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Chapter XI: Part 11

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On the 12th of the Divine month of Tir a report came from the officials of Gujarat with the good news of victory and conquest. The particulars of this summary are that I had granted the Subah of Gujarat, the abode of Sultans of high dignity, to Bi-daulat as a reward for his victory over the Rana, as has been fully related in the preceding pages. Sundar, the brahman, administered and protected the country. When futile ideas entered his ungrateful mind, he sent for that dog of a Hindu, who was always shaking the chain of enmity and perversity, along with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and many of the royal servants who were fiefholders in the province. Sundar's brother Kunhar was appointed in his room. When Sundar was killed, and Bi-daulat retreated after his defeat to Mandu, the province of Gujarat was put in the charge of La`natu-llah as his fief, and Kunhar was sent for along with Safi K., the diwan. At the same time the treasure, the jewelled throne on which five lakhs had been expended, and the pardala (belt) on which two lakhs had been spent--and which things had been prepared as a present for myself--were also sent for. Safi K. was the brother's son (text says "brother") of Ja`far Beg, who received in my father's service the title of Asaf K., and was married to a daughter of Nur Jahan's brother, who by my favour had received the title of Asaf K. An elder daughter was the wife of Bi-daulat. Both daughters were by one mother, and Bi-daulat expected that on account of this connection Safi K. would be on his side. But an eternal decree had gone forth for Safi K.'s loyalty and prosperity, and that he should attain to high rank! Accordingly, Almighty God made him loyal and the performer of good deeds, as will now be described. In short, the faithless (bi-wafa) La`natu-llah sent his eunuch named Wafa-dar to be governor of that country, and he, with a few ragamuffins (bi-sar-u-pa) entered Ahmadabad, and took possession of the city. As Safi K. had made up his mind to be loyal, he courageously looked after the servants, and collected a force, and won the hearts of the people. Some days before Kunhar came out of the city he (Safi) encamped on the bank of the Kankariya lake, and thence hastened to Mahmudabad, giving out openly that he was going to Bi-daulat. Secretly, he opened communication and made arrangements to be loyal with Nahir K., Sayyid Dilir K., Nanu [615] K., Afghan, and other devoted servants of the State, who were waiting in their own jagirs. He awaited his opportunity. Salih, a servant of Bi-daulat, who was faujdar of the Sarkar of Pitlad, and had a good force with him, heard rumours that Safi K. entertained other ideas. Kunhar [616] had also discovered this, but as Safi K. soothed them and was very cautious and careful in his conduct, they could not move hand or foot. Salih, for fear lest Safi K., abandoning dissimulation, should stretch his hand towards the treasure, exercised foresight, and went farther on with the treasure, taking nearly Rs. 10,00,000 to Bi-daulat at Mandu. Kunhar (or the younger brother?) also, having seized the jewelled pardala, started after him, but could not take the throne on account of its weight. Safi K., knowing this was his opportunity, changed his place from Mahmudabad to the pargana of Karang, [617] which is to the left of the usual road, where Nanu K. was, and arranged by letter and verbal messages with Nahir K. and other loyal servants that each of them should ride from his jagir with the force that he had, and at the hour of sunrise, which was the morning of prosperity for people of good fortune, and the evening of ruin to those who practised villainy, enter the city by the gate to which each was opposite. He (Safi) left his women in the aforesaid pargana, and, in company with Nanu (Babu?) K., came at dawn to the outskirts of the city. He halted for a short time in the Sha`ban [618] garden until it had become light and friend could be distinguished from enemy. After the world-illuminating sun of good fortune (had risen), when he found the gate of prosperity open, though he could see no trace of Nahir K. and the other loyalists, yet lest possibly the enemy might obtain information and fasten the gates of the fort he placed his confidence in God who gives victory, and entered the city by the Sarangpur gate. About this time Nahir K. also arrived, and, entering by the gate, came into the city. The eunuch of La`natu-llah, having ascertained the unfailing good fortune of (Jahangir), took refuge in the house of Shaikh Haidar, grandson of Nizam Wajihu-d-din. The royal servants of approved service, having proclaimed their victory with loud voices, set to work to strengthen the towers and gates. They sent men to the houses of Muhammad Taqi, Bi-daulat's diwan, and of Hasan Beg, his Bakhshi, and seized them. Shaikh Haidar himself came and informed Safi K. that the eunuch of La`natu-llah was in his house, and they tied his hands to his neck, and brought him. Having imprisoned a number of Bi-daulat's servants and dependants, they engaged in keeping order in the city. The jewelled throne, the cash of Rs. 2,00,000, and the property and effects of Bi-daulat and his men in the city, came into their possession. When this news reached Bi-daulat, he sent off La`natu-llah with Himmat K., Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., Qabil Beg, Rustam Bahadur, Salih Badakhshi, and other criminals. What with royal servants and his own men, he had some 5,000 or 6,000 horse. Safi K. and Nahir K., becoming aware of this, planted firmly the foot of courage, and employed themselves in encouraging their men and collecting forces. Whatever cash and valuables they could obtain, even to the throne, which they broke up, they divided amongst both the old and new troopers as pay. Raja Kalyan, Zamindar of Idar (printed wrongly "Andur"), and the son of Lal Gopi (?) [619], and all the Zamindars from every quarter, were summoned into the city. A good number was thus assembled. La`natu-llah did not wait for auxiliaries, and in the space of eight days came from Mandu to Baroda. The loyal party, by the guidance of their courage, and in reliance on God, came out of the city and encamped on the bank of the Kankariya Lake. It occurred to La`natu-llah that if he came on quickly, the rope of order of the loyal might be broken. When he obtained news of the coming out of the loyal servants, drawing in the reins of ruin, he delayed in Baroda till the arrival of help. After the evil-ending criminals collected together at that chief place of mischief, he put forward the foot of error and deviation from the right path, and the loyal party, marching from the Kankariya tank, encamped outside the village of Batoh, near the mausoleum of Qutb `Alam. La`natu-llah traversed a road of three days in two, [620] and arrived at Mahmudabad. As Sayyid Dilir K. had seized the women of Sharza K. and brought them from Baroda to the city, and the women of Sar-afraz K. were also in the city, Safi K. sent a secret message to both of them that if by the guidance of good fortune they would rub off the stain of sin (rebellion) from the tablet of their foreheads, and would enrol themselves among the loyal servants, their position in the present and future worlds would approach salvation; otherwise he would subject their wives and children to all kinds of indignities. Hearing this, La`natu-llah sent for Sar-afraz K. on some excuse to his house, and imprisoned him. As Sharza K., Himmat K., and Salih Badakhshi were in league together, and had alighted at the same place, he could not get Sharza K. into his hands. Briefly, on the 21st of Sha`ban, A.H. 1032, June 10, 1623, La`natu-llah mounted and arrayed the forces tinged with calamity. Those who were loyal also arrayed their forces and prepared for the fight. It occurred to La`natu-llah that if he were to go, their foot of courage would not stand firm, and, without a battle taking place, they would be dispersed in a miserable condition. When he saw the firm attitude of the loyal, he could not screw up his courage (tab nayawarda), but turned his rein towards the left, and gave out that they had hidden gunpowder under the ground of that plain, and that his men would be destroyed by it--that it would therefore be better to go into the plain of Sarkhej and deliver battle there. These futile ideas were due to the aid of good fortune, for on the turning back of his rein a rumour of his defeat was spread abroad, and the horsemen of the plain of victory attacked him in flank, and that ill-omened one was unable to reach Sarkhej, and halted in the village of Naranja. The loyal party arranged their forces in the village of Balud, which is nearly three koss off. At dawn on the next day they went to battle after the approved manner, their forces being drawn up in this way. In the vanguard were Nahir K., Raja Kalyan, the Zamindar of Idar, and other valiant men; on the left wing Sayyid Dilir K., Sayyid Sidu, and other loyal servants were stationed; and on the right wing Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub, Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and the rest of the life-sacrificing devoted ones, whilst in the centre were Safi K., Kifayat K. Bakhshi, and some other servants of approved service. It so happened, fortunately, that in the place where La`natu-llah had halted, the land was undulating, full of thorn brakes and narrow lanes. The forces, accordingly, were not in compact order. He had sent on most of the experienced men with Rustam Bahadur, and Himmat K., and Salih Beg were amongst the foremost in (the ranks of) error. The army doomed to calamity first of all came in contact with Nahir K. and Shams K., and a notable fight took place. By chance Himmat K. fell in the dust of destruction from a gun-shot wound, and a fight ensued between Salih Beg, and Nanu K., Sayyid Ya`qub, Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad, and other servants. In the height of the battle the elephant of Sayyid Ghulam Muhammad came and threw him (Salih) from his horse; he fell severely wounded to the ground, and about a hundred of his men were slain. At this moment an elephant which was in the van of the rebel army turned round at the noise of the rockets and the lightning of the guns, and got into a narrow lane, on both sides of which were thorn brakes, and trod down many of the rebels. By the turning back of the elephant the ranks of the enemy were disordered. At this moment Sayyid Dilir K. came fighting from the right wing. La`natu-llah did not know of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih, and, with the idea of helping them, urged on the steed of ruin. As the brave ones in the van, having displayed activity, had been mostly wounded, they could not stand the onset of La`natu-llah, and turned back their rein, and it nearly happened that there was a great disaster. At this time the assistance of God displayed itself, and Safi K. hastened from the centre to the support of the van. Just then La`natu-llah heard of the killing of Himmat K. and Salih Beg, and, on the appearance of the centre and the attack of Safi K., his courage failed him, and he became a vagabond in the desert of defeat and disaster. Sayyid Dilir K. pursued him for a koss, and made many of the defeated the harvest of the sword of vengeance. Qabil Beg, unfaithful to his salt, with a body of rebels, became captives in the claws of retribution. As La`natu-llah was not sure about Sar-afraz K., he on the day of battle placed him in chains on an elephant and put him in charge of one of his slaves, with orders that if a defeat occurred he should kill him. In like manner he placed in chains on one of the elephants Bahadur, s. Sultan Ahmad, and gave permission to kill him. When the fight took place the man in charge of Sultan Ahmad's son put him to death with a dagger, but Sar-afraz K. threw himself down off the elephant. The man in charge of him in that confusion aimed a blow at him in his bewilderment, but it was not effectual. Safi K., finding him in the fight, sent him into the city. La`natu-llah did not turn back till he arrived at Baroda. As the women of Sharza K. were captives of those who were loyal, he was helpless, and came and waited upon Safi K. Briefly, La`natu-llah hastened from Baroda to Broach. The sons of Himmat K. were in the fort there. Although they did not admit him, yet they sent him 5,000 mahmudis by way of maintenance. For three days he remained outside the fort of Broach in a wretched state, and on the fourth went to Surat by sea. For nearly two months he remained there assembling his scattered men. As Surat was in Bi-daulat's jagir, he took nearly 4 lakhs of mahmudis from his officials there, and took possession of whatever he could by oppression and injustice. He again collected together those whose fortune was reversed and whose stars had been burnt, and betook himself to Bi-daulat at Burhanpur.

In fine, when this approved service performed by Safi K. and other loyal servants in Gujarat became known, each one was exalted with favours and kindnesses. Safi K. held the mansab of 700 personal and 300 horse: having given him that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, I honoured him with the title of Saif K. Jahangir-shahi, and conferred on him a standard and drums. Nahir K. had 1,000 with 200 horse; having given him the mansab of 3,000 with 2,000 horse, I bestowed on him the title of Shir K., and raised his head of honour with a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword. He is the (descendant?) grandson of (?) [621], the brother of Puran Mal Lulu (?), who was governor of Raysin and Chanderi. When Shir K., the Afghan (i.e., Shir Shah), besieged the fort of Raysin, it is well known that he killed him (Puran Mal) after promising him quarter, and that his women burnt themselves, committing "Johar," according to the Hindu custom, in the fire of fame and modesty, so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of their chastity. His sons and caste fellows went off to various [622] places. The father of Nahir K., whose title was Khan Jahan, having gone to Muhammad K., governor of Asir and Burhanpur, became a Musalman, and when Muhammad K. died, Hasan, his son, when in tender years, succeeded him. Raja `Ali K., brother of Muhammad K., put the child in confinement, and took possession of the government. After some time news reached Raja `Ali K. that Khan Jahan and a body of the servants of Muhammad K. had leagued together to attack him, and had determined to take Hasan K. out of the fort and raise him to power. He was beforehand with them, and sent Hayat Khan Habashi, with many brave men, to the house of Khan Jahan, either to take him alive or to kill him. He, planting his foot firmly on his good fame, took to fighting, and when things went badly with him committed Johar, and passed from this borrowed life. At that time Nahir K. was very young. Hayat Khan Abyssinian, having asked `Ali K.'s permission, adopted him as his son, and made him a Musalman. After his death Raja `Ali K. brought up Nahir K., and took good care of him. When my revered father conquered Asir, Nahir K. joined his service. He (Akbar) discerned the signs of bravery on his forehead, and raised him to a suitable mansab, and gave him in jagir the pargana of Muhammadpur in Malwa. In my service he advanced more and more. Now that the grace of gratitude has been bestowed upon him, he has found the advantage of doing what was right.

Sayyid Dilir K. is of the Sayyids of Barha; formerly his name was Sayyid `Abdu-l-Wahhab. I raised him from the mansab of 1,000 and 800 horse to 2,000 and 1,200 horse, and presented him with a standard. They call twelve bara in Hindi. As in the Du-ab there are twelve villages near each other which are the native country of these Sayyids, they have become known as the Sayyids of Barha. Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids, for there has never been a battle in this reign in which they have not been conspicuous, and in which some have not been killed. Mirza `Aziz Koka always said the Sayyids of Barha were the averters of calamity from this dominion, and such is in reality the case.

Nanu K. Afghan held the mansab of 800 personal and horse: it was ordered to be one of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. In the same manner the other loyal servants, according to their services and sacrifices, were promoted to high mansabs, and obtained the desire of their hearts in lofty employments. At this time Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan, was deputed to the assistance of my son (grandson) Dawar-bakhsh in Gujarat, and I sent Nuru-d-din Quli into the Subah to bring Sharza K., Sar-afraz K., and the other leaders of the rebel army who had been made captive in the land of retribution, chained, to the Court.

On this day it was reported to me that Minu-chihr, s. Shah-nawaz K., had separated himself from Bi-daulat under the guidance of good fortune, and had joined the service of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz. I`tiqad K., governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse.

As the huntsmen brought news that in this neighbourhood a tiger had made its appearance, I felt disposed to hunt it. After entering the forest three other tigers became visible. Having killed all four, I returned to the palace. I have such a liking for tiger shooting that whilst I can get it I do not go after other sport. Sultan Mas`ud, s. Sultan Mahmud (of Ghaznin) (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!), was also much inclined to tiger shooting. With regard to his killing of tigers strange tales have been recorded, especially in the history of Baihaqi, [623] who has kept a diary of what he saw with his own eyes. Among these things he writes that one day he (Mas`ud) went to hunt tigers in the borders of Hindustan, and was riding an elephant. A very large tiger came out from the wood, and made for the elephant. He threw a javelin (khisht) and struck the tiger's chest. The tiger, enraged at the pain, came up on the elephant's back, and the Amir knelt down and struck him such a blow with his sword that he cut off both the tiger's fore-feet, and the tiger fell backwards and died. It happened to me once when I was prince that I had gone out in the Punjab to hunt tigers. A powerful tiger appeared out of the wood. I fired at him from the elephant and the tiger in great fury rose and came on the elephant's back, and I had not time to put down my gun and seize my sword. Inverting the gun, I knelt, and with both hands struck him with the stock over the head and face so that he fell on to the ground and died.

One of the strange things that happened was that one day I was on an elephant, and was hunting wolves in Aligarh [624] in the Nuh forest. A wolf appeared, and I struck it with a bullet on its face (mana) near the lobe of the ear. The bullet penetrated for about a span. From that bullet it fell and gave up its life. It has often happened in my presence that powerful (jawanan) men, good shots with the bow, have shot twenty or thirty arrows at them, and not killed. As it is not right to write about oneself, I must restrain the tongue of my pen from saying more.

On the 29th of the month I presented a string of pearls to Jagat Singh, s. Rana Karan. At this time it was reported to me that Sultan Husain, Zamindar of Pakli, had died. I gave his mansab and jagir to Shadman, his eldest son.

On the 7th of the month of Amurdad Ibrahim Husain, a servant of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, came from the victorious army, and brought news of the victory of the chiefs of the everlasting State. The report of my son laid before me the particulars of the fight, and the exertions of the brave and distinguished men in it. I performed the dues of thanksgiving for this favour, which was of God's grace alone. The details of this are as follows: When the royal troops in the army of the prince of high degree crossed the pass of Chanda, [625] and entered the province of Malwa, Bi-daulat, with 20,000 horse, 300 fighting elephants, and a large force of artillery, left Mandu in order to fight. He dispatched a body of the Bargis (Mahrattas) of the Deccan with Jadu Ray and Uday Ram, Alash K., and other rebels to make a raid (qazzaqi) on the royal camp. Mahabat K. made proper arrangements. He placed the illustrious prince in the ghaul (centre), and he himself proceeded with the whole army, and in marching and in halting observed the conditions of caution. The Bargis kept at a great distance, and did not put forward the foot of bravery. One day it was Mansur K. Farangi's turn to be with the rear-guard. At the time of pitching the camp Mahabat K., by way of caution, was standing with his army drawn up outside the camp, in order that the men might fence it in at their ease. As Mansur K. had been drinking on the road, he was coming to the stage drunk with the wine of pride. It happened an army was seen in the distance, and the wine put the idea into his head that he must charge. Without telling his brothers or his men, he mounted and charged, and drove off two or three Bargis, and came to where Jadu Ray and Uday Ram were standing with two or three thousand cavalry drawn up. As was their custom, they attacked him from all sides and surrounded him. He fought as long as there was breath in his body, and gave up his life on the path of loyalty.

During these days Mahabat K. was continually capturing, by messages and letters, the afflicted hearts of a number of men who out of timidity and confusion had accompanied Bi-daulat. When men read the lines of despair on the page of his (Shah Jahan's) condition, letters also came from that side, asking for agreements (qaul). After Bi-daulat came out of the fort of Mandu, he in the first instance sent forward a body of Bargis, and after them he sent Rustam K., Taqi, and Barq-andaz K. with a body of musketeers. Then he sent Darab K., Bhim, Bairam Beg, and his other active men. As he could not resolve to give battle in person, he was continually looking backwards. He crossed the war-elephants over the Narbadda with the artillery waggons, and went himself unattended behind Darab and Bhim, turning his face of ruin towards the battle. On the day when the royal camp was pitched at Kaliyadaha, Bi-daulat sent his army against the victorious forces, and stationed himself with Khan-khanan and a few men at the distance of a koss in the rear. Barq-andaz K., who had made an agreement with Mahabat K., was lying in wait. When the armies were ranged opposite to each other, he got his opportunity, and attacked with a body of musketeers, and joined the royal army, crying out, "Success to King Jahangir!" When he reached Mahabat K., the latter took him to wait on my fortunate son Parwiz, who bestowed royal favours upon him. Previously he bore the name of Baha'u-d-din, and was a servant of Zain K. After the latter's death he enlisted among the Turkish gunners. As he was active in the performance of his duty, and had a band of men with him, considering him worthy of patronage, I gave him the title of Barq-andaz K. When I sent Bi-daulat to the Deccan, I put him at the head of the artillery, and sent him with him. Although in the beginning he placed the scar of curse on the forehead of his obedience, yet in the end he turned out well and came at a good time. On the same day Rustam, who was one of his (Shah Jahan's) chief servants and on whom he had perfect reliance, when he found that Fortune had turned away from him, made a compact with Mahabat K. By the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, he, with Muhammad Murad Badakhshi and other mansabdars, left the ill-fated army, and joined that of the illustrious prince. Bi-daulat's hand and heart were paralyzed on hearing this news, and he suspected all his own servants, and still more the royal servants he had with him, of faithlessness and unreliability. During the night he sent for the men who were in front, and decided on flight, and in bewilderment crossed the Narbadda. At this time, again, some of his servants took the opportunity of separating themselves from him, and joined the service of my fortunate son. Each of them received favours according to his condition. On the day that he crossed the river Narbadda, a letter fell into the hand of one of his men, that Mahabat K. had written in answer to Zahid's K. letter, making him hopeful of the royal favour, and urging him to come in. This they sent direct to Bi-daulat, and he, becoming suspicious of Zahid K., imprisoned him with his three sons. Zahid K. is s. Shaja`at K., who was one of the Amirs and trusted servants of my revered father. I had patronized this wretch in consideration of his claims of service and of his position as a house-born one (khana-zad), and given him the title of Khan and the rank of 1,500, and had sent him with Bi-daulat for the conquest of the Deccan. When I summoned the Amirs of that quarter on account of the business of Qandahar, although a special farman of urgency was sent to him, the wretch did not come to Court, and gave himself out as an adherent and devoted servant of Bi-daulat. After the defeat near Delhi, he turned back. Though [626] he had not a family, he had not the good fortune to pay his respects, or to cleanse the dust of shame and the stain of sin from the tablet of his forehead. At last the True Recompenser caught him on this day, and his property, to the extent of one lac and Rs. 30,000, was confiscated by Bi-daulat.

When [627] thou hast done evil, think not thyself free of
calamities
For retribution is according to natural law.

Briefly, Bi-daulat having quickly crossed the Narbadda, drew all the boats over to that side, and having secured the fords with men that he trusted, he left Bairam Beg, his Bakhshi, with a force of trustworthy men and a body of the Bargis from the Deccan on the bank of the river. Taking the artillery-waggons, he himself went towards the fort of Asir and to Burhanpur. Meanwhile Taqi, his servant, caught the runner whom Khan-khanan had sent to Mahabat K., and took him to Bi-daulat. This couplet was written on the margin of the letter:

Hundreds are watching me
Otherwise I'd fly away from trouble.

Bi-daulat sent for him with his sons from his quarters, and showed him the writing. Although he made excuses, he could give no answer that could be listened to. In short, he kept him with Darab and his other sons in surveillance near his own station, and the lot he had himself drawn--viz., that hundreds were watching him--happened to him. At this time I gave Ibrahim Husain, the servant of my prosperous son who had brought the report of the victory, the title of Khush-khabar K., with a dress of honour, and an elephant, and sent a gracious farman to the Prince and Mahabat K. by Khawass K. I also sent with him a pahunchi [628] (bracelet) of great value to my son (Parwiz) and a jewelled sword to Mahabat K. As Mahabat K. had done approved service, I gave him the mansab of 7,000 personal and horse.

Sayyid Salabat K., having come from the Deccan, had the good fortune to pay his respects, and received special favours. He was one of those employed in the Deccan. When Bi-daulat, having been defeated near Delhi, went to the fort of Mandu, he placed his children in independent territory under the protection of God, and went off by secret routes to pay his respects (to me). Mirza Hasan, s. Mirza Rustam Safawi, having obtained leave to proceed to his appointment as faujdar of Bahraich, was given the mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Having sent La`l Beg, Superintendent of the Record Department, to my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, I sent with him a special dress of honour and a nadiri for him, and a turban for Mahabat K. Khawass K., who had previously been sent to him and had returned, waited upon me with good news (of him). Khana-zad K., s. Mahabat K., was given the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse.

At this time I enjoyed myself for a day with hunting nilgaw. Whilst I was hunting I saw a snake the length of which was 2 1/2 yards, and its girth equal to three cubits (dast). He had swallowed half a hare, and was in the act of swallowing the other half. When the huntsmen picked him up and brought him to me, the hare fell out of his mouth. I ordered them to put it into its mouth again, but they could not do it, however much they exerted themselves; but by using great violence the corner of his mouth was torn to pieces. After this I ordered them to open its belly. Thereupon another entire hare came out. They call this kind of snake chital [629] in Hindustan, and it grows so large that it swallows a hog-deer (kotah-pacha) entire; but it is not poisonous, and does not bite. One day during the same hunt I shot a female nilgaw, and two fully formed young ones were found inside. As I heard that the flesh of nilgaw fawns was delicate and delicious, I ordered the royal cooks to prepare a du-piyaza [630] (a kind of rich fricassee). Certainly it was not without flavour.

On the 15th of the Divine month of Shahriwar Rustam K., Muhammad Murad, and several other servants of Bi-daulat, who under the guidance of good luck had separated themselves from him and entered the service of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, according to orders came to Court, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having promoted Rustam K. to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and Muhammad Murad to that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, I made them hopeful of daily increasing favours. Rustam K. by extraction is a Badakhshi. His name was Yusuf Beg. He is connected with Muhammad-quli of Isfahan, who was agent for and prime minister of Mirza Sulaiman (of Badakhshan). He was first of all in the service of the Court, and passed his days mostly in the Subahs. He was included among the smaller mansabdars. Having been deprived of his jagir for some reason, he came to Bi-daulat, and entered his service. He had a perfect knowledge of tiger-hunting. He also did good service with him, especially in the affair of the Rana. Bi-daulat selected him out of all his servants, and made him an Amir. As I bestowed much favour on him (Shah Jahan), at his request I gave him the title of Khan, with a standard and drums. For some time he conducted as his agent the government of Gujarat, and did not manage badly. Muhammad Murad is the son of Maqsud Mir-ab (butler), who was one of the old servants of Mirza Sulaiman and Mirza Shah-rukh.

On this day Sayyid Bahwa came from Gujarat, and waited on me. Nuru-d-din Quli brought in chains to the Court forty-one of the rebels, who had been taken prisoners at Ahmadabad. Sharza K. and Qabil Beg, who were ring-leaders of the seditious, I executed by throwing them under the feet of warlike (mast) elephants. On the 20th of the same month, corresponding with the 18th of the month of Zi-qa`da, a daughter was given by the grace of God to my son Shahriyar by the granddaughter [631] of I`timadu-d-daula. I hope that her advent [632] will be propitious and blessed to this State. On the 22nd of the month the feast of my solar weighment took place, and the 55th year of the age of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. According to annual custom, I had myself weighed against gold and other valuables, and gave them to deserving people. Among these I gave Rs. 2,000 to Shaikh Ahmad [633] of Sihrind. On the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr Mir Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 300 horse. Muqim, the Bakhshi of Gujarat, was given the title of Kifayat K. As the innocence of Sar-faraz K. [634] was established to my satisfaction, I took him out of prison, and allowed him to pay his respects. At the request of my son Shahriyar, I went to his house. He had prepared a grand entertainment, and presented suitable offerings, and gave dresses of honour to most of the servants.

At this time a report came from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz that Bi-daulat had crossed the river of Burhanpur (the Tapti), and was wandering in the desert of error. The particulars are that when he crossed the Narbadda and drew all the boats to that side, and fortified the banks of the river and the ferries with cannon and muskets, he left Bairam Beg on the bank with a large number of the rebels, and withdrew towards Asir and Burhanpur. The Khan-khanan and Darab he took with him under surveillance.

And now, for the sake of enlivening my narrative, a few words must be said about Asir. The said fort, in its great height and strength, is not in want of my praise. Before Bi-daulat went to the Deccan it was in the charge of Khwaja Nasru-llah, s. Khwaja Fathu-llah, who was one of the household slaves and ancient servants. Afterwards, at the request of Bi-daulat, it was handed over to Mir Husamu-d-din, s. Mir Jamalu-d-din Husain. [635] As the daughter of Nur Jahan Begam's maternal uncle (tagha'i) was married [636] to him, when Bi-daulat, having been defeated in the neighbourhood of Delhi, turned his rein towards Malwa and Mandu, Nur Jahan Begam wrote to him and strictly urged him, saying: "Beware, a thousand times beware, not to allow Bi-daulat and his men to come near the fort, but strengthen the towers and gates, and do your duty, and do not act in such a manner that the stain of a curse and ingratitude for favours should fall on the honour or the forehead of a Sayyid." In truth, he strengthened it well, and the arrangements of the fort were not of such a sort that Bi-daulat's bird of thought could fly up to its border, or the conquest of it be quickly accomplished. In brief, when Bi-daulat sent one of his attendants, of the name of Sharifa, to the above-mentioned, he (Sharifa) seduced him by means of promises and threats, and it was settled (between Shah Jahan and Sharifa) that when Husamu-d-din should come down to take the letter and dress of honour which had been sent, he should not be allowed to go up again. That wretch, immediately Sharifa arrived, put away on the shelf of forgetfulness what he owed on account of his bringing up and the favours conferred on him, and without opposition or effort handed over the fort to Sharifa, and with his wife [637] and child went to Bi-daulat, who made him accursed of the Faith and in the world by bestowing on him the mansab of 4,000 personal, and a standard and drums, and the title of Murtaza K.--a disgraceful name to all eternity.

In short, when that one of reversed fortune reached the foot of the fort of Asir, he took with him Khan-khanan, Darab, and all his evil-minded offspring up to the fort, and remaining there for three or four days, and having set his mind at ease about provisions, etc., handed it over to one Gopal Das, a Rajput, who had formerly been an attendant of Sar-buland Ray, and entered his service when he went to the Deccan. He left the women and his superfluous baggage, and took with him his three wives with their children and some maid-servants. At first he proposed to imprison Khan-khanan and Darab in the fort, but at last changed his mind, and bringing them down with him, hastened to Burhanpur. At this time La`natu-llah, after suffering disgrace and contempt, came from Surat and joined him. In great perplexity, Bi-daulat employed Sar-buland Ray, the son of Ray Bhoj Hara, who is one of the brave Rajput servants, and who is fed from the royal table (?), as his mediator, and by letters and messages made proposals of peace. Mahabat K. said that until Khan-khanan came, peace was impossible. His (Mahabat's) sole purpose was by these means to separate from him that head of deceivers who was the ring-leader of trouble and sedition. Being helpless, Bi-daulat brought him (Khan-khanan) out of prison, and satisfied himself by taking an oath from him on the Qoran. In order to please him and strengthen his promises and oath, he took him inside the female apartment and made a confidant [638] of him, and brought his own wife and son to him, and made use of all kinds of entreaty and lamentation. The gist of his (Shah Jahan's) remarks was: "My times are hard, and my position difficult; I make myself over to you, and make you the guardian of my honour. You must act so that I no longer undergo contempt and confusion." The Khan-khanan, with a view to bring about peace, parted from Bi-daulat and proceeded to the royal army. It was settled that he should remain on the other side of the river, and arrange matters relating to peace in writing. According to fate, before Khan-khanan arrived on the bank of the river, some of the brave warriors and victorious youths one night found an opportunity and crossed over at a place where the rebels were careless. On hearing this news the pillars of their courage trembled, and Bairam Beg could not keep firm the foot of error and ignorance, or engage in driving them back. Whilst he was in this agitation [639] many crossed the river, and on the same night the rebels of evil fortune were separated from each other like the Banatu-n-na`ash, [640] and took to flight. By the unfailing good fortune (of Jahangir) the Khan-khanan fell into perplexity (lit. fell into the shash-dar [641] position), and could neither go nor stay where he was. At this time again letters arrived from my prosperous son mingling threats with promises. The Khan-khanan, finding only despair and ruin in the page of Bi-daulat's affairs, hastened, through the mediation of Mahabat K., to wait upon my fortunate son. Bi-daulat, on hearing of the departure of Khan-khanan and the crossing of the Narbadda by the victorious army and the flight of Bairam Beg, lost courage, and, notwithstanding a flood in the river and the violence of the rain, crossed the Tapti in a state of wretchedness, and went off towards the Deccan. In this confusion many of the royal servants and his own attendants willingly or unwillingly separated, and did not accompany him. As the native country of Jado Ray and Uday Ram and Atash K. was on the route, they thought it better for themselves to keep with him for some stages, but Jado Ray did not come into his camp, and followed him at the distance of one stage. He took possession of such property as the men in this confusion and fear for their lives abandoned. On the day he (Shah Jahan) started from the other side of the river (the Tapti) he sent a message by one of his immediate attendants of the name of Zu-l-faqar K. Turkman, summoning Sar-buland K. Afghan, with the message that it seemed to him contrary to courage and the due performance of his engagements that he had as yet not crossed the river. "Fidelity was the glory of men; the faithlessness of no one has touched me (Shah Jahan) so much as yours." He (Sar-buland) was standing on horseback on the river-bank when Zu-l-faqar [642] K. came and delivered the message. Sar-buland did not give a precise answer, and was undecided as to whether to stay or go. In his perplexity and by way of objection he told Zu-l-faqar to let go his bridle. Zu-l-faqar drew his sword, and struck at his waist. At this crisis an Afghan interposed a short spear which the people of India call a barchha, and the blow of the sword caught the shaft, and the point of the sword did not reach Sar-buland's waist. After swords were drawn, the Afghans attacked Zu-l-faqar and cut him in pieces. The son of Sultan Muhammad, the treasurer, who was Bi-daulat's page, for friendship's sake had come (with Zu-l-faqar) without Bi-daulat's permission, and was also killed.

Briefly, when the news of his leaving Burhanpur and of the victorious army's approaching that city reached me, I sent Khawass K. on the wings of haste to my loyal son, and strongly impressed upon him that he must not relax his efforts, but must determine either to take him alive or to drive him out of the imperial territory. It was said that if things went badly with him on this side, it was probable that he would throw himself by the road of Qutbu-l-mulk's country into the provinces of Orissa and Bengal. This, too, was in accordance with military plans. So out of caution, which is becoming to a ruler, I appointed Mirza Rustam to be governor of Allahabad and dismissed him with orders that if such circumstances should so occur (as Shah Jahan's going to Bengal), he should rectify matters.

At this time my son (farzand) Khan Jahan came from Multan, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. By way of nazar he presented 1,000 muhrs and a ruby of the value of Rs. 100,000, a pearl, and other jewels. I gave an elephant to Rustam K. On the 9th of the Divine month of Aban Khawass K. brought a report from the prince and Mahabat K. to the effect that when my son (Parwiz) reached Burhanpur, though many of his men had remained behind in consequence of the heavy rains, he, according to orders, without delay had crossed the river (Tapti), and gone in pursuit of Bi-daulat. Bi-daulat, on hearing this terrible news, was marching on. On account of the heaviness of the rain and the excessive quantity of mud and constant marching his beasts of burden had become exhausted. If any baggage was left behind no inquiries were made, and he (Shah Jahan) and his children and dependents thought themselves lucky to save their lives and did not trouble about their goods. The army of good fortune having come down the pass of Bhangar, hastened after him as far as the pargana of Ankot, [643] about forty koss from Burhanpur. Bi-daulat in this state reached the fort of Mahur, and when he knew that Jado Ray and Uday Ram and the other Dakhanis would not go with him any farther, he did not disgrace them, but let them go. Leaving the heavy elephants with the goods and chattels with Uday Ram in the fort, he himself started for Qutbu-l-mulk's territory. When his departure from the royal territory was ascertained, my fortunate son, with the approval of Mahabat K. and other loyalists, turned rein from that pargana. On the first of the Divine month of Aban he entered Burhanpur. Raja Sarang Deo was sent to my son with a gracious farman.

Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Mirak Mu`in, Bakhshi of Kabul, at the request of Mahabat K., was honoured with the title of Khan. Alf K. Qiyam-khani, having come from the Subah of Patna, paid his respects, and was appointed to the charge of the fort of Kangra. I presented him with a standard. On the 1st of the Divine month of Azar Baqi K. came from Junagarh and waited on me.

As I was at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat, and the heat of Hindustan did not agree with my constitution, on the 2nd of the month, corresponding with the 1st of Safar [644] my camp started from Ajmir for a tour and to hunt in the pleasant regions of Kashmir. Before this I had appointed the chief of the state Asaf K. Subahdar of Bengal, and gave him leave. As I had taken a great liking to his society, and he was distinguished above all the other servants for ability and good disposition and tact, and is moreover unequalled in all kinds of propriety, and I regretted separation from him, I had broken through that purpose, and had sent for him to wait upon me. He came on this day, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Jagat Singh, s. Rana Karan, took leave on his return to his native country, and was given a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger. Raja Sarang Deo brought a report from my fortunate son Shah Parwiz and Mahabat K. Madaru-s-saltana, and kissed the threshold. It was written that their minds were at ease with regard to the affair of Bi-daulat, and that the rulers of the Deccan, willingly or unwillingly, were performing the dues of obedience and submission. His Majesty (Jahangir) might make his mind at ease about that quarter and enjoy himself in hunting and travelling in whatever place in the royal dominions he might approve of and which was good for his health. On the 20th of the month Mirza Wali, having come from Sironj, waited on me. Hakim Mumina was raised to the mansab of 1,000. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan, according to order, came from Gujarat, and had the good fortune to pay his respects.

At this time a report came from `Aqidat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan, containing the news of Raja Girdhar's having been killed. The particulars of this event are that one of the brothers of Sayyid Kabir Barha, who was an attendant of my fortunate son Shah Parwiz, gave his sword to brighten and put on the wheel (to sharpen) to a cutler who had a shop close to the house of Raja Girdhar. The next day, when he came to fetch his sword, a conversation took place as to the charge for the work, and the people of the Sayyid struck the cutler some blows with a stick. The Raja's people in supporting him used their whips on them. By chance two or three young Sayyids of Barha had lodgings in that neighbourhood, and hearing of this disturbance, went to the assistance of the aforesaid Sayyid. The fire of strife was lighted, and a fight took place between the Sayyids and Rajputs, ending in an encounter with arrows and swords. Sayyid Kabir, becoming aware of this, came to assist with thirty or forty horsemen, and at this time Raja Girdhar, with a body of Rajputs and his caste people, according to the custom of the Hindus, were sitting barebodied and eating their food. Becoming aware of the coming of Sayyid Kabir and the violence of the Sayyids, he brought his men inside the house and firmly closed the door. The Sayyids, setting fire to the door, forced their way inside and the fight went to such a length that Raja Girdhar and twenty-six of his servants were killed and forty others wounded. Four of the Sayyids were also killed. After Raja Girdhar was killed, Sayyid Kabir took the horses out of his stable to his own house and returned. The Rajput officers, when informed of the slaying of Raja Girdhar, came on horseback in great numbers from their houses, and all the Barha Sayyids came to the aid of Sayyid Kabir. They assembled in the plain outside the citadel, and the fire of trouble and calamity increased, and it nearly came to a great disturbance. Mahabat K., being informed of it, immediately mounted and went there, and bringing the Sayyids into the citadel, and soothing the Rajputs in a manner suitable to the occasion, took some of their chief men with him and went to the house of Khan `Alam, which was near there. He soothed them down in a proper way, and promised and became security for an inquiry into the matter. When this news reached the prince he also went to the quarters of the Khan `Alam, and soothed them with words appropriate to the state of affairs, and sent the Rajputs to their own houses. Next day Mahabat K. went to the house of Raja Girdhar, condoled and sympathized with his sons, and having contrived to get hold of Sayyid Kabir put him into confinement. As the Rajputs would not be consoled without his being put to death, after a few days he executed him.

On the 23rd I appointed Muhammad Murad faujdar of Ajmir, and sent him off. On this road I continually enjoyed myself in sporting. One day, while hunting, a tuyghun (albino) partridge, which till now I had never seen, came to my sight, and I caught it with a hawk. By chance the hawk that caught it was also a tuyghun. I ascertained by trial that the flesh of the black partridge was better than that of the white, and that the flesh of the large quail (budana), which the people of India call ghaghar, [645] is better than that of the quail, which is a fighter. I compared the flesh of a fat kid with that of a lamb; the flesh of the fat kid is more delicious. By way of test I ordered them both to be cooked in the same way, so that I might discern the matter accurately. On this account I have recorded it.

On the 10th of the month of Dai, in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Rahimabad, [646] the huntsmen brought in news of a tiger. I ordered Iradat K. and Fida'i K. to take with them some of the guards (ahl-i-yatish) and surround the wood, and mounting (an elephant) I followed them and went towards the hunt. From the number of trees and thickness of the jungle it could not be well seen. Driving the elephant forward, the tiger's flank came into view, and with one wound from my gun he fell and gave up his life. Of all the tigers I have shot from the time when I was a prince until now I never saw a tiger like this for size and majesty and the symmetry of its limbs. I ordered the artists to take its portrait according to its real form and body. He weighed 8 1/2 Jahangiri maunds; his length, from the top of his head to the end of his tail, was 3 1/2 cubits [647] and 2 tassu (1/24 of a yard).

On the 16th it was reported that Mumtaz [648] K., the governor of Agra, had died. At first he was in the service of Bahadur K., the brother of Khan Zaman. After they were killed he entered the service of my revered father. When I placed my foot in the world of existence that revered person favoured me with making him the Nazir (Superintendent) of my establishment. For a period of fifty-six years he served me sincerely and zealously and in a manner to please me, and at no time did a speck of dust from him settle on the fringe of my heart. What is due to him for the excellence of his service is more than a clerk could write. May God Almighty overwhelm him in the ocean of His forgiveness!

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The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir (Volume 2 of 2)Chapter XI: Part 11

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