisum geare
se cyng Willelm heold his hired to X[~p]es messan on
Wæstmynstre, and þæræfter to Candelmæssan he ferde for his
broðer unþearfe ut of Englalande into Normandige.” So
Florence; “Mense Februario rex Willelmus junior Normanniam
petiit.” Orderic (696 D) seems to place his voyage a little
earlier; “Mense Januario Guillelmus Rufus rex Anglorum cum
magna classe in Normanniam transfretavit.” But he places it
late in the month; for in 693 B, having recorded the death
of Bishop Gerard on January 23, he adds that the King’s
voyage happened “eadem septimana.”

[760] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 234.

[761] Richard of Courcy’s son Robert married Rohesia, one of
the many daughters of Hugh of Grantmesnil. Ord. Vit. 692 A.

[762] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 197.

[763] Ord. Vit. 691 C.

[764] See Appendix L.

[765] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Cujus [Guillelmi] adventu audito,
territus dux cum Roberto aliisque obsidentibus actutum
recessit, et unusquisque propria repetiit.” He is more
emphatic in 697 A; “Robertus de Belesmo cum suis complicibus
aufugit.”

[766] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Mox omnes pene Normannorum optimates
certatim regem adierunt, eique munera, recepturi majora, cum
summo favore contulerunt. Galli quoque et Britones et
Flandritæ, ut regem apud Aucum in Neustria commorari
audierunt, aliique plures de collimitaneis provinciis, ad
eum convenerunt. Tunc magnificentiam ejus alacriter experti
sunt, domumque petentes cunctis cum principibus suis
divitiis et liberalitate præposuerunt.”

[767] On the Treaty of 1091, see Appendix M.

[768] See above, p. 221.

[769] Ord. Vit. 693 B. “Tunc ingentia Robertus dux a rege
dona recepit.”

[770] See Appendix M; and for the affairs of Maine, see
below, Chapter VI.

[771] William of Malmesbury (v. 392) is becomingly strong on
this head; “Parum hic labor apud Robertum valuit, virum
animi mobilis, qui statim ad ingratitudinem flexus, bene
meritum urbe cedere coegit.” This comes just after the death
of Conan. His whole account is very confused.

[772] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 87-90.

[773] Ib. vol. v. p. 328

[774] Ib. vol. v. p. 388.

[775] Ib. vol. v. p. 89.

[776] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 288, 796.

[777] Ib. vol. iii. p. 7; see vol. ii. p. 376.

[778] Ib. vol. iv. p. 694.

[779] We have seen him already as a counsellor; see above,
p. 220. Orderic, giving a picture of him some years later
(778 B), adds that “ducem sibi coævum et quasi collectaneum
fratrem diligebat.”

[780] See Appendix M.

[781] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 194, 508, 567.

[782] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “And ut of Normandig for to þam
cynge his aðume to Scotlande and to his swustor.”

[783] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ðas forewarde gesworan xii. þa
betste of þes cynges healfe, and xii. of þes eorles.” In
Florence the “betste” become “barones.”

[784] “Þeah hit syððan litle hwile stode.”

[785] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Aggregatis Britonibus et Normannis,
Constantiam et Abrincas aliaque oppida munivit, et ad
resistendum totis nisibus insurrexit.”

[786] Ib. 697 B. “Britones, qui sibi solummodo adminiculum
contulerant.”

[787] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 209.

[788] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Hugo Cestrensis comes aliique
fautores, ejus paupertatem perpendentes, et amplas opes
terribilemque potentiam Guillelmi regis metuentes, egregium
clitonem in bellico angore deseruerunt, et municipia sua
regi tradiderunt.” Wace tells quite another tale, more
favourable to Earl Hugh, but much less likely. See
Appendix N.

[789] Ann. S. Mich. 1023. “Hoc anno inchoatum est novum
monasterium a Richardo secundo comite et Hildeberto abbate,
qui abbas ipso anno obiit.” This is Hildebert the Second,
appointed in 1017.

[790] Ib. 1100. “Hoc anno pars non modica ecclesiæ montis
sancti Michaelis corruit … in cujus ruina portio quædam
dormitorii monachorum destructa atque eversa est.” Ib. 1112.
“Hoc anno combusta est hæc ecclesia sancti Michaelis igne
fulmineo, cum omnibus officinis monachorum.”

[791] Ann. S. Mich. 1085. “Huic [Rannulfo] successit
Rogerius Cadomensis, non electione monachorum, sed vi
terrenæ potestatis.”

[792] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 468.

[793] See Florence’s account in Appendix N.

[794] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 235.

[795] I take this from Wace, 14660;
“Li Munt asistrent environ,
De Genez de si à Coisnon
E la revière d’Ardenon;
N’issent del mont se par els non.
A Avrenches li reis séeit
Et a Genez li dus esteit.”
On the value of Wace’s general story, see Appendix N; but we
may trust the topography of the Jerseyman.

[796] See Florence’s account in Appendix N. So Will. Malms.
iv. 308; “Crebris excursibus obsidentem militiam germanorum
contristavit.” Wace (14652) says,
“Sovent coreit par Costentin,
E tensout tot Avrencin;
Li vilains prist, si fist raendre,
Ne leissout rien k’il péust prendra.”

[797] Wace, 14666;
“Mult véissiez joster sovent,
E tornéier espessement
Entre li Munt et Ardenon
E la rivière de Coisnon.
Chescun jor al flo retraiant
Vint chevaliers jostes menant.”

[798] On the two versions of this story, if they are meant
to be the same story, in William of Malmesbury and in Wace,
see Appendix N.

[799] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Solus in multos irruit,
alacritate virtutis impatiens, simulque confidens nullum
sibi ausurum obsistere.”

[800] Ib. “Fides loricæ obstitit ne læderetur.”

[801] Ib. “Tolle, nebulo, Rex Angliæ sum.”

[802] 1 Kings xii. 31.

[803] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Tremuit, nota voce jacentis,
vulgus militum, statimque reverenter de terra levato equum
alterum adducunt.”

[804] Ib. “Non expectato ascensorio, sonipedem insiliens,
omnesque circumstantes vivido perstringens oculo, Quis,
inquit, me dejecit?”

[805] See Appendix G. We have had this favourite oath
already.

[806] Will. Malms. u. s. “Meus amodo eris, et meo albo
insertus laudabilis militiæ præmia reportabis.” Of William’s
“album” or muster-roll we hear elsewhere. Wace, 14492;
“N’oïst de chevalier parler
Ke de proesce oïst loer,
Ki en son brief escrit ne fust,
E ki par an del suen n’éust.”

[807] See Roger of Howden, iv. 83. The King is wounded
before Chaluz; the castle is taken, “quo capto, præcepit rex
omnes suspendi, excepto illo solo qui eum vulneraverat,
quem, ut fas est credere, turpissima morte damnaret, si
convaluisset.”

[808] See N. C. vol. v. p. 73. Where did William of
Malmesbury find his story of Alexander, “qui Persam militem
se a tergo ferire conatum, sed pro perfidia ensis spe sua
frustratum, incolumem pro admiratione fortitudinis
conservavit”? The story in Arrian, i. 15, is quite
different.

[809] The stock of meat comes from Wace, 14700;
“De viande aveient plenté
Maiz de bevre aveient grant chierté;
Asez aveient a mengier,
Maiz molt trovoent li vin chier.”
The lack of water is secondary in his version. See
Appendix N.

[810] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Impium esse ut eum aqua
arceant, quæ esset communis mortalibus; aliter, si velit,
virtutem experiatur; nec pugnet violentia elementorum sed
virtute militum.” If this represents a real message from
Henry, it must surely have been meant as an _argumentum ad
hominem_ for Robert.

[811] Ib. “Genuina mentis mollitie flexus, suos _qua
prætendebant_ laxius habere se jussit.” This must mean the
quarters of Robert at Genetz, as distinguished from those of
William.

[812] See Appendix N.

[813] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Belle scis actitare guerram,
qui hostibus præbes aquæ copiam; et quomodo eos domabimus si
eis in pastu et in potu indulserimus?”

[814] Ib. “Ille renidens illud come et merito famosum verbum
emisit, Papæ, dimitterem fratrem nostrum mori siti? et quem
alium habebimus si eum amiserimus?” For the other version,
see Appendix N. M. le Hardy (80), who is a knight of the
order of Pius the Ninth, translates “Papæ,” “par le Pape.”

[815] See Appendix N.

[816] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Fere xv. diebus cum suis aquæ
penuria maxime coarcuerunt. Porro callidus juvenis, dum sic
a fratribus suis coarctaretur, et a cognatis atque amicis et
confœderatis affinibus undique destitueretur, et multimoda
pene omnium quibus homines indigent inedia angeretur,” &c.
The siege began “in medio quadragesimæ,” and lasted fifteen
days. Florence is therefore wrong in saying “per totam
quadragesimam montem obsederunt.”

[817] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Frequenter cum eo prœlium
commiserunt, et homines et equos nonnullos perdiderunt. At
rex, cum obsidionis diutinæ pertæsus fuisset, impacatus
recessit.”

[818] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Liberum sibi sociisque suis exitum
de monte ab obsidentibus poposcit. Illi admodum gavisi sunt,
ipsumque cum omni apparatu suo egredi _honorifice_
permiserunt.” On the honours of war, see above, p. 86. See
Appendix N.

[819] Ib. “Rex in Neustria usque ad Augustum permansit, et
dissidentes qui eidem adquiescere voluerunt regali
auctoritate pacavit.” So in 693 C he mentions the lands of
Eu, Gournay, and Conches, and adds, “ubi præfatus rex a
Januario usque ad kal. Augusti regali more cum suis
habitavit.” I assume Eu as his actual head-quarters, as it
was before and after.

[820] Ib. D. See the next chapter.

[821] Ord. Vit. 697 B. “Sic regia proles in exsilio didicit
pauperiem perpeti, ut futurus rex optime sciret miseris et
indigentibus compati, eorumque dejectioni vel indigentiæ
regali potentia seu dapsilitate suffragari, et ritus
infirmorum expertus eis pie misereri.”

[822] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 156, 843.

[823] See Appendix O.

[824] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “In regnum se cum ambobus
fratribus recepit.” I should hardly have accepted this
evidence, if it had not been confirmed by the signatures to
a charter of which I shall presently speak. See below,
p. 305.

[825] Immediately after the words quoted in p. 282, follows
the entry about Malcolm; “Onmang þam þe se cyng W. ut of
Englelande wæs ferde se cyng Melcolm of Scotlande hider into
Englum, and his mycelne dæl ofer hergode.”

[826] Ord. Vit. 701 A. “In illo tempore Melcoma rex Scotorum
contra regem Anglorum rebellavit, debitumque servitium ei
denegavit.” See Appendix P.

[827] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Mense Maio rex Scottorum Malcolmus
cum magno exercitu Northymbriam invasit; si proventus
successisset, ulterius processurus, et vim Angliæ incolis
illaturus. Noluit Deus: ideo ab incepto est impeditus:
attamen antequam rediisset, ejus exercitus de Northymbria
secum non modicam prædam abduxit.”

[828] Sim. Dun. 1093 (where he reckons up Malcolm’s
invasions); “Quarto, regnante Willelmo juniore, cum suis
copiis infinitis usque Ceastram, non longe a Dunelmo sitam,
pervenit, animo intendens ulterius progredi.”

[829] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Oð þæt þa gode men þe þis land
bewiston, him fyrde ongean sændon and hine gecyrdon.” Did
they not go in their own persons?

[830] See above, p. 282. The words of Orderic (701 A) are
odd; “Guillelmus rex … cum Roberto fratre suo pacem fecerat,
ipsumque contra infidos proditores qui contra regem
conspiraverant secum duxerat.” This surely cannot mean the
Scots; it must mean the rebels of three years before. Robert
cannot have been brought to act in any way against them; yet
the words of Orderic must have a confused reference to some
real object of his coming.

[831] Will. Malms. iv. 311. “Satagente Roberto comite, qui
familiarem jamdudum apud Scottum locaverat gratiam, inter
Malcolmum et Willelmum concordia inita.” See Appendix P.

[832] See Appendix BB.

[833] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 513.

[834] Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Priori ad se
venienti humiliter assurgens, benigne illum suscepit, et ita
per omnia sub se, quemadmodum sub episcopo, curam ecclesiæ
cum omni libertate agere præcepit.”

[835] Ib. “Licet in alia monasteria et ecclesias ferocius
ageret, ipsis tamen non solum nihil auferebat, sed etiam de
suo dabat, et ab injuriis malignorum sicut pater
defendebat.”

[836] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 674.

[837] Sim. Dun. u. s. “Hoc tempore refectorium, quale hodie
cernitur, monachi ædificaverunt.”

[838] Ib. “Tertio anno expulsionis episcopi, cum homines
regis quoddam in Normannia castellum tenentes obsiderentur,
et jamjamque capiendi essent, eos episcopus a periculo
liberavit, et consilio suo ut obsidio solveretur effecit.”

[839] Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Unde rex placatus,
universa quæ in Anglia prius habuerat, ei restituit.” More
formally in the Gesta Regum, 1091; “Veniens Dunelmum,
episcopum Willelmum restituit in sedem suam, ipso post annos
tres die quo eam reliquit, scilicet tertio idus Septembris.”
The time of three years is not quite exact; see above,
p. 94.

[840] Hist. Eccl. Dun. u. s. “Ille nequaquam vacuus rediit,
sed non pauca ex auro et argento sacra altaris vasa et
diversa ornamenta, sed et libros plurimos ad ecclesiam
præmittere curavit.”

[841] See above, p. 295, and below, p. 305.

[842] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Se cyng W…. sona fyrde hét ut
abeodan ægðer scipfyrde and landfyrde; and seo scipferde, ær
he to Scotlande cuman mihte, ælmæst earmlice forfór, feowan
dagon toforan S[~c]e Michæles mæssan.” Florence calls the
host “classis non modica et equestris exercitus,” and adds
that “multi de equestri exercitu ejus fame et frigore
perierunt.”

[843] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ac þa þa, se cyng Melcolm
gehyrde þæt hine man mid fyrde secean wolde, he for mid his
fyrde ut of Scotlande into Loðene on Englaland, and þær
abad.” Florence, followed by Simeon, oddly enough translates
this; “Rex Malcolmus cum exercitu in provincia Loidis
occurrit.” Hence some modern writers have carried Malcolm as
far south as _Leeds_, I presume only to Leeds in Yorkshire.
Orderic (701 A), though, as we shall see, he somewhat
misconceives the story, marks the geography very well;
“Exercitum totius Angliæ conglobavit, ut usque ad magnum
flumen, quod Scotte Watra dicitur, perduxit.” The “Scots’
Water” is of course the Firth of Forth. So Turgot in the
Life of Margaret (Surtees Simeon, p. 247) speaks of “utraque
litora maris quod Lodoneium dividit et Scotiam.” See
Appendix P.

[844] Chron. Petrib. ib. “Ða ða se cyng William mid his
fyrde genealehte þa ferdon betwux Rodbeard eorl and Eadgar
æþeling, and þæra cinga sehte swa gemacedon.” So Florence;
“Quod videns comes Rotbertus, clitonem Eadgarum, quem rex de
Normannia expulerat, et tunc cum rege Scottorum degebat, ad
se accersivit: cujus auxilio fretus, pacem inter reges
fecit.” On the details in Orderic, see Appendix P.

[845] “Ex consultu sapientum,” says Orderic. These ancient
formulæ cleave to us wherever we go, even in the camp. On
the action of the military Witan, see above, p. 216.

[846] See above, p. 25.

[847] See Appendix P.

[848] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 175.

[849] Ib. vol. ii. p. 272.

[850] It is specially marked that the homage now done was
the renewal of the old homage. So the Chronicle, 1091; “Se
cyng Melcolm to uran cynge com, and his man wearð to ealle
swilcre gehyrsumnisse swa he ǽr his fæder dyde, and þæt mid
aðe gefestnode.” So Florence; “Ea conditione, ut Willelmo,
sicut patri suo obedivit, Malcolmus obediret.”

[851] The Chronicle says only; “Se cyng William him behét on
lande and on ealle þinge þæs þe he under his fæder ǽr
hæfde.” Florence is fuller; “Et Malcolmo xii. villas, quas
in Anglia sub patre illius habuerat, Willelmus redderet, et
xii. marcas auri singulis annis daret.” See Appendix P.