Chapter IV: The Primacy of Anselm and the Acquisition of Normandy.903 (16)

[1383] “De consiliis nostris quid dicam, fateor nescio. Nam
cum omni studio per totum diem inter nos illa conferimus, et
quatenus aliquo modo sibi cohereant conferendo conferimus,
ipse, nihil mali e contra cogitans, dormit, et prolata coram
eo statim uno labiorum suorum pulsu quasi telas araneæ
rumpit.”

[1384] “Primas est, non modo istius regni, sed et Scotiæ et
Hiberniæ, necne adjacentium insularum, nosque suffraganei
ejus.” We have had one or two other cases, in which, in
Eadmer’s language at least, the Archbishop of York is spoken
of as the suffragan of Canterbury.

[1385] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Properate igitur, et quod
dicitis citius facite, ut cum viderit se a cunctis despectum
et desolatum, verecundetur, et ingemiscat se Urbanum me
domino suo contempto secutum.”

[1386] “Et quo ista securius faciatis, en ego primum in
imperio meo penitus ei omnem securitatem et fiduciam mei
tollo, ac deinceps in illo vel de illo nulla in causa
confidere, vel eum pro archiepiscopo aut patre spirituali
tenere volo.”

[1387] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Paterno more diligentiam,
animæ illius curam, si ferre dignabitur, habebo.”

[1388] “Ad hæc ille respondit,” says Eadmer; but it can only
mean an answer through messengers, as it is plain that the
King and the Archbishop were still in different rooms.

[1389] “Omnino adversatur animo meo quod dicit, nec meus
erit, quisquis ipsius esse delegerit.”

[1390] The answer of the lay lords must be taken as a formal
setting forth of their position; one would be glad to know
whose are the actual sentiments and words. It runs thus
(Eadmer, 30);

“Nos nunquam fuimus homines ejus, nec fidelitatem quam ei
non fecimus abjurare valemus. Archiepiscopus noster est;
Christianitatem in hac terra gubernare habet, et ea re nos
qui Christiani sumus ejus magisterium, dum hic vivimus,
declinare non possumus, præsertim cum nullius offensæ macula
illum respiciat, quæ vos secus de illo agere compellat.”

[1391] “Quod ipse repressa sustinuit ira, rationi eorum
palam ne nimis offenderentur contraire præcavens.” This is
perhaps a solitary case of recorded self-restraint on the
part of William Rufus, at all events since the death of
Lanfranc. It is significant that it should be in answer to
the lay lords and not to the bishops.

[1392] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Episcopi hæc videntes,
confusione vultus sui operti sunt, intelligentes omnium
oculos in se converti, et apostasiam suam non injuste a
cunctis detestari.” It must be remembered that _apostasia_
is a technical term, meaning, besides its usual sense, a
forsaking of his monastic vows and calling by a professed
monk. Eadmer speaks of the bishops as guilty of a like
offence towards their metropolitan.

[1393] The picture is very graphic; “Audires si adesses,
nunc ab isto, nunc ab illo istum vel illum episcopum aliquo
cognomine cum interjectione indignantis denotari, videlicet
Judæ proditoris, Pilati, vel Herodis horumque similium.” One
of the bishops had been likened to Judas some years before
on somewhat opposite grounds.

[1394] “Requisiti a rege, utrum omnem subjectionem et
obedientiam, nulla conditione interposita, an illam solam
subjectionem et obedientiam, quam prætenderet ex autoritate
Romani pontificis, Anselmo denegassent.”

[1395] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Hos quidem qui, nulla
conditione interposita, funditus ei quicquid prælato suo
debebant se abjurasse professi sunt, juxta se sicut fideles
et amicos suos honorifice sedere præcepit.”

[1396] “Illos vero qui in hoc solo quod præciperet ex parte
apostolici sese subjectionem et obedientiam illi abnegasse
dicere ausi sunt, ut perfidos ac suæ voluntatis inimicos,
procul in angulo domus sententiam suæ damnationis ira
permotus jussit præstolari. Territi ergo et confusione super
confusionem induti, in angulum domus secesserunt,”

[1397] “Reperto statim salubri et quo niti solebant
domestico consilio, hoc est, data copiosa pecunia, in
amicitiam regis recepti sunt.”

All this suggests the question, what was the course taken by
Gundulf of Rochester, Anselm’s old friend, and the holder of
a bishopric which stood in a specially close relation to the
archbishop. In the Historia Novorum there is no mention of
Gundulf; the bishops are spoken of as an united body, except
so far as they were divided on this last question. But it
seems implied that all disowned Anselm in one way or
another. Yet in the Life (ii. 3. 24) the bishops disown him,
“Rofensi solo excepto.” How are these accounts to be
reconciled? If Gundulf had stood out in any marked way from
the rest, Eadmer would surely have mentioned him in the
Historia Novorum. One might suppose that the Bishop of
Rochester, as holding of the Archbishop, was not in the
company of the King’s bishops at all. But, if he had stayed
outside with Anselm and Eadmer, one would have looked for
that to be mentioned also. He can hardly lurk in the first
person plural which Eadmer so often uses.

[1398] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Donec Deus tantæ
perturbationi modum dignanter imponeret.”

[1399] “Licet discessum ejus summopere desideraret, nolebat
tamen eum pontificatus dignitate _saisitum_ discedere, ne
novissimum scandalum quod inde poterat oriri pejus fieret
priore. Ut vero pontificatu illum _dissaisiret_, impossibile
sibi videbatur.” The feudal language creeps in at all
corners.

[1400] “Episcoporum consilio per quod in has angustias se
devolutum querebatur omisso, cum principibus consilium
iniit.”

[1401] “Quatenus vir cum summa pace moneatur ad hospitium
suum redire.”

[1402] “Perturbatis etiam curialibus plurimis … rati sunt
quippe hominem a terra discedere, et ingemuerunt.”

[1403] “Lætus et alacer sperabat se perturbationes et onera
sæculi, quod semper optabat, transito mari, evadere.”

[1404] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Ecce principes _a latere
regis_ mane directi”――the style of Emperors and Popes.

[1405] “Ascendimus, inimus, et supremam de negotio nostro
sententiam avidi audire, in quo soliti eramus loco
consedimus.” The word “ascendimus” might show that Anselm’s
lodgings were at some point lower than the castle.

[1406] “Inducias utrimque de negotio dari quatenus hinc
usque ad definitum aliquod tempus inter vos pace statuta.”

[1407] “Pacem atque concordiam non abjicio; veruntamen
videor mihi videre quid ista quam offertis pax habeat in
se.”

[1408] “Concedo suscipere quod domino regi et vobis placet
pro pacis custodia _secundum Deum_ statuere”――Anselm’s
invariable reservation.

[1409] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Dantur induciæ usque ad
octavas Pentecostes, ac _regia fide_ sancitur, quatenus ex
utraque parte interim omnia essent in pace.”

[1410] “Præsciens apud se pacem et inducias illas inane et
momentaneum velamen esse odii et oppressionis mox futuræ.”

[1411] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Baldwinum monachum, _in quo
pars major_ consiliorum Anselmi pendebat.”

[1412] “Præscripti discidii causa.”

[1413] “Quid referam camerarium ejus in sua camera ante suos
oculos captum, alios homines ejus injusto judicio
condemnatos, deprædatos, innumeris malis afflictos?” All
this was “infra dies induciarum et præfixæ pacis.” Eadmer
reproaches the “regalis constantia fidei.” Rufus would have
said that his faith was plighted to Anselm, not to Baldwin.

[1414] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Ut fere universi conclamarent
melius sibi absque pastore jam olim fuisse quam nunc sub
hujusmodi pastore esse.”

[1415] The movements of Urban at this time will be found in
the Chronicle of Bernold in the fifth volume of Pertz, p.
461. Cf. Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 215.

[1416] Bernold, ib. “Henricus autem rex dictus eo tempore in
Longobardia morabatur, pene omni regia dignitate privatus.
Nam filius ejus Chonradus, jam dudum in regem coronatus, se
ab illo penitus separavit, et domnæ Mathildi reliquisque
fidelibus sancti Petri firmiter conjunctus totum robur
paterni exercitus in Longobardia obtinuit.”

[1417] Ib. “Ad quam sinodum multitudo tam innumerabilis
confluxit, ut nequaquam in qualibet ecclesia illius loci
posset comprehendi. Unde et domnus papa extra urbem in campo
illam celebrare compulsus est; nec hoc tamen absque
probabilis exempli auctoritate.” He justifies the act by the
example of Moses; in England Godwine and William might have
been precedents enough.

[1418] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 230.

[1419] The matters discussed are reckoned up by Bernold,
u. s.

[1420] See above, p. 415.

[1421] So speaks our own Chronicler the next year. See
above, p. 415.

[1422] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Siquidem ipse rex, ubi sensit
Anselmum suæ voluntatis in præscripto negotio nolle
obtemperare, clam et Anselmo ignorante, eosdem clericos
[Girardum et Willielmum] Romam miserat, Romanæ statum
ecclesiæ per eos volens certo dinoscere.”

[1423] Bernold (Pertz, v. 461) gives the details. The part
which most concerns us is that the King and future Emperor
is received only “salva justitia illius [Romanæ] ecclesiæ,
et statutis apostolicis, maxime de investituris in
spiritalibus officiis a laico non usurpandis.”

[1424] Bernold merely glances at this matter. It will be
found described more at length in the hexameters of Donizo,
ii. 9, Muratori, v. 374; and in the prose life of Matilda,
13, Muratori, v. 395.

[1425] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Scire veritatem hujus rei
Romam missi sunt hii duo clerici, eaque cognita, jussi sunt
sacris promissionibus illectum ad hoc si possent papam
perducere, ut ipsi regi ad opus archiepiscopi Cantuariensis
pallium, tacita persona Anselmi, destinaret, quod ipse rex,
Anselmo a pontificatu simul et regno dejecto, cui vellet cum
pontificatu vice apostolici postmodum daret.” The formal
grant of the hereditary legation to Count Roger comes
somewhat later, being given by Urban himself in 1099. (See
William of Malaterra, iv. 29, Muratori, v. 602.) But the
language used seems to imply that some such power
practically existed already.

[1426] Ep. S. Thom, ad Cardinales, Giles, S. T. C. iii. 93.
“Eo jam perventum est ut sequatur rex noster etiam Siculos,
immo certe præcedat.” On the question of the legatine power
supposed to have been granted, or designed to be granted, to
Henry the Second, see J. C. Robertson, Becket, 106. For my
purpose the general belief that something of the kind was
done or designed is enough.

[1427] Bernold, ap. Pertz, v. 461.

[1428] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Hoc quippe disposuerat apud
se; hoc suspicatus est non injuria sibi concedi posse, hoc
indubitato fieri promittebat opinioni suæ.”

[1429] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Eac on þis ylcan geare togeanes
Eastron com þæs papan _sande_ hider to lande, þæt wæs
Waltear bisceop swiðe god lifes man, of Albin þære ceastre.”
The date is strange, as he did not and could not come till
after Easter.

[1430] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Præfatus episcopus Angliam
veniens, secum archiepiscopatus stolam papa mittente
clanculo detulit. Et silenter Cantuaria civitate
pertransita, Anselmoque devitato, ad regem properabat, nulli
de pallio quod ferebat quicquam dicens, nullum in absentia
ductorum suorum familiariter alloquens. Rex denique
præceperat ita fieri, nolens mysterium consilii sui
publicari.”

[1431] Ib. 33. “Sentiens rex episcopum ex parte Urbani
cuncta suæ voluntati coniventia nunciare, et ea, si ipsum
Urbanum pro papa in suo regno susciperet, velle apostolica
authoritate sibi dum viveret in privilegium promulgare,
adquievit placito.” This is put somewhat more distinctly in
the account by Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475, see
Appendix AA); “Conventionem fecerat cum eo [Willelmo]
Albanensis episcopus, quem primum illo miserat papa, ne
legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur nisi quem rex
præciperet.”

[1432] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Nil penitus ipsi pro Anselmo
locutus est, quod pacem inter eos conciliaret, quod
tribulationes in quibus pro fidelitate sedis apostolice
desudabat mitigaret, quod eum ad sublevandum in Anglia
Christianæ religionis cultum roboraret.”

[1433] Ib. “Papæ, quid dicemus? Si aurum et argentum Roma
præponit justitiæ,” &c. It must be remembered that in this
sentence “Papæ” has nothing to do with “Papa.” See above, p.
292.

[1434] Ib. 33. “Præcipiens Urbanum _in omni imperio suo_ pro
apostolico haberi, eique vice beati Petri in Christiana
religione obediri.”

[1435] Ib. “Egit post hæc quibus modis poterat ipse rex cum
episcopo, quatenus Romani pontificis autoritate Anselmum ab
episcopatu, regali potentia fultus, deponeret, spondens
immensum pecuniæ pondus ei et ecclesiæ Romanæ singulis annis
daturum, si in hoc suo desiderio satisfaceret.”

[1436] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Reputans apud se nihil in
requisitione vel susceptione Romani antistitis se
profecisse.”

[1437] “Qualiter, servata singulari celsitudinis suæ
dignitate, viro saltem specie tenus amorem suum redderet,
cui crudeliter iratus nihil poterat cupitæ damnationis pro
voto inferre.”

[1438] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Ad eum venire et verba regis
illi et illius possent regi deferre.”

[1439] “Dixi vobis jam, quod nunquam domino meo hanc
contumeliam faciam ut facto probem amicitiam ejus esse
venalem.”

[1440] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Dominus papa Urbanus, rogatu
domini nostri regis, stolam illi archiepiscopatus per
episcopum qui de Roma venit direxit.” The pallium, they
said, was sent to the King, but the words which follow show
that they wished it to be understood that it was meant for
Anselm.

[1441] “Tuum igitur erit considerare quid tanto beneficio
dignum regi rependas.”

[1442] “Laudamus et consulimus ut saltem quod in via
expenderes si pro hoc Romam ires regi des, ne si nihil
feceris injurius judiceris.” They enlarge also on the
dangers of the way; these had certainly proved fatal to some
of Anselm’s predecessors.

[1443] “Principum suorum consilio usus.”

[1444] This is not mentioned now, but it comes out
afterwards; Hist. Nov. 39. See below, p. 588.

[1445] Ib. 39. “Scio quippe me [Anselmum] spopondisse
consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et
secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum
servaturum, et eas per justitiam contra omnes homines pro
meo posse defensurum.”

[1446] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Cum curiæ illius apud
Windlesorum se præsentasset et familiari alloquio in
conspectu procerum et coadunatæ multitudinis ipsum
detinuisset.”

[1447] “Ut pro regiæ majestatis honorificentia, illud per
manum regis susciperet.”

[1448] “Rationabiliter ostendens hoc donum non ad regiam
dignitatem, sed ad singularem beati Petri pertinere
auctoritatem.”

[1449] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Quasi de manu beati Petri,
pro summi quo fungebatur pontificatus honore, sumeretur.”

[1450] “Adquievit istis multitudo omnis.”

[1451] “Pœnitentiam apud illum agentes pro culpa suæ
abnegationis, quam cum aliis coepiscopis suis fecerant apud
Rochingeham.”

[1452] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 302) has two
appearances of Saint Wulfstan to Robert; but both come
before Wulfstan’s burial. The one here meant is recorded by
Florence (1095). Robert was, according to the Worcester
writer, “vir magnæ religionis,” and we have a pleasing
picture of “ambo patres nimia caritate in Dei dilectione et
ad se invicem conjuncti.” In the Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac.
i. 268) the Bishop of Hereford is “homo seculi quidem fretus
prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”

[1453] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Ibi etiam Wilfrido episcopo
sancti David de Gualis quæ vulgo Dewi vocatur, ipsa hora
reddidit episcopale officium, a quo, exigente culpa ejus,
jam antea ipsemet illum suspenderat.” Was Wilfrith there in
person? We shall hear of him again.

[1454] Flor. Wig. 1095. “Pallium … quod juxta condictum die
dominica, quæ erat iv. idus Junii, ab eodem [Waltero]
Cantuariam super altare Salvatoris delatum, ab Anselmo
assumptum est, atque ab omnibus pro reverentia S. Petri
suppliciter deosculatum.” The details come from Eadmer; the
Chronicler tells only how Walter “þam arcebisceop Ansealme
uppon Pentecosten, of þæs papan healfe Urbanus, his pallium
geaf, and he hine underfeng æt his arcestole on
Cantwarabyrig.”

[1455] I hardly know what to make of the words of Hugh of
Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475); “Adeo auctoritas Romana apud
Anglos avaritia et cupiditate legatorum viluerat, ut eodem
Albanense præsente et consentiente nec contradicente, immo
præcipiente, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus fidelitatem beato
Petro et papæ juraverat salva fidelitate domini sui regis.”
One cannot conceive any time during the Cardinal’s visit in
which Anselm could be called on to make any such oath either
to Pope or King except at the time of his receiving the
pallium; there may be some confusion with the promise
mentioned in p. 531.

[1456] This coincidence is noticed by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1457] Such is the pious belief of Florence; “Credi fas est,
ipsum qui prius de hoc sæculo ad Deum migravit
sollicitudinem egisse sui dilectissimi, quem in hoc sæculo
reliquit, et ut quam citius simul ante Deum gauderent operam
dedisse.”

[1458] Hugh of Flavigny, directly after the passage just
quoted (Pertz, viii. 475), goes on to say, “Quæ res in
tantum adoleverat, ut nullus ex parte papæ veniens honore
debito exciperetur, nullus esset in Anglia archiepiscopus,
episcopus, abbas, nedum monachus aut clericus, qui litteras
apostolicas suscipere auderet, nedum obedire, nisi rex
juberet.”

[1459] This is noticed by the Chronicler; “And se bisceop
Waltear has on lande þæs geares syððan lange wunode, and man
syððan þæt Romgesceot be him sende, swa man manegan gearan
æror ne dyde.”

[1460] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 430.

[1461] Epp. iii. 35. “Vestra prudentia non ignorat quia nos
duo nihil efficeremus, nisi regi suggestum esset, ut ejus
assensu et auxilio ad effectum perduceretur quod
disponeremus.” The military history which this letter
casually opens to us, and of which we have no mention
elsewhere, will come in the next chapter.

[1462] “Expecto reditum domini mei regis, et episcoporum et
principum qui cum eo sunt, quatenus illi quæ agenda sunt,
opportune et rationabiliter suggeramus.” So in the next
letter (Epp. iii. 36) he says more distinctly that he would
like to meet the Cardinal, “si congruo tempore factum esset,
id est quando dominus meus rex, et episcopi, et principes
hujus regni vobis præsentes aut propinqui erant.”

[1463] Epp. iii. 36. “Vos ab illis et ego a vobis
discessimus, veluti non nos in hac terra amplius invicem
visuri.”

[1464] Epp. iii. 35. See the next chapter.

[1465] Ib. “Rex ore suo mihi præcepit … et postquam
Cantuarberiam reddi mihi mandavit per litteras proprio
sigillo signatas.”

[1466] Ib. “Idcirco de Cantuaria exire non audeo, nisi in
illam partem ex qua hostium expectamus adventum.”

[1467] Ib. 36. “Quod quæritis a me cur et qua justitia
episcopi alii me abnegantes a me discesserunt, nec sunt
reversi dignam agentes pœnitentiam, hoc potius ab illis
quærendum erat quam a me.”

[1468] Ib. “Reversi hactenus sunt ut illam obedientiam quam
Cantuariensi sedi promiserant se mihi servaturos
faterentur.”

[1469] Epp. iii. 36. “Dicitis quosdam illorum vobis dixisse
ideo non offendisse in me, quia permisi me a catholica
ecclesia transferri ad schismaticos et ab illis consecrari,
si fieri, sicut additis, potest; et a schismatico rege
investituram accepisse, et illi fidelitatem et hominium
fecisse, quos omnes sciebam esse schismaticos et divisos ab
ecclesia Christi, et a capite meo Urbano pontifice, quem
ipsi, me audiente, abnegabant.”

[1470] Epp. iii. 36. “Illi non abnegabant canonicum Romanum
pontificem, quicunque esset, nec Urbanum negabant esse
pontificem; sed dubitabant propter illam quæ modo nata est
dissensionem, et propter dubitationem illum suscipere quasi
certum differebant; nec ullum judicium illos ab ecclesia
segregaverat, et omnino obedientiam Romanæ sedis tenere se
fatebantur et sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis
me consecrarunt.”

[1471] Ib. “Denique dominus papa sciebat me esse consecratum
et a quibus, et cui regi feceram quod feci. Et tamen pallium
quod archiepiscopus Cantuariæ solet habere, mihi per vestram
caritatem, non ut schismatico, sed ut accepto, non ut
reprobans, sed ut approbans misit, et sic quod de me factum
erat confirmavit.”

[1472] Ib. “Si vobis hæc calumnia attendenda videtur, cur
earn ante pallii concessionem mihi tacuistis? Si negligenda
putatur, vos judicate quam diligenter sit a vobis
inculcanda.”

[1473] Ib. “Rogatis me ut fratres nostros Cantuariensis
ecclesiæ quiete ac pacifice possidere dimittam res suas.”

[1474] Ib. “Nullus magis desiderat quietem ac pacem illorum
quam ego, nec magis sollicitus est pro utilitate ejusdem
ecclesiæ; et idcirco voluntas mea est ut res ejus, Deo
annuente, disponam ad utilitatem præsentem et futuram, prout
melius sciam et potero.”

[1475] This question is argued by Eadmer in the Life, ii. I.
9.

[1476] Ib. “Si Cantuariam assidue incoleret, homines sui ex
advectione victualium oppido gravarentur; et insuper a
præpositis, ut sæpe contingebat, multis ex causis oppressi,
si quem interpellarent, nunquam præsentem haberent, magis ac
magis oppressi in destructionem funditus irent.” Of the
doings of reeves of all kinds we have often heard. See
specially N. C. vol. iv. p. 616.

[1477] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1478] This would seem to be the time when Anselm’s practice
of various virtues is so fully described by Eadmer in the
first and second chapters of the second book of the Life.

[1479] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340. He appears in the Gesta
Pontificum, 289, as “Samson, canonicus Baiocensis, non parvæ
literaturæ vir nec contemnendæ facundiæ. Antiquorum homo
morum, ipse liberaliter vesci, et aliis dapsiliter largiri.”
But this last description is substituted for an amazing
account of his appetite, specially in the way of fowls and
swine’s flesh (cf. the account of King Æthelred in N. C.
vol. i. p. 658), and how he died of fat. He fed however
three hundred poor men daily.

[1480] His kindred to the elder and the younger Thomas
appears in the suppressed passage of William of Malmesbury.
Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) says of the two bishops-elect, “Qui
cum in summum promovendi sacerdotium ad Anselmum pro more
venissent, necdum omnes inferiores ordines habuissent,
ordinavit eos pro instanti necessitate, ad diaconatum et
presbyteratum unum, et alium ad presbyteratum.” The canon of
Bayeux would be more likely than the King’s clerk to have
the higher degree.

[1481] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 290. But the first and
second versions are worth comparing. It has a curiously
modern sound when we read, “Quotiens Lundonia rediret,
aliquid pretiosum afferret, quod esset ornamento ecclesiæ.”
But it is a witness to the growing importance of London.

[1482] William of Malmesbury has a first and a second
edition (Gest. Pont. 259) in the case of Gerard also.
According to rumour, “multorum criminum et maxime libidini
obnoxius erat.” He was suspected of magic, from his constant
study of Julius Firmicus. According to Hugh of Flavigny
(Pertz, viii. 496), he sacrificed a pig to the devil, while
of his brother more wonderful things still were told. See
Pertz, viii. 496, and Appendix G.

[1483] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35.

[1484] See above, p. 448, and Appendix X.

[1485] Eadmer gives the account of these Irish bishops
(Hist. Nov. 34, 36). Samuel is described as being “a rege
Hiberniæ Murierdach nomine, necne a clero et populo in
episcopatum ipsius civitatis electus est, atque ad Anselmum,
juxta morem antiquum, sacrandus cum communi decreto
directus.” Of King Muirchertach, whose name is written
endless ways, and whom it is well perhaps to shorten into
Murtagh, we shall hear again. He was King of Leinster, and
Bretwalda, so to speak, of all Ireland, though it seems that
he was not acknowledged always and everywhere. He signs the
letter to Anselm which appears in Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 36) on
behalf of Malchus, which professes to come from the “clerus
et populus oppidi Wataferdiæ, cum rege Murchertacho, et
episcopo Dofnaldo.” There are also two letters of Anselm to
him (Ep. iii. 142, 147), chiefly about ecclesiastical
reforms in Ireland. Anselm also speaks of a brother
Cornelius, whom the Irish king had asked for, but who could
not go, because he was taking care of his aged father. This
is one of those little personal touches which make us wish
to know more.

[1486] Orderic and William of Malmesbury stand conspicuous.

[1487] See the Chronicle, 1096. I quoted the passage in N.
C. vol. iv. p. 93.

[1488] Ib.

[1489] See N. C. vol. v. p. 356.

[1490] Ib. p. 93.

[1491] See above, p. 411.

[1492] Urban came from Rheims, but it is important to
remember how little entitled Auvergne was in that day to the
French name. This comes out oddly enough in an entry in the
Chronicle, 1102, when thieves of all parts seem to have
conspired to rob the minster of Peterborough; “Þa coman
þeofas sum of Aluearnie, sum of France, and sum of Flanders,
and breokan þæt mynstre of Burh.”

[1493] William of Malmesbury (iv. 344) draws a grievous
picture of the state of things among the “Cisalpini,” who
“ad hæc calamitatis omnes devenerant, ut nullis vel minimis
causis extantibus quisque alium caperet, nec nisi magno
redemptum abire sineret.” He then speaks at some length of
simony, and adds; “Tunc legitimis uxoribus exclusis, multi
contrahebant divortium, alienum expugnantes matrimonium;
quare, quia in his et illis erat confusa criminum silva, ad
pœnam quorundam potentiorum designata sunt nomina.”

[1494] The great provision of all is (Will. Malms. iv. 345),
“Quod ecclesia catholica sit in fide, casta, libera ab omni
servitute; ut episcopi, vel abbates, vel aliquis de clero,
aliquam ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu principum vel
quorumlibet laicorum non accipiant.” This decree does not
appear among the acts of Piacenza in Bernold, 1095 (Pertz,
v. 462).

Among so many more stirring affairs, one decree of this
council, which has a good deal of interest, might easily be
forgotten. This is one which was meant to reform the abuses
of the privileges of sanctuary; “Qui ad ecclesiam vel ad
crucem confugerint, data membrorum impunitate, justitiæ
tradantur, vel innocentes liberentur.” Are we to see here
the first beginning of a feeling against mutilation, which
came in bit by bit in the next century? The guilty man is to
be punished, but in some other way than by loss of limb.

[1495] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 429.

[1496] Philip had professed all intention of coming to
Piacenza; he had even set out; “Se ad illam itiner
incepisse, sed legitimis soniis se impeditum fuisse
mandavit.” (Bernold, u. s.) He was allowed, like Anselm,
“indutiæ” till Whitsuntide; but now the decree went forth
(Will. Malms. iv. 345) against Philip himself; “Et omnes qui
eum vel regem vel dominum suum vocaverint, et ei obedierint,
et ei locuti fuerint nisi quod pertinet ad eum corrigendum.
Similiter et illam maledictam conjugem ejus, et omnes qui
eam reginam vel dominam nominaverint, quousque ad
emendationem venerint, ita ut alter ab altero discedat.”

[1497] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 696.

[1498] Ib. vol. iv. p. 648.

[1499] The marriage is recorded by Orderic (vii. 23 D).
There is a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres addressed to the
clergy of Meulan and to all persons within the archdeaconry
of Poissy. He denounces the intended marriage on the ground
of kindred, and bids them send the letter to the Count of
Meulan. The kindred is said to be “nec ignota, nec remota;”
but it consisted in this, that Robert and Isabel had a
common forefather removed by four degrees from Robert and
five from Isabel. Robert was thus, as we should have
expected, a generation older than his wife.

[1500] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 130, 166, 744.

[1501] See above, p. 269.

[1502] See above, p. 473.

[1503] Her second marriage with Drogo of Moncey is recorded
in Will. Gem. viii. 8. Drogo was a fellow crusader (Ord.
Vit. 723 D).

[1504] See Ord. Vit. 535 C, 724 C, 729 D, where we hear of
him before Nikaia.

[1505] This comes from Hugh of Flavigny, Pertz, viii. 474;
“Tunc temporis pro componenda inter fratres Willelmi regis
filios concordia, Willelmum videlicet regem Anglorum et
Robertum comitem Normannorum, abbas Divionensis ex præcepto
papæ mare transierat, et ut præscriptum regem ammoneret de
multis quæ illicite fiebant ab eo, de episcopatibus
videlicet et abbatiis quas sibi retinebat, nec eis pastores
providebat, et reditus proventusque omnium sibi assumebat,
de symonia, de fornicatione clericorum.”

[1506] Ib. “Qui veniens tanta libertate usus est, ut rex,
integritate ejus inspecta et inadulata mentis constantia, se
consiliis et votis ejus adquieturum promitteret, ut omnes
fideles gratularentur eum advenisse, ad cujus adventum quasi
respiraret et resurgeret decus et vigor ecclesiæ Anglicæ et
libertas Romanæ auctoritatis.”

[1507] Ib. “Sed quid imperturbatum relinquit inexplebilis
gurges Romanæ avaritiæ? Rex suspectam habens viri
auctoritatem, quem jam diu venturum audierat, legatum papæ
præmiserat, et in manu ejus auri probati et purissimi 10
marchas.”

[1508] See Appendix AA.

[1509] The accounts do not exactly agree; but every version
makes the terms such that the duchy was not ceded for ever,
but could under some circumstances be recovered. The
Chronicler puts it pithily, but without details; “Ðurh þas
fare [that is the crusade] wearð se cyng and his broðor
Rodbeard eorl sehte swa þæt se cyng ofer sæ fór, and eall
Normandig æt him mid feo alisde, swa swa hi þa sehte wæron.”
Florence calls the transaction “vadimonium,” and mentions
the price, 10,000 marks, or 6,666_l._ With this William of
Malmesbury agrees; Eadmer and Hugh of Flavigny make it a
pledge for three years. Hugh’s words (Pertz, viii. 475) are;
“Pro componenda inter fratres pacis concordia in Normannia
substitit donec, pace facta, decem milium marcarum pensione
accepta, terram suam comes Normanniæ regi Anglorum usque ad
trium annorum spacium custodiendam traderet.” “Pensio” must
here be taken in the sense of a single payment. Eadmer’s
words are; “Normanniam spatio trium annorum pecuniæ gratis
in dominium tradidit.” Orderic (723 A) makes the time five
years; “Rex Anglorum … Normanniam usque ad quinque annos
servaturus recepit, fratrique suo ad viam Domini peragendam
decem milia marcos argenti erogavit.” Robert of Torigny
(Will. Gem. viii. 7) mentions no number of years, but makes
the bargain last as long as Robert shall be away; “Rex
Willelmus in Normanniam transfretans, decies mille marcas
argenti ea conditione Roberto duci commodavit, ut quamdiu
idem Dux in prædicta peregrinatione moraretur, ipse ducatum
Normanniæ pro eis vadem haberet, illum duci restituturus cum
ipse sibi prætaxatam pecuniam rediens reconsignasset.”

[1510] See Appendix X.

[1511] See above, p. 438.

[1512] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Quæ pecunia per Angliam,
partim data, partim exacta, totum regnum in immensum
vastavit.”

[1513] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtíme gear
geond eall Angelcyn, ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda and eac
þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe
gedrehte.”

[1514] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Comites, barones, vicecomites, suos
milites et villanos spoliaverunt.”

[1515] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Super violentia querimoniam
facientes, non se posse ad tantum vectigal sufficere, nisi
si miseros agricolas omnino effugarent.”

[1516] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Quibus curiales, turbido, ut
solebant, vultu, ‘Non habetis,’ inquiunt, ‘scrinia auro et
argento composita, ossibus mortuorum plena? nullo alio
responso obsecrantes dignati.’”

[1517] Ib. “Ita illi, intelligentes quo responsio tenderet,
capsas sanctorum nudaverunt, crucifixos despoliaverunt,
calices conflarunt, non in usum pauperum, sed in fiscum
regium: quicquid enim pene sancta servavit avorum parcitas,
illorum grassatorum absumsit aviditas.” Cf. the account of
the spoliation of Waltham in Appendix H.

[1518] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Conventus est et Anselmus per
id temporis, et ut ipse quoque manum auxilii sui in tam
rationabili causa regi extenderet, a quibusdam suis est
amicis admonitus.”

[1519] Eadmer describes this transaction at length; and adds
that Anselm gave the two hundred pounds to the King, “cum
illis quæ de suis habere poterat pro instanti necessitate,
ut rebus consuleret.”

[1520] This fact comes from a letter of Bishop Ivo of
Chartres (Du Chesne, iv. 219) addressed to King Philip;
“Excellentiæ vestræ litteras nuper accepi, quibus submonebar
ut apud Pontesium vel Calvummontem cum manu militum vobis
die quam statueratis occurrerem, iturus vobiscum ad placitum
quod futurum est inter regem Anglorum, et comitem
Normannorum, quod facere ad præsens magnæ et multæ causæ me
prohibent.” One of these reasons is that he will not have
anything to do with Bertrada, against whom he again strongly
exhorts the King. He himself will not be safe in the King’s
court, because of her devices; such at least seems to be the
meaning of the general remark, “Postremo novit vestra
serenitas, quia non est mihi in curia vestra plena
securitas, in qua ille sexus mihi est suspectus et infestus,
qui etiam amicis aliquando non satis est fidus.” Another
reason is more curious, and seems to imply that some
fighting was looked for; “Præterea casati ecclesiæ, et
reliqui milites pene omnes vel absunt, vel pro pace violata
excommunicati sunt: quos sine satisfactione reconciliare non
valeo et excommunicatos in hostem mittere non debeo.”

[1521] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Odo Baiocensis episcopus cum
Rodberto duce, nepote suo, peregrinatus est. Tantus enim
erat rancor inter ipsum et regem pro transactis
simultatibus, ut nullatenus pacificari possent ab ullis
caduceatoribus. Rex siquidem magnanimus et iracundus et
tenacis erat memoriæ, nec injuriam sibimet irrogatam facile
obliviscebatur sine ultione.”

[1522] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 714.

[1523] We learn a great deal about Robert on the crusade
from the Life of Lanfranc by Ralph of Caen, in the fifth
volume of Muratori. One passage describing his character has
been already quoted. We shall see some special cases as we
go on. But it is worth while to compare the “regius sanguis
Willelmides” of c. 22 with the picture in c. 58. In this
last Robert makes up to the English at Laodikeia “spe
dominationis.” Were they to help him in any attempt on the
English crown?

[1524] I refer to Sir Francis Palgrave’s chapter “Robert the
Crusader,” the eleventh in the fourth volume of his
“Normandy and England.” He goes further off from the scene
of our common story than I can undertake to follow him.

[1525] Will. Malms. iv. 350. But our best account just at
this moment is that by Fulcher of Chartres in the “Gesta Dei
per Francos,” which Orderic (718 B) witnesses to as a
“certum et verax volumen.” Here we read (385), “Nos Franci
occidentales, per Italiam excursa Gallia transeuntes cum
usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam
Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Robertus
Normannus, et comes Stephanus, nos quoque cæteri qui
voluimus.”

[1526] Fulcher (u. s.) graphically describes this scene;
“Cum in basilica beati Petri introissemus, invenimus ante
altare homines Guiberti, papæ stolidi, qui oblationes altari
superpositas, gladios suos in manibus tenentes, inique
arripiebant: alii vero super trabes ejusdem monasterii
cursitabant; et inde deorsum ubi prostrati orabamus, lapides
jaciebant.”

[1527] Ord. Vit. 724 D. “Rogerius dux, cognomento Bursa,
ducem Normanniæ cum sociis suis, utpote naturalem dominum
suum, honorifice suscepit.”

[1528] He is “Marcus Buamundus” in Orderic, who afterwards
(817 A) tells the story of his two names. When he went
through Gaul, he stood godfather to many children, “quibus
etiam cognomen suum imponebat. Marcus quippe in baptismate
nominatus est; sed a patre suo, audita in convivio joculari
fabula de Buamundo gigante, puero jocunde impositum est.
Quod nimirum postea per totum mundum personuit, et innumeris
in tripertito climate orbis alacriter innotuit. Hoc exinde
nomen celebre divulgatum est in Galliis, quod antea
inusitatum erat pene omnibus occiduis.” Orderic is always
careful about names, specially double names. See another
account in Will. Malms. iv. 387.

[1529] Orderic (724 D) says merely “quoddam castrum,” but it
appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 24) and Lupus
Protospata, 1096 (Muratori, v. 47), that the place besieged
was Amalfi. Count Roger of Sicily brought with him ten
thousand Saracens.

[1530] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Sibi tandem optimum afferri pallium
præcepit, quod per particulas concidit, et crucem unicuique
suorum distribuit, suamque sibi retinuit.”

[1531] Fulcher, 585. “Tunc plurimi de pauperibus vel
ignavis, inopiam futuram metuentes, arcubus suis venditis,
et baculis peregrinationis resumptis, ad mansiones suas
regressi sunt. Qua de re viles tam Deo quam hominibus facti
sunt: et versum est eis in opprobrium.” So William of
Malmesbury, iv. 353, who adds that “pars pro intemperie soli
morbo defecit.”

[1532] See Historical Essays, Third Series, 473, 474.

[1533] Ord. Vit. 765 B, C.

[1534] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 625, 626.

[1535] Orderic (u. s.) says, “tranquillo remige in Bulgariæ
partibus applicuit.” Fulcher is naturally more exact. They
land at Dyrrhachion (386), and then “Bulgarorum regiones,
per montium prærupta et loca satis deserta, transivimus.” He
gives several curious details of the voyage and march.

[1536] Fulcher bursts into ecstasy at the sight of
Constantinople, and William of Malmesbury takes the
opportunity to tell its history. From iv. 356 and the note
it appears that he knew his Emperors, and that his editor
did not.

[1537] See Fulcher, 386; Orderic, 728 A; Will. Malms. iv.
357. They all record the homage, except in the case of Count
Raymond of Toulouse, who would only swear, but not do
homage. The Count of Flanders seems a little doubtful; but
the words of William of Malmesbury are explicit as to
Robert; “Normannus itaque et Blesensis comites hominium suum
Græco prostraverunt; nam jam Flandrita transierat, et id
facere fastidierat, quod se meminisset natum et educatum
libere.” Orderic seems to take a real pleasure in speaking
of Alexios as Augustus and Cæsar, the latter title being a
little beneath him. His subjects however are not only
“Græci,” but “Pelasgi,” “Achæi,” anything that would do for
the grand style. Presently Nikaia appears (728 B) as “totius
Romaniæ caput.” So William of Malmesbury speaks of “Minor
Asia quam Romaniam dicunt.” Here “Romania” means specially
the Turkish kingdom of _Roum_; in more accurate geography it
takes in the European provinces of the Empire.

[1538] See above, p. 560, and Ord. Vit. 778 A, B, where he
describes the coming of Eadgar, of which more in a later
chapter, and his near friendship with Robert.

[1539] The words of Ralph of Caen (c. 58) on this head are
very emphatic; “Normannus comes ingressus Laodiciam somno
vacabat, et otio; nec inutilis tamen, dum opulentiam nactus
aliis indigentibus large erogabat; quoniam conserva Cyprus
Baccho, Cerere, et multo pecore abundans, Laodiciam
repleverat, quippe indigentem vicinam Christicolam, et quasi
collacteam; ipsa namque una in littore Syro et Christum
colebat et Alexio serviebat. Sed nec sic excussato otio,
prædictus comes frustra semel atque iterum ad castra
revocatur. Tertio sub anathemate accitus, redit invitus;
difficilem enim habebat transitum commeatio, quæ comiti
ministrare Laodicia veniens debebat.”

[1540] Ord. Vit. 753 A. We have heard of Hugh before, N. C.
vol. iv. p. 493. We now read that “Susceptus a Normannico
duce, multum suis profuit et mores ethnicos ac
tergiversationes subdolas et fraudes, quibus contra fideles
callent, enucleavit.”

[1541] Ib. “Cosan etiam, nobilis heros et potens de Turcorum
prosapia, Christianos ultro adiit, multisque modis ad
capiendam urbem eos adjuvit. In Christum enim fideliter
credebat, et sacro baptismate regenerari peroptabat. Ideoque
nostratibus, ut amicis et fratribus, ad obtinendum decus
Palæstinæ et metropoli Davitici regni summopere suffragari
satagebat.”

[1542] “Furtivi funambuli” was the name given to Ivo and
Alberic of Grantmesnil and certain others. See Orderic, 738
D. Stephen of Chartres too decamped for a while in a manner
which did not please his wife.

[1543] The words of William of Malmesbury (iv. 389) are
remarkable; “Robertus, Jerosolymam veniens, indelibili
macula nobilitatem suam respersit, quod regnum, consensu
omnium sibi utpote regis filio delatum, recusaret, non
reverentiæ, ut fertur, contuitu, sed laborum inextricabilium
metu.”

[1544] His exploits in the storm come out in all the
accounts. In William of Malmesbury (iv. 369) he and his
namesake of Flanders are as usual grouped together; “Hæc
quidem victoria in parte Godefridi et duorum Robertorum
evenit.”

[1545] Will. Malms. iv. 371. “Duces, et maxime Robertus
Normannus, qui antesignanus erat, arte artem, vel potius
virtute calliditatem eludentes, sagittariis et peditibus
deductis, medias gentilium perruperunt acies.” This seems to
prove more than the story in iv. 389, where Robert, with
Philip of Montgomery and others, makes use of the worn-out
stratagem of the feigned flight.

[1546] Robert of Torigny, 1096. “Comes Henricus contulit se
ad regem Willermum, atque omnino cum eo remansit; cui idem
rex comitatum Constantiensem et Baiocensem, præter civitatem
Baiocas et oppidum Cadomi, ex integro concessit.”

[1547] Ord. Vit. 721 B. This decree heads the acts of the
council; “Statuit synodus sancta, ut trevia Dei firmiter
custodiatur,” &c.

[1548] Ib. C. All persons from twelve years of age are to
swear that they will keep the Truce, and will help their
several bishops and archdeacons, “ita ut, si me monuerint ad
eundum super eos, nec diffugiam nec dissimulabo, sed cum
armis meis cum ipso proficiscar, et omnibus, quibus potero,
juvabo adversus illos per fidem sine malo ingenio, secundum
meam conscientiam.”

[1549] Ib. D. “Hoc anathemate feriuntur falsarii et raptores
et emptores prædarum, et qui in castris congregantur propter
exercendas rapinas, et domini qui amodo eos retinuerint in
castris suis. Et auctoritate apostolica et nostra prohibemus
ut nulla Christianitas fiat in terris dominorum illorum.”

[1550] Ord. Vit. 721 D. “Et quod nullus laicus
participationem habeat in tertia parte decimæ, vel in
sepultura, vel in oblatione altaris.”

[1551] Ib. “Nec servitium, nec aliquam exactionem inde
exigat, præter eam quæ tempore Guillelmi regis constituta
fuit.”

[1552] Orderic draws a special picture (722 D, 723 C),
winding up with “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis furentibus
miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine patrono
desolata est.”

[1553] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Guillelmus itaque rex Normanniam
possedit, et dominia patris sui, quæ frater suus insipienter
distraxerat, sibi mancipavit.”

[1554] Ib. “Ecclesias pastoribus viduatas electis _pro
modulo suo_ rectoribus commisit.” Or do these words imply
simony? They might merely imply lay nomination and
investiture.

[1555] Ib.

[1556] Ib.

[1557] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Turoldo fratri Hugonis de Ebremou
episcopatum dedit.” Hugh of Evermouth occurs in the false
Ingulf, 77 (not so in Domesday), as lord of Bourne and
Deeping.

[1558] Ib. “Pro quibusdam arcanis ultro reliquit.”

[1559] I shall speak of these Welsh wars in full in the next
chapter.

[1560] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … togeanes
Eastron hider to lande for, forðam he þohte his hired on
Winceastre to healdenne; ac he wearð þurh weder gelét oððet
Eastre æfen, þæt he up com ærost æt Arundel, and forþi his
hired æt Windlesoran heold.”

[1561] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37) makes a great deal more than
enough of this submission, when he says; “Super Walenses qui
contra eum surrexerant exercitum duxit, eosque post modicum
in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.” But
this would doubtless be the impression of the moment.

[1562] Ib. “Cum jam multi sperarent, quod hæc pax servitio
Dei deberet militare, et attenti exspectarent aliquid magni
pro emendatione Christianitatis ex regis assensu
archiepiscopum promulgare.”

[1563] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Ecce spei hujus et
exspectationis turbatorias literas rex, a Gualis reversus,
archiepiscopo destinat, mandans in illis se pro militibus
quos in expeditionem suam miserat nullas ei nisi malas
gratias habere, eo quod nec convenienter, sicut aiebat,
instructi, nec ad bella fuerant pro negotii qualitate
idonei.”

[1564] See N. C. vol. v. p. 372.

[1565] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Præcepit ut paratus esset de
his, juxta judicium curiæ suæ, sibimet rectitudinem facere,
quandocumque sibi placeret inde eum appellare.”

[1566] Ib. “Licet jam olim sciverit se, eodem rege
superstite, in Anglia Christo non adeo fructificaturum.”

[1567] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Rogatus de subventione
Christianitatis, nonnumquam solebat respondere se propter
hostes quos infestos circumquaque habebat eo intendere non
valere.”

[1568] Ib. “Jam tunc illum pace potitum cogitaverat super
hac re convenire, et saltem ad consensum alicujus boni
fructus exsequendi quibus modis posset attrahendo delinire.”

[1569] Ib. “Quod ille dinoscens, et insuper cuncta regalis
curiæ judicia pendere ad nutum regis, nilque in ipsis nisi
solum velle illius considerari certissime sciens, indecens
æstimavit pro verbi calumnia placitantium more contendere,
et veritatis suæ causam curiali judicio, quod nulla lex,
nulla æquitas, nulla ratio, muniebat, examinandam
introducere.” As I understand this, he does not decline the
authority of the court; he simply determines to make no
defence, and to leave things to take their course.

How far did the court deserve the character which Eadmer
gives of it? At this stage of the constitution, we are met
at every step by the difficulty of distinguishing between
the greater _curia regis_, which was in truth the
Witenagemót, and the smaller _curia regis_ of the King’s
immediate officials and counsellors, the successor of the
_Theningmannagemót_ (see N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878).
Eadmer’s picture would, under Rufus, be true enough of the
smaller body. The event at Rockingham had shown that it was
not always true of the larger.

[1570] We read directly after (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37) what
was expected to happen;――“ut culpæ addictus, aut ingentem
regi pecuniam penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam
ejus, caput amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.”
Anselm was determined to avoid the latter alternative.

[1571] “Causa discidii utique, non ex rei veritate producta,
sed ad omnem pro Deo loquendi aditum Anselmo intercludendum
malitiose composita.”

[1572] Ib. “Tacuit ergo, nec quicquam nuntio respondit,
reputans hoc genus mandati ad ea perturbationum genera
pertinere quæ jam olim sæpe sibi recordabatur illata, et
ideo hoc solum ut Deus talia sedaret supplici corde
precabatur.”

[1573] Ib. “Verebatur ne hæc Dei judicio sibi damno fierent,
si quibus modis posset eis obviare non intenderet.”

[1574] Ib. “Sed obviare sibi impossibile videbat, quod
totius regni principem aut ea facere aut eis favere
perspicuum erat. Visum itaque sibi est auctoritatem et
sententiam apostolicæ sedis super his oportere inquiri.” Yet
that he did design a last effort with the King, before he
said anything about the Pope, is plain by his actually
attempting it.

[1575] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Cum igitur in Pentecoste,
festivitatis gratia, regiæ curiæ se præsentasset, et modo
inter prandendum, modo alias quemadmodum opportunitas se
offerebat, statum animi regalis quis erga colendam æquitatem
esset studiose perquisisset, eumque qui olim fuerat omnimodo
reperisset, nihil spei de futura ipsius emendatione in eo
ultra remansit.”

[1576] Ib. “Peractis igitur festivioribus diebus, diversorum
negotiorum causæ in medium duci ex more cœperunt.” This
notice is important as showing us the order in which
business was done in these assemblies.

[1577] Ib. “Ut culpæ addictus aut ingentem regi pecuniam
penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam, ejus caput
amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.”

[1578] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Accersitis ad se quos volebat
de principibus regis, mandavit per eos regi se summa
necessitate constrictum velle, per licentiam ipsius, Romam
ire.”

[1579] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Potestas in manu sua est;
dicit quod sibi placet. At si modo non vult concedere,
concedet forsitan alia vice. Ego preces multiplicabo.”

[1580] Ib. “Insequenti mense Augusto cum de statu regni
acturus rex episcopos, abbates, et quosque regni proceres,
in unum præcepti sui sanctione egisset.”

[1581] Anselm made his petition, “dispositis his quæ
adunationis illorum causæ fuerant, dum quisque in sua
repedare sategisset.”

[1582] Ammianus, xxi. 18.

[1583] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Conturbat me, et
intelligentem non concedendum fore quod postulat, sua
graviter importunitate fatigat; quapropter jubeo ut amplius
ab hujusmodi precibus cesset, et qui me jam sæpe vexavit,
prout judicabitur mihi emendet.”

[1584] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Si iverit, pro certo noverit
quod totum archiepiscopatum in dominium meum redigam, nec
ilium pro archiepiscopo ultra recipiam.”

[1585] Ib. “Orta est ex his quædam magna tempestas diversis
diversæ parti acclamantibus.”

[1586] Ib. “Quidam permoti suaserunt in crastinum rem
differri, sperantes eam alio modo sedari.”

[1587] Ib. “Indubitanter sciens quod causa meæ salutis,
causa sanctæ Christianitatis, et vere causa sui honoris ac
profectus, si credere velit, ire dispono.”

[1588] Eadmer Hist. Nov. 38. “In hoc scilicet, ut, spreto
tanti pontificatus honore simul et utilitate, Romam petas,
non leve est credere quod stabilis maneas.”

[1589] Ib. “Si ita fideliter et districte vultis in mea
parte considerare atque tueri rectitudinem et justitiam Dei,
sicut in parte alterius perpenditis atque tuemini jura et
usus mortalis hominis.”

[1590] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Audiam sequarque consilium
quod mihi inde vestra fida Deo industria dabit.”

[1591] Ib. 39. “Domine pater, scimus te virum religiosum
esse ac sanctum, et in cælis conversationem tuam. Nos autem,
impediti consanguineis nostris quos sustentamus et
multiplicibus sæculi rebus quas amamus, fatemur, ad
sublimitatem vitæ tuæ surgere nequimus, nec huic mundo tecum
illudere.”

[1592] Ib. “Si volueris ad nos usque descendere, et qua
incedimus via nobiscum pergere.”

[1593] Ib. “Si te ad Deum solummodo quemadmodum cœpisti
tenere delegeris solus.”

[1594] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Bene dixistis, Ite ergo ad
dominum vestrum, ergo me tenebo ad Deum.”

[1595] Ib. “Unoquoque nostrum qui admodum pauci cum eo
remansimus ad imperium illius singulatim sedente, et Deum
pro digestione ipsius negotii interpellante.” There is
something strange in this last word.

[1596] We here get a climax; “Sæpe diversis eum querelis
exagitasti, exacerbasti, cruciasti.”

[1597] The wording is remarkable and subtle; “Cum tandem
post placitum quod totius regni adunatione contra te apud
Rockingeham habitum est, eum tibi sicut dominum tuum
reconciliari sapienter peteres; et, adjutus meritis et
precibus plurimorum pro te studiose intervenientium,
petitioni tuæ effectum obtineres.”

[1598] See above, p. 531.

[1599] Hist. Nov. 39. “Quibus opem credulus factus sperabat
se de cætero quietum fore.”

[1600] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Hanc pollicitationem, hanc
fidem, en tu patenter _egrederis_, dum Romam, non expectata
licentia ejus, te iturum minaris.”

[1601] Ib. “Tunc te ad judicium curiæ suæ præcepit sibi
emendare, quod de re in qua non eras certus te
perseveraturum, ausus fuisti eum totiens inquietare.”

[1602] Ib. “Dextram illius _ex more_ assedit.” Here is the
distinct mention of a custom which we have come across
before.

[1603] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Scio me spopondisse
consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et
secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum
servaturum.”

[1604] Ib. “Cum rex et principes sui cæca mente objicerent,
ac jurisjurandi interjectione firmarent, nec Dei nec
rectitudinis in ipsa sponsione ullam mentionem factam
fuisse.”

[1605] Ib. 40. “Cum ad hæc illi summurmurantes contra virum
capita moverent, nec tamen quid certi viva voce proferrent.”

[1606] Ib. “Cum fides quæ fit homini per fidem Dei
roboretur, liquet quod eadem fides, si quando contraria
fidei Dei admittit, enervatur.”

[1607] Hist. Nov. 40. “Tunc rex et comes de Mellento
Robertus nomine, interrumpentes verba ejus, ‘O, O, dixerunt,
prædicatio est quod dicit, prædicatio est: non rei de qua
agitur ulla quæ recipienda sit a prudentibus ratio.’”

[1608] Ib. “Ipse inter ora perstrepentium, demisso vultu,
mitis sedebat, et clamores eorum quasi surda aure
despiciebat. Fatigatis autem eis a proprio strepitu,
sedatoque tumultu, Anselmus ad verba sua remeat.”

[1609] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “His verbis præfatus comes
indignando suburgens, ait, Eia, eia, Petro et papæ te
præsentabis, et nos equidem non transibit quod scimus.” I
can only guess at the meaning of these last words.

[1610] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “Ecce ibis. Veruntamen scias
dominum nostrum pati nolle te exeuntem quicquam de suis
tecum ferre.”

[1611] See above, p. 93.

[1612] Hist. Nov. 40. “In istis princeps pudore suffusus,
dictum suum non ita intellexisse se respondit.”

[1613] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Mox ille surgens, levata
dextra signum sanctæ crucis super regem ad hoc caput
humiliantem edidit, et abscessit, viri alacritatem rege cum
suis admirante.”

[1614] “Ubi sedes pontificalis, ubi totius regni caput est
atque primatus,” Eadmer takes care to add.

[1615] For the discourse we have to go to the Life, ii. 3.
30. It contains the remarkable passage which I referred to
in N. C. vol. iv. p. 52.

[1616] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “In qua mora idem Willielmus,
cum patre intrans et exiens et in mensa illius quotidie
comedens, nihil de causa pro qua missus fuerat agere
volebat.”

[1617] Ib. “Patrem patriæ, primatem totius Britanniæ,
Willielmus ille, quasi fugitivum vel alicujus immanis
sceleris reum, in littore detinuit.”

[1618] Ib. “Ingenti plebis multitudine circumstante ac
nefarium opus, pro sui novitate, admirando spectante et
spectando exsecrante.”

[1619] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Irrita fieri omnia quæ per
ipsum mutata vel statuta fuisse probari poterant, ex quo
primo venerat in archiepiscopatum.”

[1620] See N. C. vol. v. p. 772.

[1621] Hist. Nov. 41. “Ut tribulationes quæ factæ sunt in
illo post mortem venerandæ memoriæ Lanfranci ante introitum
patris Anselmi parvipensæ sunt comparatione tribulationum
quæ factæ sunt his diebus.”

[1622] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 359.

[1623] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) describes the new building as
“novum opus quod a majori turre in orientem tenditur,
quodque ipse pater Anselmus inchoasse dinoscitur.” Its
minute history must be studied in Gervase and Willis.

[1624] This was the time when Henry the First broke out into
the fit of devout swearing of which I spoke in N. C. vol. v.
p. 844; Ann. Osney, 1130; “Rex Henricus ecclesiam Christi
Cantuariensis nobiliter dedicari fecit, adeo ut, coruscante
luminaribus ecclesia, et singulis altaribus singulis
episcopis deputatis, cum simul omnes inciperent canticum
‘Terribilis est locus iste,’ et classicum mirabiliter
intonaret, rex illustris, præ lætitia se non capiens,
juramento per mortem Domini regio affirmaret vere terribilem
esse.”

[1625] See above, p. 516.

[1626] “Salvo ordine meo.” See Herbert of Bosham, iii. 24,
vol. iii. p. 273, Robertson.

[1627] The Archbishop enters the hall (“aula”), while the
King is in “cœnaculo seorsum” (Herbert, iii. 37, vol. iii.
p. 305). From pp. 307, 309 it appears that this _cœnaculum_
was simply a solar or upper chamber; “Universis quotquot
erant de cœnaculo ad domum inferiorem in qua nos eramus,
descendentibus.” William Fitz-Stephen (vol. iii. p. 57)
seems to speak of the hall as “camera;” cf. p. 50.

[1628] See above, p. 94.

[1629] Will. Fitz-Steph. 58, vol. iii. p. 67. “A comitibus
et baronibus suum exigit rex de archiepiscopo judicium.
Evocantur quidam vicecomites et secundæ dignitatis barones,
antiqui dierum, ut addantur eis et assint judicio.”

[1630] See above, p. 508.

[1631] The distinction between the Court of our Lord the
King in Parliament and the Court of the Lord High Steward is
most clearly brought out in Jardine’s Criminal Trials, i.
229. Lord Macaulay (iv. 153) is less accurate. He speaks of
the Court of our Lord the King in Parliament as one form of
the Court of the Lord High Steward. But in truth, the Court
of our Lord the King in Parliament is simply the Witan
sitting for a judicial purpose. The Lords alone sit, because
the Commons have never attained to a share in the judicial
functions of the Witan. The right to be tried before the
Witan thus sitting judicially is naturally confined to those
classes of persons who have kept or acquired the right to
the personal summons, that is, to the peers.

If it should be objected that this privilege does not now
extend to the spiritual peers, the reason is most likely to
be found in the fact that for some ages a bishop would not
be tried before any temporal court at all. When such trials
began again in the sixteenth century, the later notion of
peerage had grown up, and those peers whose holding was
still strictly official was looked on as in some measure
less fully peers than those whose peerage was “hereditary”
in the modern sense.

[1632] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878.

[1633] See above, p. 115.

[1634] See N. C. vol. v. p. 145.

[1635] See the decree of the Council, Hist. Nov. 53.

[1636] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 42. We are told that the Duke,
“succensus amore pecuniæ quam copiosam illum ferre rumor
disperserat, proponit animo eam ipsi auferre.” But there is
really nothing in what Odo is said to have done which
implies any such bad purpose. Perhaps Eadmer judged him
uncharitably.