Chapter IX: Part 9

As Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan had done good service and shown proper activity in the affair of the Deccan, I increased his mansab by 1,000 horse. Ahmad Beg, nephew of Ibrahim K. Fath-jang, being exalted to the Subahdarship of Orissa, was dignified with the title of Khan, and had given him a standard and drums. His mansab also was raised to 2,000 with 500 horse.

As I had often heard of the virtues and good qualities of Qazi Nasir of Burhanpur, my truth-seeking mind had a desire for his society. At this time he came, according to summons, to the Court. Doing honour to his learning, I paid him great regard. The Qazi is one of the unique of the age for rational and traditional sciences, and there are few books that he has not read, but his exterior did not agree with his interior, and I could not be delighted with his company. As I found him much devoted to being a dervish and seclusion, I respected his feelings, and did not give him the trouble of serving me. I gave him Rs. 5,000, and dismissed him to his native country to pass his days in ease.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Amurdad Baqir K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, and of the Amirs and royal servants who had distinguished themselves in the conquest of the Deccan, thirty-two individuals were exalted by having their mansabs raised. `Abdu-l-`Aziz K. Naqshbandi, who had been appointed to the governorship of Qandahar at the request of my son Khan Jahan, was promoted to that of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 1st Shahriwar I gave the ambassador Zambil Beg a jewelled sword, and also presented him with a village under the jurisdiction of the capital, the revenue of which was Rs. 16,000.

At this time, knowing that he was unfit for duty on account of his bad temper and want of knowledge, I dismissed Hakim Rukna, [519] and told him he might go wherever he wished. As it was reported to me that Hushang, the brother's son of Khan `Alam, had committed an unjust murder, having summoned him to my presence, I investigated the charge, and after it was established, gave an order for his execution. God forbid that in such affairs I should consider princes, and far less that I should consider Amirs. I hope that the grace of God may support me in this. On 1st Shahriwar, at the request of Asaf K., I went to his house and bathed in the bath-house that he has lately built. It is beautifully finished. After I had done bathing he laid before me offerings fit for a nazar. I took what I approved of and gave him the rest. The Wazifa (pension) of Khizr Khan (late ruler) of Khandesh, was fixed at Rs. 30,000, [520] original and increased.

At this time it was reported to me that a blacksmith of the name of Kalyan was much in love with a woman of his own caste, and was always laying his head at her feet, and showing symptoms of infatuation. The woman, though she was a widow, would in no way consent to accept him, and the love of this wretch who had given his heart to her made no impression on her. Having summoned both of them into my presence, I cross-examined them, and however much I advised her to unite herself to him, she did not agree. At this time the blacksmith said that if he could make sure that I would [521] give her to him, he would throw himself down from the Shah-burj of the fort. I said by way of jest: "Never mind the Shah-burj; if your love be genuine, fling yourself from the roof of this house, and I'll make her submit herself to you." I had not ended before he ran like lightning and threw himself down. When he fell, blood began to flow from his eyes and mouth. I repented myself greatly of that jest, and was grieved in my mind, and bade Asaf Khan take him to his house and look after him. As the cup of his life was brimming over, he died from the injury.

VERSE.

The life-sacrificing lover who stood on that threshold
Gave up his life with joy and regarded death as a trifle.

At the request of Mahabat K. the mansab of Lachin Qaqshal, original and increased, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

It has been mentioned [522] that on the day of the Dasahara festival in Kashmir, I had perceived in myself a catching and shortness of breath. Briefly, from excessive rain and the dampness of the air, a difficulty in drawing breath showed itself on my left side near the heart. This by degrees increased and became intensified. Of the physicians who were in waiting on me, Hakim Ruhu-llah first tried his remedies, and for some time warm, soothing medicines were of use, for there was evidently a slight diminution (of the symptoms). When I came down from the hills, they came on again violently. This time for some days I took goats' milk, and again camel's milk, but I found no profit whatever from them. About this time Hakim Rukna, who had been excused from the journey to Kashmir, and whom I had left at Agra, joined me, and confidently and with a show of power, undertook my cure, and relied on warm and dry medicines. From his remedies, too, I derived no advantage; on the contrary, they appeared to increase the heat and dryness of my brain and temperament, and I became very weak. The disease increased and the pain was prolonged. At such a time and in this state, at which a heart of stone would have burnt (been distressed) about me, Sadra, [523] s. Hakim Mirza Muhammad, who was one of the chief physicians of Persia (was in attendance on me). He had come from Persia in the reign of my revered father, and after the throne of rule had been adorned by this suppliant, as he was distinguished above all others by natural skill and experience (tasarruf-i-tabi`at), I was attended to by him, and I distinguished him with the title of Masihu-z-zaman (Messiah of the Age). I made his position more honourable than that of the other Court-physicians, with the idea that at some crisis he would help me. That ungrateful man, in spite of the claims which I had on him, though he saw me in such a state, did not give me medicines or treat me. Notwithstanding that I distinguished him beyond all the physicians who were waiting on me, he would not undertake my cure. However great attention I showed him and troubled myself to soothe him, he became more obstinate (sullab), and said: "I have no such reliance on my knowledge that I can undertake the cure." It was the same with Hakim Abu-l-Qasim, s. Hakimu-l-mulk, notwithstanding his being a khanazad, and what was due for his bringing up; he professed himself suspicious and afraid, and that considering the matter in his mind, he was terrified and vexed, and how, then, could he prescribe a remedy? As there was no help for it, I gave them all up, and weaning my heart from all visible remedies, gave myself up to the Supreme Physician. As drinking alleviated my sufferings, I took to it in the daytime, contrary to my habit, and gradually I carried this to excess. When the weather became hot, the evil effects of this increased, and my weakness and laboured breathing were augmented. Nur Jahan Begam, whose skill and experience are greater than those of the physicians, especially as they are brought to bear through affection and sympathy, endeavoured to diminish the number of my cups, and to carry out the remedies that appeared appropriate to the time, and soothing to the condition. Although previously to this she had approved of the remedies made use of by the physicians, yet at this time I relied on her kindness. She, by degrees, lessened my wine, and kept me from things that did not suit me, and food that disagreed with me. I hope that the True Physician will grant me perfect recovery from the hospital of the hidden world.

On Monday, the 22nd [524] of the same month, corresponding with the 25th of Shawwal, A.H. 1030 (2 September, 1621), the feast of my solar weighing took place auspiciously and happily. As in the past year (of my life) I had suffered from severe illness, I had passed it in continuous pain and trouble. In thankfulness that such a year ended well and in safety, and that in the commencement of the present year the signs of health became apparent, Nur Jahan Begam begged that her Vakils might make the arrangements for the entertainment (of the solar weighment). In truth, they prepared one which increased the astonishment of beholders. From the date on which Nur Jahan Begam entered into the bond of marriage with this suppliant, although in all weighing entertainments, both solar and lunar, she had made such arrangements as were becoming to the State, and knew what were the requirements of good fortune and prosperity; yet on this occasion she had paid greater attention than ever to adorn the assembly, and arrange the feast. All the servants of approved service and the domestics who knew my temperament, who in that time of weakness had constantly been present and been ready to sacrifice their lives, and had fluttered round my head like moths, were now honoured with suitable kindnesses, such as dresses of honour, jewelled sword-belts, jewelled daggers, horses, elephants, and trays full of money, each according to their positions. And though the physicians had not done good service, yet in consideration of the slight contempt [525] with which they had been treated for two or three days, they received various favours, and on the occasion of this feast also, they received presents in jewels and cash.

After the conclusion of the weighment, trays of gold and silver were poured out by way of nisar (coin-scattering) into the hope-skirts of the ministers of amusement (ahl-i-nishat), and of the poor. Jotik Ray, astrologer, who had given the glad news of my recovery and restoration to health, I had weighed against muhars and rupees, and by this method a present was made [526] him of 500 muhars and 7,000 rupees. At the end of the entertainment the offerings she (Nur Jahan) had prepared for me were produced. Of the jewels, jewelled ornaments, cloths and various rarities I selected what I approved of. Altogether the cost of this great entertainment which Nur Jahan Begam gave was recorded to be two lacs of rupees, exclusive of what she laid before me as offerings. In previous years, when I was in health, I weighed 3 maunds and 1 or 2 seers more or less, but this year, as a result of my weakness and leanness, I was only 2 maunds and 27 seers.

On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr, I`tiqad K., the Governor of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 and 2,500 horse, and Raja Gaj Singh to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse. When the news of my illness reached my son, Shah Parwiz, without waiting for a farman he came to see me, being unable to restrain himself. On the 14th [527] of the same month (September 25, 1621), at an auspicious hour and propitious time, that fortunate son had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and went three times round the couch (takht). However much I adjured him and forbade him to do so, he insisted the more in lamentation and importunity. I took him by the hand and drew him towards me, and by way of kindness and affection held him fast in an embrace, and displayed great love to him. I hope that he may enjoy a long life with prosperity.

At this time Rs. 20,00,000 were sent to Khurram for the expenses of the army of the Deccan by Allah-dad K., who was honoured with an elephant and a standard. On the 28th Qiyam K., chief huntsman, died a natural death. He was a confidential servant, and apart from his skill in hunting, looked over every trifling detail relating to it, and consulted my pleasure in it. In short, I was much grieved at this event. I hope that God may grant him forgiveness.

On the 29th the mother of Nur Jahan Begam died. Of the amiable qualities of this matron (Kad-banu) of the family of chastity what can I write? Without exaggeration, in purity of disposition and in wisdom and the excellencies that are the ornament of women no Mother of the Age [528] was ever born equal to her, and I did not value [529] her less than my own mother. With regard to the attachment that I`timadu-d-daula bore towards her it is certain that no husband was equal to him. Here one must imagine what had happened to that grief-stricken old man. Also with regard to the attachment of Nur Jahan Begam to her mother what can one write? A son like Asaf K., exceedingly intelligent and clever, rent in pieces his robe of patience and left off the dress of men of the social state (lit., men of dependence, or connection). At the sight of his dear son, the grief and sorrow of the father, wounded at heart, increased more and more. However much we admonished him, it had no result. On the day on which I went to condole with him, as the disturbance of his mind and grief of his heart had commenced, I spoke a few words of admonition by way of affection and kindness, but did not urge him. I left him until (the sense of) his calamity should abate. After some days I ministered to his inward wound the balm of kindness, and brought him back to the position of sociable beings. Although in order to please me and satisfy my mind he outwardly controlled himself, and made a show of resignation, yet with regard to his affection for her what resignation could there be?

On the 1st of the Divine month of Aban, Sar-buland K., Jan-sipar K., and Baqi K., were honoured with the gift of drums. `Abdu-llah K. had gone to his jagir without the leave of the Subahdar [530] of the Deccan: I accordingly told the Chief Diwans to deprive him of his jagir, and I`timad Ray was ordered to act as a sazawul, and to send him back to the Deccan.

It has been recorded with regard to the case of Masihu-z-zaman (Hakim Sadra) that, notwithstanding what was due from him for his bringing-up and my kindness to him, he had not the grace to attend upon me in such an illness, and more strange still is it that he suddenly threw off the veil of modesty and asked for leave to undertake a journey to the Hijaz, and make a pilgrimage to the holy house. Inasmuch as at all times and under all circumstances the reliance of this suppliant is on the Lord, that needs no return, and the gracious Creator, I gave him leave with an open brow. Though he had all kinds of things (for the journey) I made him a present of Rs. 20,000 in aid of his expenses, and I hope that the Supreme Physician, without the assistance of physicians and the means of medicine, may grant this suppliant complete recovery from the Dispensary of His mercy.

As the air of Agra, in consequence of the increase of the temperature, did not agree with me, on Monday, the 13th of the Divine month of Aban and 16th year (of my reign), the standards were raised to go towards the hill country of the North, so that if the air of that quarter should be equable, I might choose some spot of ground on the bank of the River Ganges, and found a city there, to make a permanent place of residence for the hot weather, or else turn the reins of purpose in the direction of Kashmir. Leaving Muzaffar K. to guard and administer Agra, I dignified him with drums, a horse, and an elephant. Having appointed his nephew, M. Muhammad faujdar of the city, I gave him the title of Asad K., and selected him for increase of mansab. Having exalted Baqir K. to the duty of the Subah of Oudh, I dismissed him. On the 26th of the said month my prosperous son Shah Parwiz obtained leave to proceed from Mathura to Bihar and his jagir. I gave him leave after presenting him with a special dress of honour, a nadiri, a jewelled dagger, a horse, and an elephant. I hope that he may enjoy long life. On 4 Azar, Mukarram K., governor of Delhi, was exalted with the good fortune of paying his respects. On the 6th I alighted at Delhi, and having halted two days in Salimgarh I employed myself with the pleasure of sport. At this time it was reported to me that Jado Ray Kaitha (or Kathiya), who is one of the leading Sardars of the Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, had elected for loyalty, and had been enrolled amongst the loyal servants. Bestowing on him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, I sent a gracious farman to him by the hand of Narayan Das Rathor. On the 1st of the Divine month of Dai, corresponding with the 7th Safar, A.H. 1031, Maqsud, brother of Qasim K., was honoured with the title of Hashim K. and Hashim Beg Khushi [531] with that of Jan-nisar K.

On the 7th of the same month the camp was pitched at Hardwar on the bank of the Ganges. It is one of the most famous places of worship of the Hindus, and many brahmans and recluses have chosen a corner of retirement in this place and worship God according to the rule of their religion. I gave alms in cash and goods to each of them according to his requirements. As the climate of this skirt of the hills was not approved by me, and I could not see a spot of ground on which to make a permanent residence, I proceeded towards the skirt of the hill country of Jammu and Kangra.

At this time it was reported to me that Raja Bhao Singh had died in the Deccan (become a traveller on the road of non-existence). From excess of wine-drinking he had become very weak and low. Suddenly a faintness came over him. However much the physicians tried remedies for him and burnt scars on the top of his head, he did not come to his senses: for a night and a day he lay without perception, and died the next day. Two wives and eight concubines burnt themselves in the fire of fidelity for him. Jagat Singh, his elder brother, and Maha Singh, his nephew, had spent the coin of their lives in the wine-business, and the aforesaid, not taking warning from them, sold sweet life for bitter fluid. He was of very good disposition and sedate. From the days when I was a prince he was constantly in my service, and by the blessing of my education had reached the high rank of 5,000. As he left no son, I dignified the grandson of his elder brother, though of tender years, with the title of Raja, and gave him the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. The pargana of Amber, his native place, was assigned to him as jagir, according to former custom, in order that his family might not be dispersed. Asalat K., s. Khan Jahan, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 20th [532] of the same month I halted at the saray of Alwatu. [533] As I am constantly engaged in the pleasure of hunting, and the flesh of animals I have killed with my own hand is very much to my taste, in consequence of the suspicions and caution that I have in such matters, I order them to be cleaned in my presence, and myself inspect their stomachs to see what they have eaten and what the food of the animals is. If by chance I see anything to which I have a dislike I forbear from eating the flesh. Before this I was not inclined towards any kind of waterfowl except the sona (golden duck?). When I was at Ajmir I saw a tame sona duck eating horrible worms. From seeing this, my taste turned against it, and I gave up eating tame sona ducks until now, when a duck was caught, and I ordered them to clean it in my presence. From its crop there first came out a small [534] fish: after this there appeared a bug [535] so large that I could not believe till I saw it with my own eye that it could swallow a thing of such a size. Briefly I this day determined that I would not eat waterfowl. Khan `Alam represented that the flesh of the white heron (`uqab-i-safid) was very delicious and tender. I accordingly sent for a white heron, and ordered them to clean it in my presence. By chance there came out of its crop ten bugs in a manner disgusting to me, at the remembrance of which I am distressed and disgusted.

On the 21st the garden of Sirhind brought joy to my senses, and on the day of halt there I delighted myself by going round and looking at it. At this time Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan came from the Deccan, and had the good fortune to wait on me. He had great favour shown him. On the 1st of the Divine month of Bahman I halted at Nur-Saray. [536] The mansab of Mu`'tamid K., original and increased, was ordered to be 2,000 personal and 600 horse. Khan `Alam was made governor of Allahabad, [537] and having been presented with a horse, a dress of honour, and a jewelled sword, took his leave. Muqarrab K. was selected for the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse. On Thursday, when I was encamped on the bank of the Biyah (Beas), Qasim K. came from Lahore, and had the good fortune to wait on me. Hashim K., his brother, with the Zamindars of the country bordering on the hills, had the honour of kissing the threshold.

Baso'i, [538] the zamindar of Talwara, brought me a bird, which the hill-people call jan-bahan. Its tail resembles the tail of the qirqawul (pheasant), which is also called the tazru, and its colour is exactly like that of the hen-pheasant, but it is half as large again. The circle round the eyes of this bird is red, while the orbit of the pheasant is white. The said Baso'i stated that this bird lived in the snow-mountains, and that its food was grass and other stuff. I have kept pheasants and have reared young ones, and have often eaten the flesh both of young birds and of mature ones. One may say that there is no comparison between the flesh of the pheasant and this bird. The flesh of the latter is much more delicate. Among the birds which I saw in the hill-country one was the phul-paikar, [539] which the Kashmiris call sonlu. It is one-eighth (nim sawa'i?) less than a pea-hen. The back, tail, and wings resemble those of the bustard, and are blackish, with white spots. The breast to the end of the bosom is black, with white spots, and some red ones. The ends of the feathers are fiery red, and very lustrous and beautiful. From the end of the back of the neck it is also brilliantly black. On the top of its head it has two fleshy horns of a turquoise colour. The skin of its orbits and round its mouth is red. Below its throat there is skin round it enough to cover the palms of two hands, and in the middle of this the skin is of a violet colour of the size of a hand, with blue spots in the middle. Around it each streak is of a blue colour, consisting of eight plumes; round the blue streak it is red to the breadth of two fingers, like the peach flower, and again round its neck is that blue-coloured streak: it has red legs also. The live bird, which was weighed, came to 152 tolahs. After it was killed and cleaned it weighed 139 tolahs. Another bird is of a golden colour: this the people of Lahore call Shan [540] (?) and the Kashmiris put. Its colour is like that of a peacock's breast. Above its head is a tuft (kakul). Its tail of the width of five fingers is yellow, and is like the long feather (shah-par) of the peacock, and its body as large as that of a goose. The neck of the goose is long and shapeless: that of this one is short, and has a shape.

My brother, Shah `Abbas, had asked for golden birds, [541] and I sent some to him by his ambassador. On Monday [542] the ceremony of my lunar weighing took place. At this entertainment Nur Jahan Begam gave dresses of honour to forty-five of the great Amirs and private servants. On the 14th of the same month the camp was pitched at the village of Bahlwan [543] belonging to the Siba district. As I constantly longed for the air of Kangra and the hill-country above-mentioned, I left the large camp at this place, and proceeded to inspect the said fort with some of my special servants and attendants. As I`timadu-d-daula was ill I left him in the camp, and kept Sadiq K., the chief Bakhshi, there to look after him and guard the camp. The next day news came that his state had undergone a change, and that the signs of hopelessness were apparent. I could not bear the agitation of Nur Jahan Begam, and, considering the affection which I bore towards him, I returned to the camp. At the end of the day I went to see him. It was the hour of his death agony. Sometimes he became unconscious and sometimes came back to his senses. Nur Jahan Begam indicated me, and said: "Do you recognise (him)?" At such a time he recited this couplet of Anwari:

Were a mother-born blind man present
He'd recognise Majesty in the World-Adorner.

I was for two hours at his pillow. Whenever he was conscious, whatever he said was intelligent and rational. In fine, on the 17th of the said month (Bahman) (about the end of January, 1622), after three gharis had passed he attained to eternal mercy. What shall I say about my feelings through this terrible event? He was a wise and perfect Vizier, and a learned and affectionate companion.

VERSE. [544]

By the reckoning of the eye, there's one frame less:
By Wisdom's reckoning, the lessening is more than thousands.

Though the weight of such a kingdom was on his shoulders, and it is not possible for or within the power of a mortal to make everyone contented, yet no one ever went to I`timadu-d-daula with a petition or on business who turned from him in an injured frame of mind. He showed loyalty to the sovereign, and yet left pleased and hopeful him who was in need. In fact, this was a speciality of his. From the day on which his companion (his wife) attained to the mercy of God he cared no longer for himself, but melted away from day to day. Although outwardly he looked after the affairs of the kingdom, and taking pains with the ordering of civil matters, did not withdraw his hand from business, yet in his heart he grieved at the separation, and at last, after three months and twenty days, he passed away. The next day I went to condole with his sons and sons-in-law, and, presenting 41 of his children and connections and 12 of his dependents with dresses of honour, I took them out of their mourning garments.

The next day I marched with the same purpose (as before), and went to see the fort of Kangra. In four stages the camp was pitched at the river Banganga. Alf K. and Shaikh Faizu-llah, the guards of the fort, had the good fortune to pay their respects. At this stage the offering of the Raja of Chamba [545] was laid before me. His country is 25 koss beyond Kangra. There is no greater Zamindari in these hills than this. The country is the asylum of all the Zamindars of the country. It has passes (`aqabaha) difficult to cross. Until now he had not obeyed any king nor sent offerings. His brother also was honoured by paying his respects, and on his part performed the dues of service and loyalty. He seemed to me to be reasonable and intelligent and urbane. I exalted him with all kinds of patronage and favour.

On the 24th [546] of the same month I went to see the fort of Kangra, and gave an order that the Qazi, the Chief Justice (Mir `Adl), and other learned men of Islam should accompany me and carry out in the fort whatever was customary, according to the religion of Muhammad. Briefly, having traversed about one koss, I went up to the top of the fort, and by the grace of God, the call to prayer and the reading of the Khutba and the slaughter of a bullock, which had not taken place from the commencement of the building of the fort till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated myself in thanksgiving for this great gift, which no king had hoped to receive, and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort. The fort of Kangra is situated on a high hill, and is so strong that if furnished with provisions and the necessaries for a fort the hand of force cannot reach its skirt, and the noose of stratagem must fall short of it. Although there are heights (sar-kubha) in some places, and guns and muskets might reach (the fort) from them, yet no harm would accrue to the garrison, for they could move to another part of the fort, [547] and be safe. It has 23 bastions and seven gates. Its inner circumference is 1 koss and 15 ropes, its length is 1/4 koss and 2 ropes (tanab), its breadth not more than 22 ropes nor less than 15. Its height is 114 cubits. There are two reservoirs inside the fort, one 2 ropes long and 1 1/2 broad; the other is of the same length (?). [548]

After going round the fort I went to see the temple of Durga, which is known as Bhawan. [549] A world has here wandered in the desert of error. Setting aside the infidels whose custom is the worship of idols, crowds on crowds of the people of Islam, traversing long distances, bring their offerings and pray to the black stone (image). Near the temple, and on the slope of the hill there is a sulphur-mine (kan), and its heat causes flames to continually burst forth. They call it Jwala Mukhi [550] (Flame-Face or Burning Mouth), and regard it as one of the idol's miracles. In fact, Hindus, while knowing the truth, [551] deceive the common people. Hindus say [552] that when the life of Mahadeo's wife came to an end and she drank the draught of death, Mahadeo, in his great love and attachment to her, took her dead body on his back, and went about the world carrying her corpse. When some time had passed in this manner, her form dissolved and dropped asunder, and each limb fell in a different place: they give honour and dignity to the place according to the dignity and grace of the member. As the breast, which when compared with other members has the greatest dignity, fell in this place, they hold it more precious than any other. Some maintain that this stone, which is now a place of worship for the vile infidels, is not the stone which was there originally, but that a body of the people [553] of Islam came and carried off the original stone, and threw it into the bottom of the river, with the intent that no one could get at it. For a long time the tumult of the infidels and idol-worshippers had died away in the world, till a lying brahman hid a stone for his own ends, and going to the Raja of the time said: "I saw Durga in a dream, and she said to me: 'They have thrown me into a certain place: quickly go and take me up.'" The Raja, in the simplicity of his heart, and greedy for the offerings of gold that would come to him, accepted the tale of the brahman, and sent a number of people with him, and brought that stone, and kept it in this place with honour, and started again the shop of error and misleading. But God only knows!

From the temple I went to see the valley which is known as Kuh-i-Madar. [554] It is a delightful place. From its climate, the freshness of its verdure, and its delightful position it is a place of pleasure worthy to be seen. There is a waterfall here which pours down water from the top of the hill. I ordered them to put up a symmetrical building there. On the 25th of the month the standards were turned back to return. Having presented Alf K. and Shaikh Faizu-llah with horses and elephants I left them to defend the fort. Next day I encamped at the fort of Nurpur. [555] It was reported to me that in this neighbourhood there were many jungle fowl. As I had never yet caught these, I made a halt of another day, and enjoyed myself with the sport, having caught four. One cannot distinguish them in shape and colour from domestic fowls. One of the peculiarities of these birds is that if they are caught by the feet and turned upside down, wherever they are taken they make no sound, and remain silent, contrary to the domestic fowl, which makes an outcry. Until the domestic fowl is plunged into hot water its feathers do not come off easily. The jungle fowl, like the partridge and podna, [556] can be plucked when dry. I ordered them to roast them. It was found that the flesh of the full-grown ones was very tasteless and dry. The chickens had some juiciness, but were not good to eat. They cannot fly farther than a bow-shot. The cock [557] is chiefly red, and the hen black and yellow. There are many in this Nurpur jungle. The ancient name of Nurpur is Dhameri. [558] Since Raja Baso built the fort and made houses and gardens they call it Nurpur, after my name. About Rs. 30,000 were expended on the building. Certes, the buildings Hindus construct after their fashion, however much they decorate them, are not pleasant. As the place was fit and the locality enchanting, I ordered them to spend Rs. 1,00,000 out of the public treasury, and to erect buildings at it, and to make lofty edifices suited to the spot.

At this time it was reported to me that there was a Sannyasi Moti [559] in the neighbourhood who had entirely renounced control over himself. I ordered them to bring him that I might ascertain the real state of affairs. They call Hindu devotees Sarb basi. [560] By usage the word has become San-nyasi (laying down everything). There are many degrees among them, and there are several orders among the Sarb basi. Among them there is the Moti order. They put themselves into the figure of a cross (?) (salb ikhtiyar mikunand) and surrender themselves (taslim [561] misazand). For instance, they never speak. If for ten days and nights they stand in one place, they do not move their feet forwards or backwards; in fact, make no movement at all, and remain like fossils. When he came into my presence I examined him, and found a wonderful state of persistence. It occurred to me that in a state of drunkenness and absence of mind and delirium, some change might be wrought in him. Accordingly I ordered them to give him some cups of spirit (`araq) of double strength. This was done in royal fashion (liberally?), but not the least change took place, and he remained in the same impassive state. At last his senses left him, and they carried him out like a corpse. God Almighty granted him mercy so that he did not lose his life. Certainly there was great persistence in his nature.

At this time Bi-badal K. presented me with the chronogram of the conquest of Kangra, and that of the foundation of the mosque which I had ordered. As he had hit it off well, I here record it:

VERSE.

World-gripper, World-giver, World-holder, World-king,
With the sword of ghazi-ship he conquered this fort.
Wisdom spoke the date "The Jahangiri Fortune opened this fort."

He composed the chronogram [562] of the building of the mosque as follows:

VERSE.

Nuru-d-din Shah Jahangir s. Shah Akbar
Is a king who in the Age hath no equal.
He took Fort Kangra by the aid of God.
A drop from the cloud of his sword is a tempest.
As by his order this illumined mosque was built,
May his forehead shine by his prostration.
A hidden messenger said: "In seeking for the date
(Say) The mosque of Shah Jahangir was illumined." [563]

On the first of the Divine month of Isfandarmuz I gave the establishment and everything belonging to the government and Amirship of I`timadu-d-daula to Nur Jahan Begam, and ordered that her drums and orchestra should be sounded after those of the king. On the 4th of the same month I pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Kashhuna. [564] On this day Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan was raised to the lofty dignity of supreme Diwan. I conferred dresses of honour on 32 individuals of the Deccan Amirs. Abu Sa`id, grandson of I`timadu-d-daula, was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. At this time a report came from Khurram that Khusrau, on the 8th [565] (20th) of the month, had died of the disease of colic pains (qulanj), and gone to the mercy of God.

On the 19th of the month I pitched on the bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). Qasim K. was raised to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. Raja Kishan Das was selected for the duty of faujdar of Delhi, and his mansab was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Previously to this, huntsmen and yasawulan (guards) had been ordered to prepare a jarga (hunting-ring) in the shikar-gah (hunting-place of) Girjhak. When it was reported to me that they had brought the game into the enclosure, on the 24th of the month I went out to hunt with some of my special servants. Of hill quchqar (rams?) and gazelles 124 [566] head were taken. On this day it was reported that Zafar K. s. Zain K., had died. I promoted Sa`adat Umid, his son, to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse.

THE SEVENTEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION

On the eve of Monday, the ----, [567] of the month of Jumada-l-awwal, A.H. 1031, March 10-12, 1622, after one watch, five gharis and a fraction had passed, the sun that illuminates the world lighted the mansion of Aries, and the 17th year of the reign of this suppliant began auspiciously and happily. On this joy-increasing day Asaf K. was promoted to the mansab of 6,000 personal and horse. Having given Qasim K. leave to proceed to the government of the Panjab, I presented him with a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. Eighty thousand darbs were given to Zambil Beg, ambassador of the ruler of Persia. On the 6th of the same month (Farwardin) the royal camp was at Rawalpindi. Fazil K. was promoted to the post of Bakhshi. Zambil Beg was ordered to remain at ease in Lahore until the return of the victorious army from Kashmir. An elephant was conferred on Akbarquli K. Gakkar.

At this time I frequently heard that the ruler of Persia had hastened from Khurasan for the purpose of conquering Qandahar. Although looking to our previous and present connections, it appeared very unlikely, and beyond all calculation, that such a great king should entertain such light and crude ideas, and himself come against one of my humble slaves who was in Qandahar with 300 or 400 [568] servants, yet as caution is one of the duties of a ruler and becoming to a king, I sent Zainu-l-`Abidin, Bakhshi of Ahadis, with a gracious farman to Khurram to come and wait on me with all possible speed with a victorious host, and elephants of mountain hugeness, and the numerous artillery that were assigned for his support in that Subah. So that, if these words should be near the truth, he might come and be despatched with an innumerable army and countless treasure, in order that he (the king of Persia) might discover the result of breaking faith and of wrong-doing.

On the 8th I halted at the fountain of Hasan Abdal. Fida'i K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Badi`u-z-zaman was appointed Bakhshi of the Ahadis. On Friday, the 12th, Mahabat K., having come from Kabul, waited on me and had the good fortune to pay his respects, and became the recipient of daily-increasing favours. He presented 100 muhrs as a present and Rs. 10,000 as alms. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan passed his followers before me in review; 2,500 well-horsed cavalry were enrolled of whom 400 were matchlock men. At this stage a qamurgha hunt was arranged, and I shot [569] 33 hill quchqar (mountain sheep), etc. At this time Hakim Mumina, at the recommendation of the pillar of the State, Mahabat K., had the good fortune to wait on me. With power and courage he undertook my cure, and I hope that his coming may prove auspicious to me. The mansab of Amanu-llah, s. Mahabat K., was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,800 horse. On the 19th I encamped near Pakhli, and the feast of the culmination was held there. Having given Mahabat K. leave to return to Kabul, I gave him a horse, an elephant, and a dress of honour. The mansab of I`tibar K. was ordered to be 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse. As he was an old servant, and had become very weak and old, I promoted him to the Subah of Agra, and entrusted to him the defence of the fort and the treasury, and, presenting him with an elephant, a horse, and a dress of honour, dismissed him. At the Pass of Kunwar [570] Mast, Iradat K. came from Kashmir, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Urdibihisht, I entered the enchanting region of Kashmir. Mir Miran was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. At this time, in order to ease the condition of the ryots and soldiery, I did away with the faujdari cess, and gave an order that in the whole of my dominions they should not impose anything on account of faujdari. Zabar-dast K., Master of the Ceremonies (Mir Tuzuk), was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 700 horse. On the 13th, by the advice of the physicians, and especially of Hakim Mumina, I was lightened by being bled from my left leg. A present of a dress of honour was made to Muqarrab K., and one of 1,000 darbs to Hakim Mumina. At the request of Khurram the mansab of `Abdu-llah K. was fixed at 6,000. Sar-faraz [571] K. was honoured with the gift of drums. Bahadur K. Uzbeg, having come from Qandahar, had the good fortune to pay his respects: by way of nazar he gave 100 muhrs, and by way of charity offered Rs. 4,000. Mustafa K., governor of Thatta, had sent as an offering a Shah-nama and a Khamsa (quintet) of Shaikh Nizami illustrated by masters (of painting), along with other presents: these were laid before me. On the 1st of the Divine month of Khurdad Lashkar K. was exalted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and to Mir Jumla was given that of 2,500 personal and 1,000 horse. Some of the Amirs of the Deccan were similarly honoured with an increase of mansab. Promotion was also given as follows: Sardar K., 3,000 and 2,500 horse; Sar-buland K., 2,500 personal and 2,200 horse; Baqi K., 2,500 and 2,000 horse; Sharza K., 2,500 and 1,200 horse; Jan-sipar K., 2,000 personal and 2,000 horse; Mirza Wali, 2,500 and 1,000 horse; Mirza Badi`u-z-zaman s. Mirza Shahrukh, 1,500 personal and horse; Zahid K., 1,500 and 700 horse; `Aqidat K., 1,200 and 300 horse; Ibrahim Husain Kashghari, 1,200 and 600 horse; and Zu-l-faqar K., 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Raja Gaj Singh and Himmat K. were selected for drums. On the 2nd of the Divine month of Tir, Sayyid Bayazid was honoured with the title of Mustafa K., and was also presented with drums. At this time Tahawwur K., who is one of the personal servants, was despatched with a gracious farman to summon my fortunate son Shah Parwiz.

Some days before this, petitions came from the officials in Qandahar reporting the intention of the ruler of Persia to conquer Qandahar, but my mind, which is actuated by sincerity, looking to past and present relations, placed no reliance on the truth of this until the report of my son Khan Jahan arrived that Shah `Abbas, with the armies of Iraq and Khurasan, had come and besieged Qandahar. I ordered them to fix an hour for leaving Kashmir. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, the Diwan, and Bakhshi Sadiq K. hastened to Lahore in advance of the victorious army to expedite the arrival of the princes of high degree with the armies of the Deccan, Gujarat, Bengal, and Behar, and to send on the Amirs who were present with the victorious stirrups, and those who one after another should come in from the districts of their jagirs to my son Khan Jahan at Multan. At the same time the artillery, with the strings of warlike elephants, and the armoury [572] were to be prepared and forwarded. As there was little cultivation between Multan and Qandahar, the despatch of a large army without provisions was not to be thought of. It was therefore decided to encourage the grain-sellers, who in the language of India are called banjara, and, providing them with money, to take them along with the victorious army, so that there might be no difficulty about supplies. The Banjaras [573] are a tribe. Some of them have 1,000 bullocks, and some more or less. They take grain from different districts (bulukat) into the towns and sell it. They go along with the armies, and with such an army there would be 100,000 bullocks or more. It is hoped that by the grace of the Creator, the army will be furnished with numbers and arms so that there may be no delay or hesitation until it reaches Isfahan, which is his (the Shah's) capital. A farman was sent to Khan Jahan to beware and not start in that direction (Qandahar) from Multan before the arrival of the victorious army, and not be disturbed, but attend to orders. Bahadur K. Uzbeg was selected to go as an auxiliary to the army of Qandahar, and favoured with a horse and dress of honour. Fazil K. was given the mansab of 2,000 personal and 750 horse.

As it had been brought to notice that the poor of Kashmir suffer hardships in the winter from the excessive cold, and live with difficulty, I ordered that a village of the rental of Rs. 3,000 or Rs. 4,000 should be entrusted to Mulla Talib Isfahani, [574] to be expended in providing clothes for the poor, and for warming water, for purposes of ablution, in the mosques.

As it was reported that the Zamindars of Kishtwar had again raised their heads in disobedience and sin, and engaged in sedition and disturbance, Iradat K. was ordered to proceed hot-foot, before they had time to establish themselves firmly, and having inflicted condign punishment on them to tear up the root of sedition. On this day Zainu-l-`Abidin, who had been sent to summon Khurram, came and waited on me, and reported that the stipulation he made was that he should pass the rainy season in the fort of Mandu, and then come to Court. His report was read. I [575] did not like the style of its purport nor the request he made, and, on the contrary, the traces of disloyalty (bi-daulati) were apparent. There being no remedy, an order was given that as he proposed to come after the rains, he should despatch the great Amirs, the servants of the Court who were employed in assisting him, and especially the Sayyids of Barha and Bukhara, the Shaikh-zadas, the Afghans, and the Rajputs. Mirza Rustam and I`tiqad K. were ordered to go to Lahore in advance, and assist the army of Qandahar. Rs. l,00,000 were given them as advance of pay, and I also granted drums to `Inayat K. and I`timad K. Iradat K., who had hastened to punish the rebels of Kishtwar, having killed many of them and regained the mastery and established himself firmly, returned to duty. Mu`tamid K. had been appointed Bakhshi to the army of the Deccan. As that matter was over [576] he was sent for at his own request. He came on this day, and on his arrival kissed the threshold.

It is a strange thing that when a pearl of the value of Rs. 14,000 or 15,000 was lost in the harem, Jotik Ray, the astrologer, represented that it would be found in two or three days. Sadiq K. Rammal (soothsayer) represented that in the same two or three days it would come from a place which was perfectly clean and pure, such as the place of worship or oratory. A female soothsayer represented that it would soon be found, and that a woman with white skin would bring it in a state of ecstasy, and give it into the hand of the Hazrat (the king). It happened that on the third day one of the Turkish girls found it in the oratory, and all in smiles and in a happy frame of mind gave it to me. As the words of all three came true each one was favoured with an acceptable reward. This is written because it is not devoid of strangeness.

At this time I appointed Kaukab and Khidmatgar K., and others to the number of twelve in all, of the familiar servants to be sazawuls of the Amirs in the Deccan in order that they might exert themselves and send them forward as soon as possible to Court, so that they (the Amirs) might be sent to the victorious army at Qandahar. [577] At this time it was frequently reported to me that Khurram had taken into his possession some of the estates of the jagir of Nur Jahan Begam and Shahriyar, and especially the pargana of Dholpur, which had by the High Diwan been assigned to Shahriyar, and had sent there an Afghan of the name of Darya, one of his own servants, with a body of men. Darya fought with Sharifu-l-mulk, a servant of Shahriyar, who had been appointed to the faujdari of that region, and many were killed on both sides. Although in consequence of his (Khurram's) remaining in the fort of Mandu, and the unreasonable requests made in his letter it appeared that his reason was turned, yet from hearing this news it became clear that he was unworthy of all the favours and cherishing I had bestowed on him, and that his brain had gone wrong. Accordingly I sent Raja Ruz-afzun, who was a confidential servant, to him, and made inquiries as to the cause of this boldness. He was ordered hereafter to behave properly, and not place his foot beyond the path of reasonableness and the high road of politeness, and content himself with the districts of his own jagir that he had obtained from the High Diwan. He must also beware not to form any intention of coming to wait upon me, but to send the body of the servants of the State I had requisitioned on account of the disturbance at Qandahar to the Court. If anything contrary to this order should come to notice, he would repent it.