Chapter IV: The Primacy of Anselm and the Acquisition of Normandy.903 (15)

[1104] I think we may for a moment turn from the _oratio
obliqua_ of Eadmer to the vivid little picture in William of
Malmesbury; “Ille cubito sese attollens, ‘Hunc,’ ait,
‘sanctum virum Anselmum eligo,’ ingenti subsecuto fragore
faventium.” One is reminded of the death-bed of Eadward, as
drawn in the Tapestry. See N. C. vol. iii. p. 13, note.

[1105] Eadmer, u. s. “Cum raperetur ad regem, ut per virgam
pastoralem investituram archiepiscopatus de manu ejus
susciperet, toto conamine restitit, idque multis
obsistentibus causis nullatenus fieri posse asseruit.”

[1106] “Accipiunt eum episcopi, et ducunt seorsum de
multitudine.”

[1107] “Per tyrannidem istius hominis.”

[1108] “In Deo pro nobis intende, et nos secularia tua
disponemus pro te.”

[1109] “Abbas sum monasterii regni alterius.” “Regnum” of
course means Normandy, an inaccurate phrase, but one that we
have had already (see above, p. 25).

[1110] “Nihil est omnino, non erit quod intenditis.”

[1111] “Rapiunt hominem ad regem ægrotum, et pervicaciam
ejus exponunt.”

[1112] “Contristatus est rex, pene ad suffusionem oculorum,
et dixit ad eum, ‘O Anselme quid agis? Cur me pœnis æternis
cruciandum tradis?’” He adds presently, “Certus sum enim
quod peribo, si archiepiscopatum in meo dominio tenens,
vitam finiero.”

[1113] “Regem turbas, turbatum penitus necas, quandoquidem
illum jam morientem obstinacia tua exacerbare non formidas.”

[1114] Of Baldwin we often hear again; he seems to have been
Anselm’s chief helper at Bec in temporal matters.

[1115] See above, p. 372.

[1116] “Virgam huc pastoralem, virgam, clamitant,
pastoralem. Et arrepto brachio ejus dextro, alii renitentem
trahere, alii impellere, lectoque jacentis cœperunt
applicare.”

[1117] I am but translating Eadmer; “Indice levato, sed
protinus ab eo reflexo, clausæ manui ejus baculus appositus
est, et episcoporum manibus cum eadem manu compressus atque
retentus.”

[1118] “Acclamante autem multitudine, ‘Vivat episcopus,
vivat;’ episcopi cum clero sublimi voce hymnum _Te Deum
laudamus_ decantare cœpere.”

[1119] “Electum portaverunt pontificem potius quam duxerunt
in vicinam ecclesiam.” On the works of Serlo, see N. C. vol.
iv. p. 384.

[1120] “Ipso modis, quibus poterat, resistente, atque
dicente, nihil est quod facitis, nihil est quod facitis.”

[1121] This is Anselm’s own comparison in his letter to the
monks of Bec, Ep. iii. 1; “Quando me episcopi et abbates
aliique primates ad ecclesiam trahentes reclamantem et
contradicentem rapuerunt, ita ut dubium videri posset utrum
sanum insani, an insanum traherent sani; nisi quia illi
canebant et ego magis mortuo quam viventi colore similis
stupore et dolore pallebam.” Presently he says; “Huic autem
de me electioni, imo violentiæ, hactenus quantum potui,
servata veritate, reluctatus sum.” The last word may be
taken in its original physical sense.

[1122] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18. “Gestis vero quæ in tali causa
geri in ecclesia mos est, revertitur Anselmus ad regem.”

[1123] “Dico tibi, domine rex, quia ex hac tua infirmitate
non morieris, ac pro hoc volo noveris quam bene corrigere
poteris quod de me nunc actum est, quia nec concessi nec
concedo ut ratum sit.”

[1124] The change of place is clearly marked in Eadmer.
“Deducentibus eum episcopis, cum tota regni nobilitate,
cubiculo excessit, conversusque ad eos, in hæc verba
sciscitatus est.” The parable which follows is placed
earlier by William of Malmesbury; but this is surely the
right place.

[1125] 1 Cor. iii. 9.

[1126] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18. “Hoc aratrum in Anglia duo
boves cæteris precellentes regendo trahunt et trahendo
regunt. Rex videlicet, et archiepiscopus Cantuariensis. Iste
seculari justitia et imperio, ille divina doctrina et
magisterio.” This must mean during the late reign.

[1127] “Horum boum unus, scilicet Lanfrancus archiepiscopus,
mortuus est; et alius ferocitatem indomabilis tauri obtinens
jam juvenis aratro prælatus, et vos loco mortui bovis, me
vetulam ac debilem ovem cum indomito tauro conjungere
vultis.”

[1128] “Indomabilis utique feritas tauri sic ovem lanæ et
lactis et agnorum fertilem per spinas et tribulos hac et
illac raptam, si jugo se non excusserit, dilacerabit.” So a
little after; “Me, de quo lanam et lac verbi Dei, et agnos
in servitium ejus, nonnulli possent habere.” The metaphor
becomes passing strange when it is thus worked out in
detail.

[1129] “Ad hospitium suum, dimissa curia, vadit.”

[1130] “Præcepit itaque rex, ut, sine dilatione ac
diminutione, investiretur de omnibus ad archiepiscopatum
pertinentibus intus et extra.” Eadmer goes on to speak about
the city of Canterbury, the abbey of Saint Alban’s, and
other things of which we shall have to speak again. But he
can only mean that orders were given which were not
immediately carried out; for the actual investiture was, as
we shall see, delayed for some months.

[1131] Ep. iii. 3. “Ipsius namque inenarrabili potentia
operante, dedit dominus noster rex Anglorum, consilio et
rogatu principum suorum, cleri quoque et populi petitione et
electione, domino abbati Anselmo Cantuariensis ecclesiæ
gubernationem.” So says Anselm himself in his letter to
Archbishop Hugh of Lyons, Ep. iii. 24; “Subdidi me dolens
præcepto archiepiscopi mei et electioni totius Angliæ.”

[1132] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 591, 593.

[1133] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 19.

[1134] See Appendix Y.

[1135] Ep. iii. 8. “Reverendo domino nostro principe
Northmannorum Roberto concedente; et archiepiscopo nostro
Guillelmo præcipiente, et vobis a Deo coactis, faventibus, a
vestra cura sum absolutus, et majori involutus.” Both Anselm
and the King wrote letters; Eadmer, 19, 20.

[1136] See the letter of the monks, Epp. iii. 6.

[1137] This seems implied in Anselm’s presence at Winchester
at Easter, which is recorded in the Life, ii. 1. 3. But his
presence there is mentioned only to bring in a kind of
miracle, in which Anselm, Gundulf, and the monk Baldwin all
figure.

[1138] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. i. 19. “Siquidem omne malum quod
rex fecerat, priusquam fuerat infirmatus, bonum visu est,
comparatione malorum quæ fecit ubi est sanitati redonatus,”

[1139] “Ipse prædicto Roffensi episcopo, cum illum,
recuperata sanitate, familiari affatu moneret ut se amplius
circumspecte secundum Deum in omnibus haberet respondit.”
(See above, p. 165.)

[1140] The Chronicler says generally; “Ac þæt he syððan
ætbræd, þa him gebotad wæs, and ealle þa gode laga forlǽt,
þe he us ær behét.” We get the details from Eadmer; “Mox
igitur cuncta quæ infirmus statuerat bona, dissolvit et
irrita esse præcepit. Captivi nempe, qui nondum fuerant
dimissi, jussit ut artius solito custodirentur, dimissi, si
capi possent, recluderentur; antiqua jamque donata debita in
integrum exigerentur; placita et offensiones in pristinum
statum revocarentur, illorumque judicio, qui justitiam
subvertere magis quam tueri defendereve curabant,
tractarentur et examinarentur.”

[1141] Florence notices the death of Rhys ap Twdwr in the
Easter week, of which I shall have much to say in the next
chapter.

[1142] See above, p. 370.

[1143] See above, p. 33.

[1144] See above, p. 276.

[1145] This action of William of Eu is marked by Florence at
the end of the year, but without saying at what time of the
year it happened; “Eodem anno Willelmus comes de Owe, auri
ingenti victus aviditate et promissi honoris captus
magnitudine, a naturali domino suo Rotberto Normannorum
comite, cui fidelitatem juraverat, defecit et in Angliam ad
regem Willelmum veniens, illius se dominio, ut seductor
maximus, subjugavit.”

[1146] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 538, 684.

[1147] Anna Comnena tells us this, vii. 6. Robert, on his
return from Jerusalem (ὁ Φλάνδρας κόμης ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων
ἐπανερχόμενος [ho Phlandras komês ex Hierosolymôn
epanerchomenos]), does homage to the Emperor (τὸν συνήθη
τοῖς Λατίνοις ἀποδίδωσιν ὅρκον [ton synêthê tois Latinois
apodidôsin horkon]) and promises five hundred knights
(ἱππεῖς [hippeis]). In viii. 7 we find that he had fulfilled
his promise, and that they are ἱππεῖς ἔκκριτοι [hippeis
ekkritoi]. In viii. 3 they figure as Κελτοί [Keltoi]. Cf.
Will. Malms. iii. 257.

[1148] We have heard of him in N. C. vol. v. pp. 181, 850,
and we shall come across him again.

[1149] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Jam cum virga pastorali curam
quam super Beccum abbas susceperat, pro descripta superius
absolutione, ipse Becco restituerat.”

[1150] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 327, 328.

[1151] This seems to be the distinction drawn by Anselm,
Hist. Nov. 19, 20; “Volo ut omnes terras quas ecclesia
Cantuariensis, ad quam regendam electus sum, tempore beatæ
memoriæ Lanfranci archiepiscopi tenebat, sine omni placito
et controversia ipsi ecclesiæ restituas, et de aliis terris
quas eadem ecclesia ante suum tempus habebat, sed perditas
nondum recuperavit, mihi rectitudinem judiciumque
consentias.” About anything which Lanfranc had actually held
there could, it is assumed, be no question, either of law or
of fact; about earlier claims there might easily be either.

[1152] Ib. 20. “Sicut ego te volo terrenum habere dominum et
defensorem, ita et tu me spiritualem habeas patrem et animæ
tuæ provisorem.” To this day it is held that, wherever the
King may be, the Archbishop of Canterbury is his parish
priest.

[1153] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 436.

[1154] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 435.

[1155] Ib. p. 436, note.

[1156] Ib. The language of Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25, is nearly
to the same effect; “Erant quippe (illo tempore) duo, ut in
Anglia ferebatur, qui dicebantur Romani pontifices a se
invicem discordantes, et ecclesiam Dei inter se divisam post
se trahentes.”

[1157] There is a most important passage of William of
Malmesbury in his first draught of the Gesta Pontificum (p.
86, note) which he afterwards, as in so many other cases,
found it expedient to tone down. As he wrote it, it stood
thus;

“Erant his diebus duo competitores Romani præsulatus, summi
ambo et prestantes viri. Uterque causam verisimilibus
rationibus fulciebat, Urbanus electione cardinalium,
Guibertus electione imperatoris Theutonum, cujus esset Roma
et Italia. Neuter ergo pro persona sua cedebat. Guiberto
necessitatem subjectionis ministrabat terrarum tractus qui
sub imperio illius jacet; Urbano favebat omnis Gallia et
Normannia, et cetera usque ad oceanum Brittannicum. Incertum
cui faveret Divinitas, nisi quod Urbani fama prosperius
crementum sumebat. Consensu dubio fluctuabat Anglia, in
Guibertum tamen inclinatior propter metum regis.”

[1158] See above, p. 117.

[1159] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Urbano jamdudum pro vicario
beati Petri ab Italia Galliaque recepto; Anselmus etiam,
utpote abbas de Normannia, eum pro papa receperat, et, sicut
vir nominatissimus, necnon authoritate plenus ejus literas
susceperat, eique velut summo sanctæ ecclesiæ pastori suas
direxerat.”

[1160] Ib. 20. “De Romano quoque pontifice Urbano, quem pro
apostolico hucusque non recepisti, et ego jam recepi atque
recipio, eique debitam obedientiam et subjectionem exhibere
volo, cautum te facio ne quod scandalum inde oriatur in
futuro.”

[1161] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Terras de quibus ecclesia
saisita quidem fuerat sub Lanfranco omnes eo, quo tunc
erant, tibi modo restituam, sed de illis quas sub ipso non
habebat, in præsenti nullam tecum conventionem instituo.
Veruntamen de his et aliis credam tibi sicut debebo.”

[1162] Eadmer, Nov. Hist. 25. “Quatenus et secundum totius
regni de eo factam electionem pontifex fieri ultra non
negaret.” Here are the same kind of expressions with regard
to Anselm’s election of which we have already spoken in p.
405.

[1163] Ib. “Et terras ecclesiæ quas ipse rex, defuncto
Lanfranco, suis dederat pro statuto servitio, illis ipsis
hæreditario jure tenendas, causa sui amoris, condonaret.”

[1164] Ib. “Nolens ecclesiam, quam necdum re aliqua
investierat, exspoliare.”

[1165] This letter (Ep. iii. 24) is a most important
exposition of Anselm’s own views on the whole matter of the
election and what followed it.

[1166] Ep. iii. 24. “Sub occasione cujusdam _voluntariæ
justitiæ_, secundum quam de terris eisdem me vult
placitare.”

[1167] Ib. “Hæc autem est illa quam dixi voluntaria
justitia. Quoniam terras easdem, antequam Northmanni Angliam
invaderent, milites Angli ab archiepiscopo Cantuariæ
tenuisse dicuntur, et mortui sunt sine hæredibus, vult
asserere se posse juste quos vult eorum hæredes
constituere.”

[1168] See the instances collected in N. C. vol. v. Appendix
G. The lands moreover would be yet harder to get back when
they had been granted away on the new military tenures.

[1169] Ep. iii. 24. “Si quis enim alius, ad quem ecclesiæ
custodia non pertineret, hanc faceret ei violentiam, aut
factam patienter sustineret, palam esset quia in futuro
nihil dici posset cur res ecclesiæ ad eam redire non
deberent.”

[1170] Ib. “Nunc autem cum et ipse rex advocatus ejus sit,
et ego custos, quid dicetur in futuro nisi, quia rex fecit
et archiepiscopus sustinendo confirmavit, ratum esse debet?”

[1171] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 194; vol. v. p. 101.

[1172] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Unde Anselmus oppido lætatus
est, sperans se hac occasione, a prælationis onere, per Dei
gratiam, exonerandum.” And directly after; “Eo quod terras
ecclesiæ injuria dare nolebat, episcopalis officii onus sese
lætus evasisse videbat.”

[1173] Ib. “Cum decursu non exiguo tempore, clamorem omnium,
de ecclesiarum destructione conquerentium.”

[1174] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Multis bonis et ecclesiæ Dei
profuturis promissionibus illectus [Anselmus].”

[1175] Ib. “More et exemplo prædecessoris sui inductus, _pro
usu terræ_, homo regis factus est, et, sicut Lanfrancus suo
tempore fuerat, de toto archiepiscopatu saisiri jussus est.”
Does not Eadmer, writing by later lights from Rome, feel
scruples which Anselm did not feel at the time?

[1176] When one thinks of this, one is less surprised at the
astounding language of the Council in Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 53.
Yet, after all, Henry the Fourth was not Rufus.

[1177] We have the writ in the Fœdera, i. 5. It grants
“omnes libertates in terra et mari super suos homines, infra
burgos et extra, et super tot theines quot ecclesiæ Christi
concessit Edwardus rex, cognatus meus.” This mention of the
thegns, and the King’s request about the grants, and the
words of Anselm to the Archbishop of Lyons, all hang
together.

[1178] Ib. “Nolo pati ut aliquis hominum se intromittat de
omnibus rebus quæ ad eos pertinent, nisi ipsi et ministri
eorum quibus ipsi committere voluerint, nec Francus nec
Anglus.”

[1179] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 18 (see above, p. 403). “At
civitas Cantuaria quam Lanfrancus suo tempore in beneficio a
rege tenebat, et abbatia sancti Albani quam non solum
Lanfrancus sed et antecessores ejus habuisse noscuntur, in
alodium ecclesiæ Christi Cantuariensis, pro redemptione
animæ suæ, perpetuo jure, transirent.”

[1180] They were old friends. The Gesta Abbatum (i. 61) go
on to say; “Rex Willelmus secundus archiepiscopatum, quem
diu in manu sua tenuit, immisericors depauperavit. Abbas
autem Paulus Anselmum egentem juvit et consolabatur. Unde,
inthronizatus, in multis beneficia potiora gratus abbati
recompensavit, et quod imperfectum erat in ædificiis
ecclesiæ sancti Albani juvit postea consummare.”

[1181] Ib. i. 65. “Nemora complanando, hominibus beati
Albani pecuniam, causis cavillatoriis adinventis,
extorquendo.” Rufus is described as “nullius, præcipue
mortui, verus amicus.”

[1182] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 20. “Indignationi hoc quoque non
parum doloris adjiciebat, quod negotium unde agebatur ad
jura ecclesiæ pertinebat, nec in aliquo regalis judicii
definitionem respiciebat.”

[1183] Ib. “A rege missus quidam nomine Ranulphus, regiæ
voluntatis maximus executor, qui, spreta consideratione
pietatis ac modestiæ, placitum contra eum ipsa die
instituit, et ferus ac tumens, tantum ecclesiæ gaudium
conturbare non timuit.” Directly after; “ut nec primum
quidem suæ dignitatis diem permitteretur in pace
transigere.”

[1184] Ib. “Ex præsentibus futura conjecit, et quia multas
in pontificatu angustias foret passurus, intellexit atque
prædixit.”

[1185] The consecration of Anselm and the death of Malcolm
are oddly joined together in the new Canterbury Chronicle
published by Liebermann, (p. 4); “1094. On ðison geare me
bletsede Anselm to biscope ii. ñ. Decemb.; and on ðison
geare me scloch Malculm cing.”

[1186] T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. He adds emphatically,
“Hæc interim fecit Thomas archiepiscopus, nec quisquam
episcoporum erat qui hæc in sua ipsius diœcesi præsente
archiepiscopo præsumeret.”

[1187] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 21) describes the consecrators as
“Thomas archiepiscopus Eboracensis et omnes episcopi
Angliæ,” except the two who sent excuses. But Dr. Stubbs
does not seem to reckon the Bishop of Durham among the
number.

[1188] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 417.

[1189] The foundations had just been laid, as we shall see
in the next chapter.

[1190] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340.

[1191] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Cum ante ordinandi pontificis
examinationem Walchelinus Wentanus episcopus, rogatu
Mauricii episcopi Lundoniensis cujus hoc officium est,
ecclesiastico more electionem scriptam legeret.” This is, I
suppose, as Dean of the Province, an office still held by
the Bishops of London, and by virtue of which they do
several of the things which Thomas Stubbs claims for his own
metropolitan.

[1192] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. Walkelin reads the writing
till he comes to the words which set forth how “hæc
Dorobernensis ecclesia totius Britanniæ metropolitana suo
sit viduata pastore.” Then Thomas “subintulit, dicens totius
Britanniæ metropolitana? Si totius Britanniæ metropolitana,
ecclesia Eboracensis quæ metropolitana esse scitur,
metropolitana non est. Et quidem ecclesiam Cantuariensem
primatem totius Britanniæ esse scimus, non metropolitanam.”

[1193] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Quod auditum ratione submixum
esse, quod dicebat intellectum est.”

[1194] Ib. “Tunc statim scriptura ipsa mutata est, et pro
totius Britanniæ metropolitana, totius Britanniæ primas
scriptum est, et omnis controversia conquievit. Itaque
sacravit eum ut totius Britanniæ primatem.”

The Yorkist version, as given by T. Stubbs (X Scriptt.
1707), is of course quite different. Thomas is there
attended by several members of his church, Hugh the Dean and
others. This might almost imply the absence of his one
suffragan. The words objected to are in this version “Primas
totius Britanniæ.” As soon as they are heard, Thomas and his
companions go out and take off their robes. Anselm and
Walkelin follow them; they fall at the feet of Thomas, and
ask for his forgiveness (“pedibus archiepiscopi affusi
humiliter deprecati sunt, ne moleste acciperet”). Thomas
stands firm. “Cum duo tantum, inquit, sint metropolitæ in
Britannia, alter super alterum esse non potest.” He might
have erred in his youth by admitting the claims of
Canterbury; he would at least not err in the like sort
again. He would consecrate no man as primate. Anselm and
Walkelin submit; the word “primate” is struck out, and
Anselm is consecrated as “metropolitan.”

It will be seen that in this version the place of the two
titles, “primate” and “metropolitan,” is simply turned
round. We can have no doubt as to preferring the
contemporary account; but it is well to see how matters
looked at York several centuries later.

[1195] There is no mention of this in Eadmer’s account of
the consecration; but such seems to be the meaning of Anselm
himself in a letter to Walter, Bishop of Albano, which I
shall have to quote again (Epp. iii. 36). He there says,
“Sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis me
consecrarunt.” This is an answer to a charge of being
schismatically consecrated while the kingdom was not under
the obedience of Urban.

[1196] See above, p. 311.

[1197] See above, p. 312.

[1198] T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. “Non prohibebat quin eum
Dorkacestrensem ordinaret episcopum, sicut et antecessores
sui fuerant; verum Lyndecoldinum oppidum, et magnam partem
provinciæ Lyndisiæ dicebat fuisse, et jure esse debere,
parochiam Eboracensis ecclesiæ, et injuria illi ereptam
esse.”

[1199] Eadmer does not mention the place; but it appears
from the Chronicle that it was at the usual place, namely
Gloucester.

[1200] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Consummato ordinationis suæ
die octavo, Cantuariam egrediens, ad curiam regis pro
imminente nativitate Domini vadit. Quo perveniens, hilariter
a rege totaque regni nobilitate suscipitur.”

[1201] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 69, 260.

[1202] Again it is from the Chronicler that we get the most
formal statement of the words of the challenge. They would
doubtless be uttered in French; but we may believe that we
have an authorized English version; “Him þider fram his
broðer Rodbearde of Normandig bodan coman, þa cyddon þæt his
broðer grið and forewarde eall æftercwæð, butan se cyng
gelæstan wolde eall þet hi on forewarde hæfdon ær gewroht,
and uppon þæt hine forsworenne, and trywleasne clypode,
buton he þa forewarda geheolde, oððe þider ferde, and hine
þær betealde þær seo forewarde ǽr wæs gewroht and eac
gesworen.”

[1203] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 21. “Adeo ut nonnullas etiam
difficultates pateretur, quas regiam pati excellentiam
indecens videbatur.”

[1204] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 300.

[1205] Eadmer, u. s. “Siquidem hunc ipse rex morem erga
cunctos quibus dominatur habebat, ut quum quis eorum aliquid
ei pecuniarum, etiam solius gratiæ obtentu, offerebat,
oblatum, nisi quantitas rei voto illius concurreret,
sperneret. Nec offerentem in suam ulterius amicitiam
admittebat, si ad determinationem suam oblatum munus non
augeret.”

[1206] He does it only “suasus ab amicis suis.”

[1207] Anselm himself gives this motive in his letter to
Archbishop Hugh (Ep. iii. 24); “Gratias Deo, quo miserante
simplicitatem cordis mei hoc factum est, ne, si nihil aut
parum promisissem, justam videretur habere causam irascendi;
aut si accepisset, verteretur mihi in gravamen, et in
suspicionem nefandæ emptionis.”

[1208] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 21) gives these motives at length.

[1209] Ib. “Rex tali oblatione audita, bene rem quidem
laudando respondit.”

[1210] These are the arguments which Eadmer puts into the
mouths of the King’s advisers; “Quidam malignæ mentis
homines regem, ut fieri solet, ad hoc perduxerunt quatenus
oblatam pecuniam spernendo recipere non adquiesceret.”

[1211] Eadmer here quotes a psalm; “Mentita est iniquitas
sibi.” Ps. xxvii. 12.

[1212] Ib. “Mandatur illi regem oblatam pecuniam refutare,
et miratus est.”

[1213] Ib. 22. “Amica nempe libertate me et omnia mea ad
utilitatem tuam habere poteris, servili autem conditione nec
me nec mea habebis.”

[1214] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 441.

[1215] Eadmer, u. s. “Iratus rex, Sint, inquit, cum jurgio
tua tibi, sufficient mea mihi. Vade.”

[1216] The story is told by Eadmer, 22. The objection of
Maurice takes this shape; “Dicebat ipsam ecclesiam in sua
parochia esse, et ob hoc, licet in terra archiepiscopi
fuerit, dedicationem illius ad se pertinere.” The right of
the Archbishop seems to have rested on good ancient
precedent; but there is something odd in Eadmer’s way of
stating the controversy. The presumption was surely in
favour of the diocesan bishop.

[1217] The letter of Anselm to Wulfstan appears among the
Epistles (iii. 19). Wulfstan’s answer is given in the text
of the Historia Novorum. Anselm speaks of the action of the
earlier archbishops in this matter; “Quod etiam sanctus
Dunstanus et alii prædecessores mei fecisse probantur, ipsis
ecclesiis quas dedicaverunt adhuc stantibus.” This is a
little touch from a time when the churches of Dunstan’s day
were being largely rebuilt, that of Harrow most likely among
them. Wulfstan is well described by Eadmer; “Supererat adhuc
beatæ memoriæ Wolstanus episcopus unus et solus de antiquis
Anglorum patribus, vir in omni religione conspicuus, et
antiquarum Angliæ consuetudinum scientia apprime eruditus.”
There is something very remarkable in the way in which
Wulfstan speaks of the archbishop to whom he made his first
profession (see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 473, 655); “Extant quippe
et in nostra diœcesi altaria, et quædam etiam ecclesiæ in
hiis scilicet villis quas Stigandus vestræ excellentiæ
prædecessor, haut tamen jure ecclesiasticæ hæreditatis sed
ex dono possederat sæcularis potestatis, ab ipso dedicata.”
Wulfstan, speaking his own words in his own letter, speaks
of Stigand in quite another tone from that which he had used
in the profession which was put into his mouth by Lanfranc
(see N. C. vol. ii. p. 655). The places referred to are in
Gloucestershire, and will be found in Domesday, 164 _b_.
Most of the lands had passed to the Archbishop of York; some
of them first to William Fitz-Osbern, and then to the King.
It would seem then that, in whatever character Stigand held
them, it was not as Archbishop of Canterbury. Wulfstan’s
witness therefore goes so far as to give the archbishop the
right to oust the diocesan bishop, not only on the lands of
the archbishopric, but on any lands which he may hold as a
private man.

[1218] There is something amusing in the tone of glee in
which Eadmer records his patron’s triumph; “Secure deinceps
suorum morem antecessorum emulabatur, non solum ecclesias,
inconsultis episcopis, sacrans, sed et quæque divina officia
in cunctis terris suis per se suosve dispensans.”

[1219] Eadmer, 22. “Ex præcepto regis, omnes fere episcopi
una cum principibus Angliæ ad Hastinges convenerunt, ipsum
regem in Normanniam transfretaturum sua benedictione et
concursu prosecuti.”

[1220] The Chronicler seems distinctly to mark the
ecclesiastical business which we have now come to as
casually filling up the time lost by the bad weather. The
whole entry runs; “Ða ferde se cyng to Hæstingan to þam
Candelmæssan, and onmang þam þe he þær wederes abad he let
halgian þæt mynster æt þære Bataille. And Herbearde Losange
þam bishop of Theotfordan his stæf bename and þæræfter to
midlengtene ofer sæ for into Normandige.” We shall take
these things in order.

[1221] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 404.

[1222] Ib. 401.

[1223] In the Battle Chronicle (40) the consecration is
naturally an event of great importance. But here too the
presence of the King and so great a company is accounted for
by their presence in the neighbourhood or other grounds;
“Cumque jam operis fabricæ peroptata advenisset perfectio,
rege quibusdam causis obortis eandem provinciam cum multis
optimatibus forte adeunte, ex instinctu ejusdem abbatis,
paterni memor edicti, eandem dedicari basilicam decrevit.”

[1224] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 405.

[1225] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 453.

[1226] He was consecrated the year before; the date of his
death seems not to be known. See Bessin, 531.

[1227] See above, p. 321.

[1228] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 411.

[1229] See above, p. 29.

[1230] See Appendix Z.

[1231] So says T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1708. “Rex Willelmus
quamdam concordiam, vel potius dispensationem, fecit inter
illos, Thoma quidem archiepiscopo invito et renitente et
coacto nec consentiente, sed inconsulto Eboracensi
capitulo.”

[1232] Eadmer, 23. “Quidam de episcopis atque principibus
conati sunt contra Anselmum scandalum movere, intendentes ad
hoc ut eundem episcopum absolute absque debita professione
consecraret. Quod nullo jure fulti, ea solummodo re sunt
aggressi, quia putabant se animo regis aliquid ex
conturbatione Anselmi, unde lætaretur inferre, scientes eum
pro suprascripta caussa adversum ipsum non parum esse
turbatum.”

[1233] Eadmer, 23. “Asseruit se nullo pacto consensurum ut,
pro inimicitia quam contra archiepiscopum habebat, matri suæ
ecclesiæ Cantuariensi de sua dignitate quid quivis
detraherat.”

[1234] See Appendix Z.

[1235] On the history and character of Robert Bloet, see
Appendix Z.

[1236] See above, p. 395.

[1237] See above, p. 355, and Appendix X.

[1238] This deprivation of Herbert by the King――most likely
with the consent of somebody, but we are not told――is quite
as contrary to strict ecclesiastical notions as the
deprivation of Stigand by the English people. The
Parliaments of Elizabeth, William and Mary, George the
First, followed that precedent. I will not speak of the
reign of Edward the Sixth, as that was a time of “unlaw”
nearly equal to the days of Rufus himself.

[1239] See Appendix X.

[1240] Here we come personally across the class of offenders
of whom we have before spoken generally (see above, p. 158,
and Appendix G). Eadmer draws their picture; “Eo tempore
curialis juventus ferme tota crines suos juvencularum more
nutriebat, et quotidie pexa, ac irreligiosis nutibus
circumspectans, delicatis vestigiis, tenero incessu,
obambulare solita erat. De quibus cum in capite jejunii
sermonem in populo ad missam suam et ad cineres confluente
idem pater habuisset, copiosam turbam ex illis in
pœnitentiam egit, et attonsis crinibus, in virilem formam
redegit.”

[1241] See Appendix G.

[1242] This is pointed out by Eadmer. “Die quadam ad eum _ex
more_ ivit, et juxta illum sedens eum his verbis alloqui
cœpit.” We shall come to other instances of this custom of
the Archbishop sitting down beside the King.

[1243] “Obsecro primum, fer opem et consilium qualiter in
hoc regno tuo Christianitas, quæ jam fere tota in multis
periit, in statum suum redigi possit. Respondit, ‘Quam opem,
quod consilium?’”

[1244] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 437.

[1245] Anselm is made to say; “Generale concilium
episcoporum ex quo tu rex factus fuisti non fuit in Anglia
celebratum, _nec retroactis pluribus annis_.” Yet Lanfranc
had held many synods, and one notable one as late as 1085.
See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1246] He passes by the smaller matters――“ut illicita
consanguineorum connubia et alia multa rerum detestandarum
facinorosa negotia taceam”――and goes straight to the sin of
the reign, “noviter in hac terra divulgatum,” which “jam
plurimum pullulavit multosque sua immanitate fœdavit.” See
Appendix G.

[1247] “Conemur una, quæso, tu regia potestate et ego
pontificali auctoritate, quantus tale quid inde statuatur,
quod cum per totum fuerit regnum divulgatum, solo etiam
auditu quicunque illius fautor est paveat et deprimatur.”
What would have been the nature of the punishment? Something
more, one would think, than an ecclesiastical censure, as it
was to be a decree of the King. Anselm had no objection to
very severe punishments on occasion (see N. C. vol. v. p.
159; cf. vol. iv. p. 621). But when he was able to legislate
on this subject (see N. C. vol. v. p. 223), it was in an
ecclesiastical synod, and the penalties are milder.

[1248] “Non sederunt hæc animo principis, et paucis ita
respondit, ‘Et in hac re quid fieret pro te?’ ‘Si non,’
inquit Anselmus, ‘pro me, spero fieret pro Deo et te.’” I
suppose the meaning is something like what I have given.
Again one longs for the actual words in their own tongue.

[1249] “Ne in destructione monasteriorum et perditione
monachorum tibi, quod absit, damnationem adquiras.”

[1250] “Quid ad te? Numquid sunt abbatiæ meæ? Hem, tu quod
vis agis de villis tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de
abbatiis meis?”

[1251] “Tuæ quidem sunt ut illas quasi advocatus defendas
atque custodias, non tuæ autem ut invadas aut devastes. Dei
scimus eas esse, ut sui ministri inde vivant, non quo
expeditiones et bella tua inde fiant.”

[1252] “Intellexit ergo Anselmus se verba in ventum
proferre, et surgens abiit.”

[1253] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1254] “Considerans offenso principis animo nequaquam posse
pacem rebus dari.”

[1255] “Deprecatus est ut in amicitiam sui sese _gratis_
admitteret. Quod si, ait, facere nonvult, cur nolit edicat,
et si offendi, satisfacere paratus sum.”

[1256] “De nulla re illum inculpo, nec tamen ei gratiam
meam, _quia non audio quare_, indulgere volo.” The words
which I have put in Italics in the two speeches must be
taken together.

[1257] “Mysterium hoc, inquiunt, planum est.”

[1258] “Tantundem pecuniæ quam ab hominibus tuis accipies
illi promitte.”

[1259] “Aliam qua exeas viam non videmus, nec nos, pari
angustia clausi, aliam exeundi habemus.”

[1260] “Et ego cum hucusque nihil eis unde revestiri possint
contulerim, jam eos nudos spoliarem, immo spoliatos
excoriarem.”

[1261] “Eat quo vult, nec me transfretaturum pro danda
benedictione diutius exspectet.”

[1262] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan he þider com, he and his
broðer Rodbeard se eorl gecwæðan, þæt hi mid griðe togædere
cuman sceoldan, and swa dydon, and gesemede beon ne mihtan.”
So Florence; “Rex … ad fratris colloquium sub statuta pace
venit, sed impacatus ab eo recessit.”

[1263] See N. C. vol. i. p. 435.

[1264] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan eft hi togædere coman
mid þam ilcan mannan þe ær þæt loc makedon, and eac þa aðas
sworen, and ealne þone bryce uppon þone cyng tealdon.” The
version preserved in one manuscript of Florence says, “denuo
in campo Martio convenere.” Can this be the “Champ de Mars”
just outside Rouen? I had fancied that the name was modern.

[1265] Ib. “Ac he nolde þæs geþafa beon, ne eac þa forewarde
healdan.”

[1266] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And forþam hi þa mid mycelon
unsehte tocyrdon.”

[1267] The mention of the places comes from Florence; “Comes
quidem Rotomagum perrexit; rex ad Owe rediit et in illo
resedit.”

[1268] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Solidarios undique conduxit, aurum,
argentum, terras, quibusdam primatum Normanniæ dedit,
quibusdam promisit, ut a germano suo Rotberto deficerent, et
se cum castellis suæ ditioni subjicerent: quibus ad velle
suum paratis, per castella, vel quæ prius habuerat vel quæ
nunc conduxerat, suos milites distribuit.”

[1269] The “castel æt Hulme” of the Chronicler is the castle
of Hulmus, Le Homme, or L’Isle Marie. See Stapleton, ii.
xxv, xxviii. It must not be confounded with the “pagus
Holmensis” or “Holmetia regio” in the Hiesmois. See
Stapleton, ii. xc, xcv, and Ord. Vit. 691 C.

[1270] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 488. See above, p. 57.

[1271] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 200, 201.

[1272] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se cyng syððan þone castel
æt Bures gewann; and þes eorles men þærinne genam; þa sume
hyder to lande sende.” Florence adds, “partim in Normannia
custodiæ mancipavit; et fratrem suum multis modis vexans,
exhæredare laboravit.”

[1273] The Chronicler casually mentions Philip’s coming when
speaking of the siege of Argentan; Florence is more
emphatic; “At ille, necessitate compulsus, dominum suum
regem Francorum Philippum cum exercitu Normanniam adduxit.”

[1274] The Chronicler (1094) says only, “Ðær togeanes se
eorl mid þes cynges fultume of France gewann þone castel æt
Argentses and þearinne Rogger Peiteuin genam, and seofen
hundred þes cynges cnihta mid him.” Florence adds, “ipso die
obsessionis dec. milites regis, cum his totidem scutariis et
castellanis omnibus qui intus erant, sine sanguinis
effusione cepit [rex], captosque in custodia tamdiu detineri
mandavit, donec quisque se redimeret.”

[1275] So says Florence; “Post hæc in Franciam rediit.” As
however he says nothing of Philip’s coming to Longueville,
he may mean his return after that.

[1276] The Chronicler says only, after the taking of
Argentan, “and syððan þone [castel] æt Hulme.” Florence
makes it the special exploit of Robert; “Comes vero
Rotbertus castellum quod Holm nuncupatur obsedit, donec
Willelmus Peverel et dccc. homines, qui id defendebant, illi
se dederent.”

[1277] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And oftrædlice heora ægðer
uppon oðerne tunas bærnde, and eac men læhte.”

[1278] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Interea gravi et assiduo tributo
hominumque mortalitate, præsenti et anno sequenti, tota
vexabatur Anglia.”

[1279] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ða sende se cyng hider to
lande, and hét abeodan út xx. þusenda Engliscra manna [‘xx.
millia pedonum’ in Florence] him to fultume to Normandig.”

[1280] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa hi to sæ coman, þa het hi
man cyrran, and þæt feoh to þæs cynges behófe þe hi genumen
hæfdon; þet wæs ælc man healf punda, and hi swa dydon.”
Florence tells us the place and the doer; “Quibus ut mare
transirent Heastingæ congregatis, pecuniam quæ data fuerat
eis ad victum Rannulphus Passeflambardus præcepto regis
abstulit, scilicet unicuique decem solidos, et eos domum
repedare mandavit, pecuniam vero regi transmisit.”

[1281] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se eorl innon Normandig
æfter þison, mid þam cynge of France and mid eallon þan þe
hi gegaderian mihton, ferdon towardes Ou þær se cyng W. inne
wæs, and þohtan hine inne to besittanne, and swa foran oð hi
coman to Lungeuile.”

[1282] Ib. “Ðær wearð se cyng of France þurh gesmeah
gecyrred, and swa syððan eal seo fyrding tóhwearf.”

[1283] Florence, as we have seen, stops with the taking of
La Houlme in 1094. The Chronicler goes on to Henry’s Lenten
expedition in 1095. After that, neither says anything about
Norman affairs till the agreement of 1096, though both of
them imply (see below, p. 555) that the war lasted till that
time.

[1284] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 241.

[1285] Ord. Vit. 706 C. See Appendix P.

[1286] Ord. Vit. ib. See above, p. 217.

[1287] This is one of Orderic’s best stories (706 C, D). A
false tale of its lord’s death is brought to Saint Cenery.
His allies, Pagan of Montdoubleau (see above, p. 209) and
Rotrou of Montfort, at once forsake the castle which they
had been defending. Robert’s wife Radegund cannot get them
to wait till more certain news can be had. Robert of Bellême
comes just in time for dinner. “Ingressi castrum, lebetes
super ignes ferventes invenerunt carnibus plenas, et mensas
mappulis coopertas et escas cum pane super appositas.” He
spoils and burns the castle. Robert son of Geroy is left
homeless; his wife (“proba femina et honesta”) dies; his
little son William, whom Robert of Bellême somehow has as a
hostage, is poisoned; he then defends his new castle of
Montacute against Robert of Bellême. Robert of Bellême
brings Duke Robert to besiege him. Peace is made by the
mediation of Geoffrey of Mayenne; Montacute is destroyed,
and Saint Cenery is restored to Robert son of Geroy.

[1288] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Her onmang þison se cyng W.
sende æfter his broðer Hennrige se wæs on þam castele æt
Damfront, ac forþi þe he mid friðe þurh Normandig faran ne
mihte, he him sende scipon æfter, and Hugo eorl of Ceastre.”

[1289] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa þa hi towardes Oú faran
sceoldan þær se cyng wæs, hi foran to Englelande and úp
coman æt Hamtune on ealra halgena mæsse æfne, and her syððon
wunedon, and to X[~p]es mæssan wæron on Lunden.”

[1290] Ib. 1095. “On þisum geare wæs se cyng Willelm to
X[~p]es mæssan þa feower forewarde dagas on Hwitsand; and
æfter þam feorðan dæge hider to lande fór, and úpp com æt
Doferan.”

[1291] Ib. “And Heanrig þes cynges broðer her on lande oð
Lengten wunode, and þa ofer sæ for to Normandig mid mycclon
gersuman, on þæs cynges heldan, uppon heora broðer Rodbeard
eorl, and gelomlice uppon þone eorl wann, and him mycelne
hearm ægðer on lande and on mannan dyde.”

[1292] Ord. Vit. 722 D. “Rodbertus mollis dux a vigore
priorum decidit, et pigritia mollitieque torpuit, plus
provinciales subditos timens quam ab illis timebatur.”

[1293] Ib. “Henricus frater ducis Danfrontem fortissimum
castrum possidebat, et magnam partem Neustriæ sibi favore
vel armis subegerat.”

[1294] Ib. “Fratri suo ad libitum suum, nec aliter,
obsecundabat.” I do not see what is meant in Sigebert’s
Chronicle under 1095 (Pertz, vi. 367); “Rex Anglorum a
fratribus sollicitatur in Normania et Anglia.”

[1295] Ib. “Porro alius frater qui Angliæ diadema gerebat in
Normannia, ut reor, plusquam xx. castra tenebat, et proceres
oppidanosque potentes muneribus sibi vel terroribus
illexerat…. Perplures cum omnibus sibi subditis munitionibus
et oppidanis regi parebant, eique, _quia metuendus erat_,
totis nisibus adhærebant.”

[1296] He appears in Orderic’s list, 722 D.

[1297] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 129.

[1298] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 288.

[1299] Ord. Vit. 708 C. He makes the remark just before, “In
diebus illis antiqui optimates qui sub Roberto duce vel
filio ejus Guillelmo rege militaverant humanæ conditionis
more hominem exuerunt.”

[1300] Ord. Vit. 708 C. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[1301] See above, p. 57. We shall come across his fuller
picture in a later chapter.

[1302] Ord. Vit. 718 D. He adds the epitaph of his own
making.

[1303] He records his death and adds his epitaph, 809 C, D.
William of Breteuil and Ralph of Conches died the same year,
1102.

[1304] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 465.

[1305] Ord. Vit. 723 A. “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis
furentibus miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine
patrono desolata est.”

[1306] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Ipse quidem in Normanniam
transiit, expensaque immensa pecunia eam sibi nullatenus
subigere potuit. Infecto itaque negotio in Angliam reversus
est.”

[1307] Will. Malms. iv. 327. “Septimo anno, propter tributa
quæ rex in Normannia positus edixerat, agricultura defecit,
qua fatiscente, fames e vestigio, ea quoque invalescente,
mortalitas hominum subsecuta, adeo crebra ut deesset
morituris cura, mortuis sepultura.” This is copied by the
Margam annalist.

[1308] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Post hæc rex Willelmus iv. kal.
Januarii Angliam rediit, et ut Walanos debellaret, mox
exercitum in Waloniam duxit, ibique homines et equos
perdidit multos.” I am not at all clear that this entry in
Florence is not a confusion. The Chronicle under the same
year records the return of the King, and directly after sums
up the Welsh warfare of the year; but it is not implied that
the King took any part in it. He could not have done so
before his return from Normandy, and, to say nothing of the
unlikelihood of a winter campaign in itself, the incidental
notices of the King’s movements hardly leave time for one.

[1309] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 9. Eadmer writes the name
_Illingham_, a change which might easily have happened after
the pattern of _Ilchester_ (see above, p. 63) and _Islip_
(see N. C. vol. ii. p. 15), but the _g_ remains in use to
this day. There is something very amusing in the note of
Henschenius reprinted in Migne’s edition of Eadmer and
Anselm, col. 394;

“Alia plura dominia, ut _Rochingeham_, _Ilingeham_,
_Sæftesburia_, quæ jam ante occurrerunt, et plura secutura,
potuissent designato locorum situ explicari, si operæ
pretium visum esset eorum causa totas Anglici regni tabulas
perlustrare, et esset qui exsoleta jam nomina, ubi
requirenda sint, indicaret. Poterit postea curiosior aliquis
hunc defectum supplere.”

Fancy a man reading his Eadmer, and not making the faintest
effort to find out where any place was. But perhaps this is
better than M. Croset-Mouchet, who always turns the Bishop
of Exeter into a Bishop of _Oxford_ (cf. N. C. vol. iv. p.
779), and who has a place _Srewsbury_, which does duty alike
for the earldom of _Shrewsbury_ and for the bishopric of
_Salisbury_.

[1310] So say the Margam Annals, 1095; “Commotio fuit
stellarum, et obiit Wlstanus Wigorniensis episcopus.” But
unluckily it appears from Florence that the stars did not
shoot till April 4. Still it is edifying to mark the
different results of the death of a saintly and of a worldly
bishop. The next entry is, “Moritur Willelmus episcopus
Dunelmensis, et hic commotio hominum.” According to Hugh of
Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 474) the stars paid regard to the
death of an abbot who in no way concerns us; “Stellæ de cœlo
cadere visæ sunt, et eadem nocte Gyraldus abbas Silvæ
majoris [in the diocese of Bourdeaux] migravit ad Dominum.”
Sigebert’s Chronicle (Pertz, vi. 367) has some curious
physical details.

[1311] See above, p. 297.

[1312] The story is told by William of Malmesbury, Vit.
Wlst. Angl. Sacr. ii. 266. “Præmonuerat ministros velle se
ad illud pascha convivari accuratis epulis cum bonis
hominibus.” He then brings the poor people into the hall and
“præcepit inter eos sedili locato epulas sibi apponi.”

[1313] The steward’s doctrine is “competentius esse, ut
episcopus convivaretur cum paucis divitibus quam cum multis
pauperibus.” The bishop makes his scriptural quotation, and
adds, “illis debere serviri, qui non haberent unde
redderent.” He then winds up, “Lætius se videre istum
consessum, quam si, ut sæpe, consedisset regi Anglorum.” One
would like to have Wulfstan’s English. We must remember that
Wulfstan was commonly surrounded at dinner by a knightly
following. Vit. Wlst. 259. “Excepto si quando cum monachis
reficeretur, semper in regia considentibus militibus palam
convivabatur.”

[1314] Vit. Wlst. 266. “Multo eum suspiciebat rex honore,
multo proceres; ut qui sæpe ipsum ascirent convivio, et
assurgerent ejus consilio.” Then follows the list of his
foreign admirers, but it is only of the Irish kings that we
read that “magnis eum venerabantur favoribus.” Malcolm and
Margaret “ipsius se dedebant orationibus;” the foreign
prelates “epistolis quæ adhuc supersunt ejus ambierunt apud
Deum suffragia.”

[1315] See above, p. 312.

[1316] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Humanorum excessum [had he given in
a little too much to foreign ways?] confessione facta, etiam
disciplinam accepit. Ita vocant monachi virgarum flagra, quæ
tergo nudato cædentis infligit acrimonia.”

[1317] Serlo we have heard of before; see N. C. vol. iv. p.
383. Of Tewkesbury I shall have to speak below, and see N.
C. vol. v. pp. 628, 629.

[1318] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Magis sedens quam jacens, aures
psalmis, oculos altari applicabat, sedili sic composito ut
libere cerneret quicquid in capella fieret.” That is, there
was a _squint_ between his bed-room and the chapel, a not
uncommon arrangement, one of the best instances of which is
to be seen in Beverstone Castle, in Wulfstan’s diocese,
though of a date long after Godwine’s days and his. This use
of the squint is only one of several ways for enabling the
inmates, whether of houses, hospitals, or monastic
infirmaries, to hear mass without going out of doors.

[1319] The vision is recorded by William of Malmesbury in
the life of Wulfstan (268), where he says that Bishop Robert
was “in curia regis,” and adds that he was “homo sæculi
quidem fretus prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”
Florence says that Robert was “in oppido quod Criccelad
vocatur.” The inference is that the King was at Cricklade.
Cricklade does not appear among the King’s lordships in
Wiltshire; but both he (Domesday, 65) and other lords had
burgesses there, and there is an entry in 64 _b_ about the
third penny, which brought in five pounds yearly.

In the Gesta Pontificum William of Malmesbury does not
mention the vision; but he brings Bishop Robert to Worcester
to bury Wulfstan without any such call. There is surely
something a little heathenish in his description of the
bishop’s body lying in “Libitina ante altare.”

[1320] Gest. Pont. 289. “Profecto, si facilitas antiquorum
hominum adjuvaret, jamdudum elatus in altum sanctus
predicaretur, sed nostrorum incredulitas, quæ se cautelæ
umbraculo exornat, non vult miraculis adhibere fidem etiamsi
conspicetur oculo, etiamsi palpat digito.” Yet, though he
says that prayers offered at Wulfstan’s tomb were always
answered, yet he says nothing about miracles being wrought
there (unless we count the wonderful preservation of the
tomb itself during a fire), and not much of miracles done
during his lifetime. There is more in the Life.

[1321] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Quem consistentem in quadam
villa quæ tribus miliariis a Sceftesberia distans Ilingeham
vocatur Anselmus adiit.” See above, p. 477. By what follows
this must have been some time in February.

[1322] See above, p. 414.

[1323] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 122, 462, and Hook,
Archbishops, i. 27, 270.

[1324] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 353.

[1325] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 441.

[1326] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Eique suam voluntatem in hoc
esse innotuit, ut Romanum pontificem pro pallii sui
petitione adiret. Ad quod rex, A quo inquit papa illud
requirere cupis?”

[1327] Ib. “Quicunque sibi hujus dignitatis potestatem
vellet præripere, unum foret ac si coronam suam sibi
conaretur auferre.”

[1338] Ib. “Iræ stimulis exagitatus, protestatus est illum
nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul et apostolicæ sedis
obedientiam, contra suam voluntatem, posse servare.”

[1329] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Petivit inducias ad istius
rei examinationem quatenus episcopis, abbatibus, cunctisque
regni principibus, una coëuntibus communi assensu
definiretur, utrum salva reverentia et obedientia sedis
apostolicæ posset fidem terreno regi servare, annon.” These
words must be specially attended to, as they contain the
whole root of the matter with regard to the council of
Rockingham. The word “indutiæ” is rather hard to translate.
It means an adjournment, but something more than an
adjournment. The word “truce,” commonly used to express it,
is rather too strong; yet it is sometimes hard to avoid it.

[1330] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Quod si probatum, inquit,
fuerit, utrumque fieri minime posse, fateor malo terram
tuam, donec apostolicum suscipias, exeundo devitare, quam
beati Petri ejusque vicarii obedientiam vel ad horam
abnegare.”

[1331] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 435.

[1332] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 224.

[1333] Domesday, 220. “Rex tenet Rochingeham…. Hanc terram
tenuit Bovi cum saca et soca T. R. E. Wasta erat quando rex
W. jussit ibi castellum fieri.” On Rockingham Castle, see
Mr. G. T. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxv. 209.

[1334] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fit conventus omnium dominico
die, in ecclesia quæ est in ipso castro sita, ab hora prima,
rege et suis secretius in Anselmum consilia sua studiose
texentibus.”

[1335] “Anselmus autem, episcopis, abbatibus, et
principibus, ad se a regio secreto vocatis, eos et
assistentem monachorum, clericorum, laicorum, numerosam
multitudinem hac voce alloquitur.”

[1336] See above, p. 480, for somewhat similar arrangements.
But the present hall of Rockingham, dating from the
thirteenth century, is divided by the width of the court
from what seems to be the site of the chapel.

[1337] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fateor verum dico, quia salva
reverentia voluntatis Dei maluissem illa die, si optio mihi
daretur, in ardentem rogum comburendus præcipitari, quam
archiepiscopatus dignitate sublimari.”

[1338] “Rapuistis me, et coegistis onus omnium suscipere,
qui corporis imbecillitate defessus meipsum vix poteram
ferre … attamen videns importunam voluntatem vestram,
credidi me vobis, et suscepi onus quod imposuistis, confisus
spe auxilii vestri quod polliciti estis. Nunc ergo, ecce
tempus adest quo sese causa obtulit, ut onus meum consilii
vestri manu levetis.”

[1339] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Si, remota omni alia
conditione, simpliciter ad voluntatem domini nostri regis
consilii tui summam transferre velles, prompta tibi
voluntate, ut nobis ipsis, consuleremus.”

[1340] “In medio procerum et conglobatæ multitudinis
_sedens_.” Judges and bishops can still deliver charges
sitting; but it would seem hard to carry on a debate in that
posture.

[1341] “Si pure ad voluntatem domini regis consilii tui
summam transferre volueris, promptum, et quod in nobis ipsis
utile didicimus, a nobis consilium certum habebis. Si autem
secundum Deum, quod ullatenus voluntati regis obviare
possit, consilium a nobis expectas, frustra niteris; quia in
hujusmodi nunquam tibi nos adminiculari videbis.”

[1342] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Quibus dictis conticuerunt,
et capita sua quasi ad ea quæ ipse illaturus erat
demiserunt.”

[1343] “Tunc pater Anselmus, erectis in altum luminibus,
vivido vultu, reverenda voce, ista locutus est.”

[1344] “Nos qui Christianæ plebis pastores, et vos qui
populorum principes vocamini.”

[1345] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Non cuilibet imperatori, non
alicui regi, non duci, non comiti.” I have ventured to
prefer the climax to the anti-climax.

[1346] See above, p. 104.

[1347] See above, p. 95.

[1348] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Turbationem suam confusis
vocibus exprimentes, ut eos illum esse reum mortis una
clamare putares.” The reference seems to be to St. Matthew’s
Gospel, xxvi. 66.

[1349] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 295. Only the groups at
Lillebonne seem to have been larger than those at
Rockingham.

[1350] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Hic duo, ibi tres, illic
quatuor, in unum consiliabantur, studiosissime disquirentes,
si quo modo possent aliquod responsum contra hæc componere,
quod et regiam animositatem deliniret et prælibatas
sententias Dei adversa fronte non impugnaret.”

[1351] “Adversariis ejus conciliabula sua in longum
protelantibus, ipse ad parietem se reclinans leni somno
quiescebat.”

[1352] “Vult dominus noster rex, omissis aliis verbis, a te
sub celeritate sententiam audire.”

[1353] “Hæc rogamus, hæc consulimus, hæc tibi tuisque
necessaria esse dicimus et confirmamus.”

[1354] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Noveris totum regnum conqueri
adversum te quod nostro communi domino conaris decus imperii
sui, coronam, auferre. Quicumque enim regiæ dignitatis ei
consuetudines tollit, coronam simul et regnum tollit.”

[1355] “Urbani illius, qui offenso domino rege nil tibi
prodesse nec ipso pacato tibi quicquam valet obesse,
obedientiam abjice, subjectionis jugum excute, et _liber_,
ut archiepiscopum Cantuariensem decet, in cunctis actibus
tuis voluntatem domini regis et jussionem expecta.” What
more could Henry the Eighth have asked of Cranmer?

[1356] “Quatenus inimici tui qui casibus tuis nunc
insultant, visa dignitatis tuæ sublevatione, erubescant.”

[1357] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Respondeam quod Deus
inspirare dignabitur.”

[1358] “Suspicati ilium aut quid diceret ultra nescire aut
metu addictum statim cœpto desistere.”

[1359] “Persuaserunt inducias nulla ratione dandas, sed
causa recenti examinatione discussa, supremam, si suis
adquiescere consiliis nollet, in eum judicii sententiam
invehi juberet.”

[1360] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Erat quasi primus et
prolocutor regis in hoc negotio Willelmus supra nominatus
Dunelmensis episcopus, homo linguæ volubilitate facetus quam
pura sapientia præditus. Hujus quoque discidii quod inter
regem et Anselmum versabatur erat auctor gravis et
incentor.”

[1361] “Omni ingenio satagebat, si quo modo Anselmum
calumniosis objectionibus fatigatum regno eliminaret, ratus,
ut dicebatur, ipso discedente, se archiepiscopatus solio
sublimandum.”

[1362] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Nec regia dignitate integre
se potitum suspicabatur, quamdiu aliquis in tota terra, vel
etiam secundum Deum, nisi per eum quicquam habere (not dico)
vel posse dicebatur.”

[1363] “Spoponderat se facturum ut Anselmus aut Romani
pontificis funditus obedientiam abnegaret, aut
archiepiscopatui, reddito baculo et annulo, abrenunciaret.”

[1364] Ib. 29. “Dicit quod quantum tua interest eum sua
dignitate spoliasti; dum Odonem episcopum Ostiensem sine sui
auctoritate præcepti papam in sua Anglia facis.”

[1365] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Revesti eum primo, si placet,
_debita imperii sui dignitate_, et tunc demum de induciis
age.”

[1366] “Nec jocum existimes esse quod agitur; immo in istis
magni doloris stimulis urgemur.”

[1367] “Quod dominus tuus et noster in omni dominatione sua
præcipuum habebat, et quo eum _cunctis regibus præstare_
certum erat.”

[1368] See Appendix F.

[1369] We shall come to these matters in the next chapter.

[1370] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Aspicientes sese ad invicem,
nec invenientes quid ad ista referrent, ad dominum suum
reversi sunt.”

[1371] “Protinus intellexerunt quod prius non
animadverterunt, nec ipsum advertere posse putaverunt,
videlicet archiepiscopum Cantuariensem a nullo hominum, nisi
a solo papa, judicari posse vel damnari, nec ab aliquo cogi
pro quavis calumnia cuiquam, eo excepto, contra suum velle
respondere.”

[1372] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Ortum interea murmur est
totius multitudinis pro injuria tanti viri summissa inter se
voce querentis. Nemo quippe palam pro eo loqui audebat ob
metum tyranni.” We have had the word “tyrannis” already; see
above, p. 397.

[1373] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Miles unus de multitudine
prodiens viro adstitit flexis coram eo genibus.”

[1374] “Confidentes juxta scripturam, vocem populi vocem
esse Dei.” “Scriptura” must here be taken in some wide
sense; Eadmer could hardly have thought that these words
were to be found in any of the canonical books.

[1375] “Ad divisionem spiritus sui exacerbatus.”

[1376] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Dunelmensis ita inprimis
tepide et silenter per singula loquebatur, ut omnis humanæ
prudentiæ inscius et expers putaretur.”

[1377] “Cogitabimus pro te usque ad mane.”

[1378] “Mane reversi sedimus in solito loco exspectantes
mandatum regis. At ille cum suis omnimodo perquirebat quid
in damnationem Anselmi componere posset, nec inveniebat.”

[1379] “Requisitus Willielmus Dunelmensis quid ipse, ex
condicto, noctu egerit apud se.”

[1380] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Verum mihi violentia videtur
opprimendus, et, si regiæ voluntati non vult adquiescere,
ablato baculo et annulo, de regno pellendus. Non placuerunt
hæc verba principibus.”

[1381] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Per vultum Dei si vos illum
ad voluntatem meam non damnaveritis, ego damnabo vos.” The
oath “per vultum Dei” is the same as that “per vultum de
Luca.” See Appendix G.

[1382] “Robertus quidam ipsi regi valde familiaris” would
seem to be no other than the Count of Meulan. We shall hear
of him by name later in the story. It might be Robert the
_Dispenser_ (see above, p. 331), but that seems much less
likely.