Chapter XII: Part 12

Having conferred on Muqarrab K., who is one of the old officials, [649] the government and administration of Agra, I gave him his leave. In the neighbourhood of Fathpur, Mukarram K. and his brother `Abdu-s-Salam had the good fortune to pay their respects. On the 22nd the entertainment for my lunar weighment took place in the town of Mathura, and the fifty-seventh year of my age began auspiciously and happily. At Mathura I went on by boat seeing what was to be seen, and hunting. On the way the huntsmen reported that a tigress with three cubs had appeared. Disembarking from the boat I engaged in the pleasure of sport. As the cubs were small I ordered them to be taken by hand, and killed the mother with my gun. At this time it was reported to me that the villagers [650] and cultivators on the other side of the river Jumna had not given up stealing and highway robbery, and, passing their time in the shelter of thick jungles and difficult strong places in stubbornness and fearlessness, would not pay their rents to the jagirdars. I gave an order to Khan Jahan to take a force of mansabdars with him and give them exemplary punishment, and having slaughtered, imprisoned, and plundered them, raze to the ground their strongholds and forts, and tear up from the root their thorn-brakes of mischief and disturbance. The next day the force crossed the river and made a hot attack on them. As they had no time for escape by flight they planted firmly the foot of folly, and showed fight. Many of them were slaughtered: their women and children were taken prisoners, and much booty fell into the hands of the victorious army.

On 1st Bahman, having promoted Rustam K. to the faujdarship of the Sarkar of Qanauj, I sent him there.

On the 2nd `Abdu-llah, s. Hakim Nuru-d-din, of Teheran, was ordered to be capitally punished in my presence. The explanation of this brief announcement is as follows: When the ruler of Persia, on suspicion of his having money and other property, tortured his father, the aforesaid fled from Persia, and with a hundred miseries and adversities threw himself into Hindustan, and by the patronage of I`timadu-d-daula was enrolled among the servants of the Court. By the aid of good fortune, having in a short time become well known, he was included among those who were in immediate attendance, and obtained a mansab of 500 and a fertile jagir, but as his capacity was small (lit., his digestion was narrow) he could not stand such great good fortune, and assumed ingratitude and unthankfulness and constantly defiled his tongue with abuse [651] of his lord and master. At this time it was continually reported to me that as my kindness to him and observance of what was due to him increased, that ungrateful one blamed and abused me the more. When I considered the favours I had bestowed upon him, I could not believe these stories about him, but at last I heard from impartial and disinterested persons the disrespectful language which he had used with respect to me in assemblies and companies. The charge was thus confirmed, and accordingly I summoned him to my presence and had him executed. [652]

"A red [653] tongue gives the green head to the winds." As the huntsmen reported that there was a tigress in this neighbourhood, by the mischief caused by which the inhabitants were oppressed, I ordered Fida'i K. to take elephants with him and surround it. Mounting myself, I followed him into the forest. It soon came to view, and with one shot from my gun its affairs were finished. One day I was enjoying myself with sport, and caught a black partridge with a hawk. I ordered them to open its crop in my presence. A mouse it had swallowed whole came out of its crop, and which was not yet digested. I was greatly astonished that the pipe of its gullet, small as it was, should swallow a whole mouse and how it had done so. Without exaggeration, if anyone had told me the tale I should not have believed it. As I saw this myself I have recorded it on account of its strangeness. On the 6th of the month Delhi became the abode of good fortune.

As Jagat Singh, s. Raja Baso, at the instigation of Bi-daulat, had gone out into the hills in the north of the Panjab, which is his hereditary abode, and raised a disturbance there, I appointed Sadiq K. to punish him, as has been related in the preceding pages. At this time Madho Singh, his younger brother, was promoted to the title of Raja, and given a horse and robe of honour. An order was given for him to go to Sadiq K. and attack the rebels with him.

Next day I marched from the outskirts of the city, and alighted at Salimgarh. As the house of Raja Kishan Das was on the road, and he had made great efforts and entreated me to do so, I at his request threw the shadow of prosperity on his dwelling, and gratified the desire of that old servant. A few of his offerings were accepted in order to dignify him. Marching on the 20th from Salimgarh, I appointed Sayyid Bahwa Bukhari to the governorship of Delhi, which is his ordinary residence. In fact, he had already done this service well, and I had given him high rank.

At this time `Ali Muhammad, s. `Ali Ray, [654] ruler of Tibet, by his father's order came to Court, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. It was clear that `Ali Ray had a great affection for and attachment to this son, and held him dearer than his other children. He wished to make him his successor, and he was consequently envied by his brothers, and disputes arose between them. Abdal, s. `Ali Ray, who was the eldest of his children, through this jealousy sought the patronage of the Khan of Kashghar and made him his protector, so that when `Ali Ray, who was very old and decrepit, should die, he might, under the protection of the Wali of Kashghar, become ruler of Tibet. `Ali Ray, suspecting that the brothers might attack `Ali Muhammad, and a disturbance might arise in his country, sent him to Court, his desire being that he might be attached to this Court, and his affairs might prosper by service to and kindness shown by the Court.

On the 1st of the Ilahi month of Isfandarmuz I pitched in the pargana of Umbala. Lashkari, s. Imam-wirdi, who had run away from Bi-daulat, and joined the service of my auspicious son Shah Parwiz, having come on this date to Court, kissed the threshold. A report came from my son and Mahabat K. It contained the recommendation and the offer of service of `Adil K., with a letter which he had sent to Mahabat, in which were set forth his submissiveness and loyalty. Lashkari was sent back to Parwiz with a dress of honour, a nadiri with pearl buttons for the prince, and a dress of honour for Khan `Alam and Mahabat K. At the request of my son I wrote a gracious farman to `Adil K. showing great favour to him, and sent him a robe of honour with a special nadiri. I gave an order that if they thought fit they should send the above-mentioned [655] to `Adil K.

On the 5th I alighted at the garden of Sihrind. On the bank of the Beas Sadiq K., Mukhtar K., Isfandiyar, Raja Rup Chand of Gwalior, and other Amirs who had been appointed to support him, having succeeded in restoring order in the northern hill-country, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. The facts, briefly, are that Jagat Singh, at the instigation of Bi-daulat, had taken to the hills above-mentioned, and engaged in stirring up sedition and strife. As the field was clear (i.e., there was no one to oppose him) he passed over difficult mountains and defiles, and by attacking and plundering peasantry and the weak, heaped misfortune on them until Sadiq K. arrived. He brought the Zamindars under control by means of fears and hopes, and made the overthrow of that wretched creature the object of his exertions. Jagat Singh strengthened the fort of Mau, and was protected by it. Whenever he found an opportunity he left that fortress and fought with the royal servants. At last his provisions were exhausted, and he came to despair of assistance from the other Zamindars. The elevation of his younger brother became a source of disturbance and anxiety to him. Helplessly he then sought for patronage, and begged the protection of Nur Jahan Begam, expressing shame and contrition, and sought a refuge in her mediation. In order to please and satisfy her, the pen of pardon was drawn through the record of his faults.

On this day reports came in from the officials in the Deccan that Bi-daulat, with La`natu-llah, Darab, and other wretched (with broken wing and feathers) creatures in miserable condition, with blackened faces, had gone from the borders of Qutbu-l-mulk's territory towards Orissa and Bengal. In this journey great loss fell on him and his companions, many of whom, when a chance offered, with bare heads and feet, and having washed their hands of life (desperate), took to flight. Out of these one day Mirza Muhammad, s. Afzal K., his Diwan, with his mother and his family, ran away during the march, and when the news reached Bi-daulat, he sent Ja`far and Khan-quli Uzbeg and some others of his confidential men in pursuit of him, that, if they could take him alive, well and good, or otherwise they should cut off his head and bring it into his presence. They with all speed proceeded and caught him up on the road. Becoming aware of this, he sent his mother and family into the jungles and hid them there, and himself with a body of young men whom he relied on as companions, planted manfully the foot of courage and stood with their bows. In front of them there was a canal and a swamp (chihla). Sayyid Ja`far K. wished to approach near him and take him with him by deceiving him, but however much he tried to persuade him by threatening and holding out hopes, it had no effect, and he answered him with life-taking arrows. He made a good fight of it, and sent Khan-quli and some others of Bi-daulat's men to hell. Sayyid Ja`far also was wounded. Finally Mirza Muhammad received severe wounds and gambled away the cash of his life. But as long as he had breath he deprived many thereof. After he was killed, they cut off his head and took it to Bi-daulat.

When Bi-daulat was defeated near Delhi and went to Mandu, he sent Afzal K. to get assistance and support from `Adil K. and others, forwarding with him an armlet (bazu-band) for `Adil K., and a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled sword for `Ambar. He first went to `Ambar. After delivering his message he produced what Bi-daulat had sent for him, but `Ambar would not accept them, saying he was the servant of `Adil K., who was at present the head of those in power in the Deccan: he should go first to him and explain what he desired. If he agreed, his slave would ally himself to and obey him, and in that case he would take whatever was sent, otherwise not. Afzal K. went to `Adil K., who received him very badly, and for a long time kept him outside the city and did not look into his affair, but put all kinds of slights upon him, but secretly asked for what Bi-daulat had sent for him and `Ambar, and took possession of it. The aforesaid (Afzal K.) was there when he heard the news of the killing of his son and the ruin of his family, and so fell upon evil days. In short, Bi-daulat, in spite of all his (original) good fortune and happy auspices, undertook a long and distant journey, and came to the port of Machhli Patan (Masulipatam), which belongs to Qutbu-l-mulk. Before reaching this place, he sent some of his men to Qutbu-l-mulk, and besought him for all sorts of assistance and companionship. Qutbu-l-mulk sent him a small amount of cash and goods for his support, and wrote to the warden of his frontier to conduct him in safety out of his territory, and encourage the grain-sellers and Zamindars to send grain and all other necessaries to his camp.

On the 27th of the month a strange event took place. Returning from the hunting-place, I had come back to the camp at night. By chance I crossed a stream of water, the bed of which was very rocky and the water running violently. One of the servants of the sharbat-khana (wine-cellar) was conveying a huntsman's relish. He had a gold tray, which contained a salver and five cups. There were covers to the cups, and the whole was in a cotton bag. When he was crossing, his foot slipped and the tray fell out of his hand. As the water was deep and running rapidly, however much they searched and beat their hands and feet (exerted themselves), no trace of it could be found. Next day the state of the case was reported to me, and I ordered a number of boatmen and huntsmen to go to the place and make a careful search, and it perhaps might appear. By chance, in the place where it had fallen it was found, and more strange still, it had not been turned upside down, and not a drop of water had got into the cups. This affair is similar to what happened when Hadi was seated on the throne of the Khalifate. A ruby ring had been inherited by Harun from his father. Hadi sent a slave to Harun and asked for it. It happened that at that time Harun was seated on the bank of the Tigris. The slave gave the message, and Harun, enraged, said: "I have allowed thee [656] to have the Khalifate, and thou dost not allow me one ring." In his rage he threw the ring into the Tigris. After some months by the decree of fate Hadi died, and the turn of the Khalifate came to Harun. He ordered divers to look for the ring in the place where he had thrown it. By the chances of destiny, and the aid of good fortune, at the first dive the ring was found, and brought and given into Harun's hand!

At this time one day on the hunting ground the chief huntsman Imam-wirdi brought before me a partridge that had a spur on one leg and not on the other. As the way to distinguish the female lies in the spur, by way of testing me he asked whether this was a male or a female. I said at once "A female." When they opened it an egg appeared inside (pishina) its belly. The people who were in attendance asked with surprise by what sign I had discovered this: I said that the head and beak of the female are shorter than the male's. By investigation and often seeing (the birds) I had acquired this dexterity. [657] It is a strange thing that the windpipe in all animals (haiwanat), which the Turks call halq, [658] is single from the top of the throat to the crop (china-dan), while in the case of the bustard (jarz) it is different. In the bustard it is for four finger-breadths from the top of the throat single and then it divides into two branches and in this form reaches the crop. Also at the place where it divides into two branches there is a stoppage (sar-band) and a knot (girih) is felt by the hand. In the kulang (crane) it is still stranger. In it the windpipe passes in a serpentine manner between the bones of the breast to the rump and then turns back from there and joins the throat. The jarz or charz (bustard) is of two kinds: one is a mottled black and the other bur (a kind of dun colour). I now [659] discovered that there are not two kinds, but that which is a mottled black is the male, and that which is dun-coloured is the female. The proof of it is this, that in the piebald there are testicles and in the dun one there are eggs; this has been repeatedly found on examination.

I have a great liking for fish, and all kinds of good fish are brought for me; the best fish in Hindustan is the rohu, and after that the barin. [660] Both have scales, and in appearance and shape are like each other. Everyone cannot at once distinguish between them. The difference in their flesh also is very small, but the connoisseur discovers that the flesh of the rohu is rather more agreeable of the two.

THE NINETEENTH NEW YEAR'S FEAST AFTER THE AUSPICIOUS ACCESSION

On Wednesday, the 29th Jumada-l-awwal, A.H. 1033, March 10, 1624, after one watch and two gharis of day had passed, the sun, that bestows bounty on the world, passed into its house of honour in Aries. The royal servants obtained promotions and increase of mansab. Ahsanu-llah, s. Khwaja Abu-l-Hasan, received as original and increase that of 1,000 and 300 horse. Muhammad Sa`id, s. Ahmad Beg K. Kabuli, the same, Mir Sharaf Diwan-i-buyutat, and Khawass K., each of them that of 1,000. Sardar K., having come from Kangra, had the good fortune to pay his respects. At this time I gave orders to the yasawuls and men of the yasaq (guards) that hereafter at the time when I came out of the palace they should keep away defective people, such as the blind, and those whose noses and ears had been cut off, the leprous and the maimed, and all kinds of sick people, and not permit them to be seen. On the 19th the feast of the culmination was held. Ilah-wirdi, the brother of Imam-wirdi, had run away from Bi-daulat and came to Court, and was honoured with great favours.

As the news of Bi-daulat's coming to the border of Orissa was constantly repeated, a farman was issued to the prince and Mahabat K. and the Amirs who had been sent to the support of my son, that they should set their minds at ease about the administering the provinces (of the Deccan), and go quickly to Allahabad and Behar, and if the Subahdar of Bengal could not forestall him, and he should put forward the foot of audacity, he must be made a wanderer in the desert of disappointment by the blows of the victorious army which is in the shadow of the flag of my son. By way of precaution on the 2nd Urdibihisht I gave my son Khan Jahan leave to proceed to Agra to remain in that neighbourhood and wait for a sign. If there should happen to be any necessity for a particular service and an order should be given him, he must act as occasion might require. I sent him a special dress of honour, with a nadiri with pearl buttons, a special jewelled sword, and to Asalat K., his son, a horse, and a dress of honour.

On this day a report came from `Aqidat K., Bakhshi of the Deccan. He wrote that, according to order, my prosperous son Shah Parwiz had married the sister of Raja Gaj Singh. I hope that her coming will be auspicious to the State. He also wrote that, having sent for Turkuman K. from Pattan he had appointed `Azizu-llah in his place. Jan-sipar K., also by order, came and waited on me. When Bi-daulat crossed the Burhanpur river and took the road of ruin, Mir Husamu-d-din, considering his own evil deeds, could not remain at Burhanpur. Taking his children with him, he conveyed the goods of ruin to the Deccan, in order that he might pass his days under the protection of `Adil K. By chance, as he passed by Bir, Jan-sipar K. obtained information, and sent a body of men to head him off. He seized him and his dependants, and brought them before Mahabat. Mahabat placed him in confinement, and took from him Rs. 1,00,000 in cash and goods. (Also) Jado Ray and Uday Ram had taken the elephants which Bi-daulat had left in Burhanpur and brought them to the prince (Parwiz).

Qazi `Abdu-l-`Aziz, who had come to Delhi from Bi-daulat in order to state his objects, had not been allowed by me an opportunity to speak and I had handed him over to Mahabat K. After his (Bi-daulat's) defeat and ruin Mahabat K. had made him his own servant. As he was an old friend of `Adil K., and was for some years at Bijapur as Vakil of Khan Jahan. Mahabat K. now sent him again as his representative [661] to `Adil Khan, and the leading men of the Deccan, nolentes volentes, looking to the necessities of the time and the upshot of affairs, were contented and professed loyalty and desire for service. The rebel `Ambar sent one of his confidential men of the name of `Ali Shir, and displayed great humility. He (`Ambar) wrote in the capacity of a servant to Mahabat K., and engaged that he (`Ambar) should come to Dewalgaon [662] and wait upon Mahabat. He would make his eldest son a servant of the State, and keep him in the service of my auspicious son. About this time there arrived a letter from Qazi `Abdu-l-`Aziz that `Adil K. from the bottom of his heart had elected for service and loyalty, and agreed that he would send Mulla Muhammad Lari, who was his principal agent and minister, and whom both in spoken and written messages he called Mulla Baba, with 5,000 horse, that he might remain continually on duty, and they might know that other [663] troops would follow (?). Urgent farmans had been sent that my son should proceed to Allahabad and Behar in order to overthrow Bi-daulat. At this time news arrived that notwithstanding the rainy season and the violence of the rain, that son, on the 6th Farwardin had marched out of Burhanpur with the army of fortune, and had taken up his quarters in Lal Bagh, [664] and that Mahabat K. was awaiting at Burhanpur the arrival of Mulla Muhammad Lari, so that when he arrived he would relieve himself of the care of the maintenance of order in that neighbourhood, and come with him (Muhammad Lari) to wait on my son. Lashkar K., Jado Ray, Uday Ram, and other servants of the State had been ordered to go to the Balaghat (the country above the Ghats), and remain at Zafarnagar. Having given Jan-sipar K. leave as before, he (Parwiz) kept Asad K. Ma`muri at Elichpur. Minuchihr, s. Shah-nawaz K., was appointed to Jalnapur. He sent Rizawi K. to Thalner, to guard the province of Khandesh.

On this day news came that Lashkari had taken the farman to `Adil K., and he, having decorated the city, had gone out four koss to meet him, and had performed salutations and prostrations for the farman and the dress of honour. On the 21st I sent dresses of honour for my son Dawar-bakhsh and Khan A`zam and Safi K. Having appointed Sadiq K. to the government of Lahore, and given him a dress of honour and an elephant, I gave him leave. An order was given that he should have the mansab of 400 personal and 400 horse. Multafat K., s. Mirza Rustam, raised the head of distinction with the mansab of 1,500 personal and 300 horse.

One day while hunting it was reported to me that a snake with a black hood (kafcha) had swallowed another hooded (kafcha?) snake and gone into a hole. I ordered them to dig up the place and bring out the snake. Without exaggeration I had never seen a snake of this size. When, they opened its belly, the hood of the snake that it had swallowed came out whole. Although this snake was of another kind, in length and girth little difference was visible.

At this time it was represented to me in a report [665] by the news writer of the Deccan that Mahabat K. had ordered `Arif s. Zahid to be executed, and had put him (i.e., Zahid), with two other sons, in prison. It appeared that that wretched man had written with his own hand a petition to Bi-daulat representing on the part of his father and himself his loyalty, sincerity, repentance, and shame. By fate that letter fell into the hands of Mahabat K. Having sent for `Arif into his presence he showed him the letter. As he had written a decree for his own blood, he could not make any acceptable excuse, and of necessity he was executed, and his father and brothers imprisoned.

On the 1st Khurdad it was reported that Shaja`at K. `Arab, had died a natural death in the Deccan.

At this time a report came from Ibrahim K. Fath-jang that Bi-daulat had entered Orissa. The particulars of this are that between the boundary [666] of Orissa and the Deccan there is a barrier. On one side there are lofty mountains, and on the other swamps and a river. The ruler of Golconda had also erected a wall (dar-band) and a fort, and armed it with muskets and cannon. The passage of men by that closed route was impracticable without the leave of Qutbu-l-mulk. Bi-daulat, with the guidance of Qutbu-l-mulk, having passed by that route, entered the country of Orissa. It happened that at this time Ahmad Beg K., nephew of Ibrahim K., had attacked the Zamindars of Khurda. At this strange occurrence, which happened without precedent or news or information, he became confused and bewildered and without seeing a remedy gave up his campaign, and came to the village of Bulbuli [667] (Pipli), the seat of the governor of that Subah (Orissa). He then took his women with him and hastened to Cuttack, which is 12 koss from Pipli towards Bengal. As the time was short, he had not leisure to collect troops and arrange his affairs. He did not feel himself equal to a war with Bi-daulat, and he had not with him associates such as were necessary, so he went on from Cuttack to Bardwan, of which Salih, nephew of Asaf K. deceased, was the Jagirdar. At first Salih was astonished [668], and did not believe that Bi-daulat was coming, until a letter came from La`natu-llah to conciliate him. Salih fortified Bardwan and remained in it. Ibrahim K. was surprised on hearing the terrible news. Though most of his auxiliaries and soldiers were scattered in the villages round about and unprocurable, he yet planted the foot of courage firmly in Akbarnagar (Rajmahal), and set himself to strengthen the fort and collect troops, and encourage the heads of tribes and retainers. He prepared the things necessary for his guns and other weapons and for battle. In the meanwhile a notice came to him from Bi-daulat that by the decree of God and the ordinances of heaven what was not suitable to him had appeared from the womb of non-existence. By the revolving of crooked-moving time and the changes of night and day his passage towards these regions had come to pass. Although to the view of manly courage the extent and breadth of that country were not more than an exercising-ground, or rather than a rubbish-heap (pur-kahi, "full of straw"), and his aims were higher, yet as he had to pass by this way, he could not pass for nothing. If it were Ibrahim's determination to go to the royal Court, he (Shah Jahan) would hold back the hand of injury from him and his family, and he might go to Court with an easy mind. If he considered it advisable to stay, he would bestow upon him any corner of the country he might ask for.

ADDENDUM BY MIRZA MUHAMMAD HADI, THE WRITER OF THE PREFACE

The MS. states: "Up to this place is the writing (ta'lif) of the deceased king Jahangir. The rest, up to the end of the book, is written by Muhammad Hadi from some trustworthy MS. collected together to complete the book.

ADDENDUM

Mr. Berthold Laufer's paper on "Walrus and Narwhal Ivory," reprinted at Leyden, 1913, from the Toung Pao, throws light on Jahangir's remarks about fish-tooth dagger-hilts. It now seems certain that they were made of the canine tooth of the walrus, or the horn of the narwhal. Possibly one reason why Jahangir attached so much value to the fish-teeth was because they were supposed to be an antidote to poison. He was fond of such things, and one day, when he was heir-apparent, Father Jerome Xavier found him engaged at Fathpur in extracting copper from peacocks' tails, on account of its supposed antitoxine properties.

It is stated in Mr. Laufer's paper, pp. 13 and 15, that walrus-teeth were supposed to be also useful in reducing swellings. As they were often made into knife-handles, it is not improbable that the knife which a Rajah of Cochin appears to have sent to Akbar in 1569 (Akbar-nama, i. 342) was, wholly or in part, made of walrus ivory. The Rajah said that whenever it was applied to a swelling it reduced it, and Akbar told Abu-l-Fazl that over 200 persons had benefited by touching it.

In the British Museum there is a fascinating set of chessmen made of walrus or narwhal ivory. They were discovered in the island of Lewis in 1831, but are supposed to be as old as the twelfth century.

NOTES

[1] Jahangir was born on Wednesday, 17 Rabi`u-l-awwal 977 A.H., or August 31, 1569, and so on March 11, 1618, or 23 Rabi`u-l-awwal, 1027, he was in the beginning of his fifty-first lunar year. By solar computation he was not yet fifty, that is, he was in his fiftieth year. The text wrongly has 1017 instead of 1027.

[2] Text wrongly has panchaq. In Turki dictionaries it is spelt topchaq, and means a large or long-necked horse. See P. de Courteille Dict., etc.

[3] Asaf K. III. of Blochmann; his name was Ja`far Beg.

[4] See "Iqbal-nama," p. 111. etc. He is not the famous Mir Jumla, who was Aurangzeb's general, though possibly the latter was his son. According to the "Iqbal-nama, he was the nephew, and not the uncle, of Mir Riza, but Jahangir's statement agrees with the `Alam-ara'i (p. 623). Mir Jumla's patron, Muhammad Quli Qutb-Shah, died in 1612. He himself died in 1637, while Aurangzeb's general died in 1663.

[5] Possibly what is meant is that Shah `Abbas was greedy after Mir Jumla's (Saman) wealth. Kamgar Husaini distinctly says that `Abbas wanted to get hold of Mir Jumla's goods.

[6] The Iqbal-nama says that `Abbas only gave Mir Jumla flattering words, and did not give him any high appointment. See also `Alam-ara'i, 623, and Ma'asiru-l-umara, III. 415.

[7] Tuquz means "nine," but perhaps it is here only used to express a gift, and the pieces of cloth were perhaps only nine, and not eighty-one. See Vullers s.v., who refers to Quatremere.

[8] The I.O. MSS. have Mamu'i, and the meaning may be "the maternal uncle of the Zamindar."

[9] Jariya in No. 181. It seems to be the Jareja tribe of Abu-l-Fazl, Jarrett II. 250. Compare Blochmann's translation, p. 285 n., of the corresponding passage in the Iqbal-nama. The tribe is there called Jhariyah.

[10] This must be Pavagarh, a hill fort in the Panch `Mahal district, which is 2,800 feet above the sea. See I.G. XX. 79, and XIX. 380.

[11] Son-in-law of I`tmadu-d-daula, being married to a sister of Nur-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-umara I. 573.

[12] Jhalod in the Dohad ta'luqa of the Panch Mahal district, Bombay.

[13] The text (pp. 227, 228) has drawings of the twelve Zodiacal coins. See also Tavernier's account of their institution.

[14] Text wrongly has Saturday.

[15] Probably the Seyreh of Bayley's map, in the Lunavada State, E. of Ahmadabad.

[16] Quoted by Blochmann, Calcutta Review, 1869, p. 128.

[17] The text has dar zir-i-an ("under it") in mentioning the position of the letters, but the I.O. MS. No. 181, has dar zabar ("above" or "on it."). The words khatt-i-muharraf might mean "inverted or slanting letters," and Mr. Rogers has taken the passage to mean that two of the letters were on a line with one another, and that the third was inverted and below the other two. But muhrif, as the word may also be read, has the meaning of "handsome," and I think this is the meaning here. Possibly the meaning is that there was a letter or mark above--viz., the tashdid. Another meaning may be that all three letters were equal in size, and in a slanting position on the stone.

[18] Dihbid, "the village of the willow," a well-known place in Transoxiana. It is Dihband in text.

[19] Ukna. The word appears to be Arabic, and signifies a nest. It is commonly written wukna.

[20] Baz dami apparently means hawks reared in captivity, or it may mean hawks brought by dealers--dami. Information about hawks may be found in Blochmann, 293, etc., and in Col. Phillott's recent articles in the J.A.S.B., May, 1907, etc.

[21] The I.O. MS. has "rupees."

[22] Blochmann, 346.

[23] Ulugh in MSS.

[24] Blochmann, 346. Yusuf died in November, 1601. His eldest son was M. Lashkari.

[25] The MSS. have 24th and 25th for the following day, but 14th and 15th seem right.

[26] The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 357, but the mention of Saturday and of Multan doctors there is a mistake. Text has afzudam, "I increased my intoxication," but this seems wrong. The MSS. have afzud. Jahangir means that the stoppage of his wine increased crapulousness. See Elliot, VI. 357.

[27] Apparently this should be yughan, which is a Turki word meaning "thick."

[28] Elliot, VI. 358.

[29] See Vol. I., p. 414.

[30] The Iqbal-nama, 115, has a different reading of this line.

[31] It should be recorded to Jahangir's credit that he has a reputation even at the present day for his love of justice.

[32] `ajabi. The MSS. have `ajsi, "lasting," which seems better.

[33] Compare Elliot, VI. 359. Rukh-i-gulzar also means the cheek of the rosebud (i.e., the beloved one). Apparently the conceit is that the cheek of the fair one is clouded over, so it should be reddened by pouring wine on it.

[34] hamwar. Perhaps it means "mediocre" here, but we have the word a little lower down, p. 240, used in a laudatory sense.

[35] According to the Ma'asir and Blochmann, 465, it was the second son who attained the highest rank.

[36] dah duwazdah, "10, 12"--i.e., it is one-fifth larger. The saras is the Ardea Antigone of naturalists.

[37] Two boundaries. The name signifies that it is on the borders of Malwa and Gujaru, I. G. XI. 366.

[38] pak sakht. Lit. cleaned it, which may mean also that he disembowelled it, or even that he cooked it. Probably the gunner left the body or part of it there, and it was this that the male circumambulated.

[39] Apparently this should be Pavan. It was one of those caught in the elephant hunt. It is written Bavan in the MSS.

[40] For meaning of dara, "yard," see text (15th year), pp. 298 and 303. For 3 1/2 quarters (pao) the text wrongly has 3 1/2 feet (pa).

[41] MSS. has 17. Text has 7. According to Elliot, Supplement II., 177, the Ilahi gaz was one of 41 fingers.

[42] This was not the son who died in the following year. See text, p. 282. That son was the eldest son, and probably was the one born in the 9th year. See Tuzuk, p. 137.

[43] The Zamindar of Cutch, whose residence was at Bhuj. See Jarrett, II. 250, where it is said that the Jam left his original country 60 years ago.

[44] Jahangir is referring to his visit to Gujarat in the 12th year of his reign.

[45] MSS. have this 70 or 80.

[46] Elliot, VI. 359.

[47] Text "of Merv," but the MSS. have Herat.

[48] Mansur Naqqash is one of the illustrators to the Babar-nama in the British Museum. Rieu Supplement, p. 52. There is also a Husain Naqqash mentioned in the MS. there described.

[49] Apparently there were 32 days in this Tir.

[50] The Sabarmati rises in the hills of Mewar.

[51] I cannot find this Kokra or Gogra. The Sabarmati falls into the Gulf of Cambay. Possibly Kokra thereby means "mountains."

[52] Apparently the Mairpur of Bayley's map.

[53] Blochmann, 339.

[54] Perhaps this is the Biragam of the A'in A. (Jarrett, II. 230). Panju Zamindar may be the Bab-jiu, Zamindar of the Gond tribe, whom Abu-l-Fazl mentions. The word Barakar is omitted in text.

[55] See Blochmann, 480 n., Elliot, VI. 344, and the Tuzuk, annals of 10th year.

[56] Probably the meaning is that the four mines occur within a space of 50 koss. Tavernier, vol. II., may be consulted.

[57] Pukhta in text, but the MSS. have not this word. Instead, they have a word which seems to be tahsina, "beautiful." The R.A.S. MS. also seems to have tahsina.

[58] mahagi? Probably it means that they were caught when a month old, and Elliot's translator so took it.

[59] This was the garden which `Abdu-r-Rahim made after his victory over Muzaffar Gujarati. In Price's Jahangir, pp. 115-16, there is an account of an entertainment given there to Jahangir by `Abdu-r-Rahim's daughter.

[60] Or 22 Ramazan, 1027 = September 2, 1618.

[61] Cf. Iqbal-nama, 117.

[62] In MSS. written Marhana or Sarhana. Perhaps Harhana in the Bet Jalandhar Du'ab, Jarrett, II. 317. Though the text says 22 lakhs of dams, the MSS. only say 22 lakhs, and possibly rupees are meant.

[63] Khud bi-in`am iltimas namud. "As a favour to himself." It is not likely that Shah Jahan would ask for the pargana for Bikramajit if it was already his own. I presume the meaning is that Shah Jahan asked that this pargana should be given to Bikramajit as a favour to himself. But perhaps the meaning is "which he (Shah Jahan) had asked for, for himself."

[64] In the MSS. the word khud follows in`am instead of preceding it. Perhaps the meaning is, "which was his own appanage," "and he requested," etc.

[65] Text wrongly has Mu`tamid.

[66] The saint who is buried at Gwalior. He died September 14, 1562.

[67] Elliot, VI. 360.

[68] The 8th Shahriwar = August 20, 1618. The departure had been fixed for the 21st, and having mentioned this, Jahangir goes on to describe what occurred between the 7th and the 21st.

[69] So in text, but MSS. give Jahanda as the name of the brother of Baluch.

[70] Elliot, VI. 361.

[71] Text wrongly has Maghribi, who was a much later poet, for he died in 809 A.H. = 1416. Sultan Sanjar belonged to the sixth century of the Hijra, and Mu`izzi, who is the poet meant by Jahangir, died in 542 A.H. (1147-48), having been accidentally killed with an arrow by Sultan Sanjar. See Rieu, II. 552b. The ode quoted by Jahangir is to be found at p. 138b of British Museum MS. Add. 10588.

[72] hamwar used here in a favourable sense, though some pages farther back, 233 of Persian text, it seems to be used, when speaking of Jami, in disparagement.

[73] See Beale art. Sa`ida-i-Gilani. He was styled Bi-badal. The date 1116 in Beale is manifestly wrong. He is the Mulla Shaida of Rieu, III., 1083e. See also Sprenger's Catalogue, 124; there is a notice of him in the Ma'asiru-l-Umara, I. 405. He was the artist of the Peacock-throne.

[74] Turunj, rendered by Vullers as "citron." Probably the reference is to the colour of the sky, which is often spoken of by Orientals as green. The concluding lines play upon Jahangir's title of Nuru-d-din, on his son's title of Shah-Jahan, and his name of Khurram.

[75] Bari is a Hindu word meaning garden.

[76] ayyam-i-jawani. The MSS. have qazzaqi, "raids." The name of the Mulla there seems to be Asiri.

[77] dar khala wa-mala mahram buda.

[78] MS. 305. "On every side there are Bulsari-trees." Both I.O. MSS. have Bulsari, for which see Blochmann, 70. Apparently there was only one tree.

[79] Elliot, VI. 361.

[80] This was not the `Id, for the month was not over. It was the feasting after nightfall usual in the Ramazan.

[81] khudawandi-gar. For which word see Vullers and the Bahar-i-`Ajam. Perhaps it means here a locum-tenens or officiating master.

[82] Apparently this should be thirty-two. The egg was laid on 21 Amurdad, see p. 237, and the interval between the hatching of the two chicks was three or four days.

[83] Text dah yazdah, ten to eleven. But MS. 305 has dah panzdah, ten to fifteen, which is more likely. The meaning then would be that the young of the saras were 50 per cent., or one-half, larger than goslings. The common expression for one-tenth is dah yak.

[84] Ganj in No. 181. Perhaps it should be Gajna, see I.G., 17, p. 11.

[85] MSS. Atrak. It is the Watrak of Bayley's Gujarat, p. 201, and the Vatrak of I.G., XXI. 344.

[86] Sultan Mahmud III., killed by Burhan in February, 1554. Bayley's Gujarat, pp. 449 and 453. Jahangir calls him the last Sultan of Gujarat, because Ahmad II. and Muzaffar III. were regarded as spurious. See Ayin-i-Akbari, Jarrett, II. 261.

[87] Probably great-grandson, for Shah `Alam died in 880 (1475-76), as Jahangir tells us supra, and he says that he questioned Sayyid Muhammad about Shah `Alam's raising the dead, and that Sayyid Muhammad said he had the story from his father and grandfather. The Ma'asiru-l-Umara, III. 447, says Sayyid Muhammad was five removes from Shah `Alam.

[88] For Yaqut, see Blochmann, 99-100. He was a famous calligrapher, and lived in the thirteenth century. It appears, however, that Yaquti is also the name of a particular kind of writing.

[89] Ba-qita`-i-matbu`a-i-mukhtasar. Matbu`a is used in modern times to mean "printed," but here, I think, it means "elegant." It is so used in the annals of the 12th year, p. 208, line 18, where it is applied to a building. Qita` probably refers to the shape of the volume, and mukhtasar to its small size, or to the minuteness of the writing.

[90] Sayyid Muhammad, the Mir referred to by Jahangir, lived into Shah-Jahan's reign, not dying till 1045 (1635-36). See Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 329. But we do not hear anything more of his translation. Perhaps his ill-health prevented him. It is also the fact that orthodox Muhammadans object to translations of the Qoran, regarding it as an impossible task. The Mir's son became chief ecclesiastical officer (Sadr) under Shah-Jahan. See Ma'asiru-l-Umara, III. 447, and Padshah-nama, I., Part II., p. 328.

[91] Elliot, V. 361.

[92] There were twelve mashas in a tola; the six cups, then, of 6 tolas and a quarter came to 37 1/2 tolas.

[93] Jahangir visited his father's tomb in the following year (the 14th). The passage describing the renunciation of shooting (not of hunting) is translated in Elliot, VI. 362.

[94] The version of the last two lines is by Sir William Jones, and is given by him in his Tenth Anniversary Discourse, delivered on February 28, 1793. As my friend Mr Whinfield has pointed out to me, the quotation comes from the story of Shibli and the ant in the second chapter of the Bustan. It occurs in the sixth story of the second book and p. 161 of Graf's edition. Sir William Jones's remark is: "Nor shall I ever forget the couplet of Firdausi, for which Sadi, who cites it with applause, pours blessings on his departed spirit." The quotation from Firdusi occurs on p. 67 of Vol. I. in Macan's edition of the Shah-nama.

[95] Urvasi is the name of a celestial nymph. It is also stated by Forbes to be the name of an ornament worn on the breast.

[96] Text ba naqsh by mistake for banafsha.

[97] I.O. MS. 181 has "thirty surkh."

[98] Perhaps the Moondah of Bayley's map, east of Mahmudabad.

[99] The text has khAdA khada, "an oar," but the word is perhaps kharwa, "a sailor." I.O. MS. 181, has kharwa.

[100] The I.O. MSS. have Albatta.

[101] The youth who was afterwards drowned in the Jhelam.

[102] I.O., No. 181, has Ghairat K.

[103] gam sometimes means a step, but here it seems to mean one foot-length. The distance mentioned by Jarrett appears to be 90 feet.

[104] No. 181 has "in three days."

[105] Compare account in Akbar-nama, II. 150. Akbar was then twenty years old. There is a picture of the two elephants crossing the bridge with Akbar on the elephant Hawa'i in the Clarke MS. in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington.

[106] Presumably the other side of the tank; it was the wild male saras that Jahangir put rings upon.

[107] The hunting of deer with decoys is described in Blochmann's Ayin, 291.

[108] Apparently a metaphorical expression, "fought with fire and water."

[109] su'u-l-qinya, "Bad state of the body, cachexy" (Steingass).

[110] I do not know of any poet with the takhallus Ustad. Possibly Jami is referred to. The lines are obscure, and I am not certain of the meaning. The I.O. MSS. omit the negatives in the first two lines.

[111] Not identified. I.O. MS. 305, seems to have Panib. Can it be the Manchan or Majham? Possibly we should read Banas.

[112] The I.O. MSS. have not the words Nau Ruz, "New Year," and I am not sure what New Year's day is meant. The time was October. Perhaps it was the first day of Zi-l-Qa`da that was celebrated, or it may be what is described in Richardson as the New Year's day of the Balance--viz., the entry of the Sun into the Sign of the Balance. Jahangir may have had special regard to that Sign as he was born under it. Perhaps all that is meant is that the feast of 1 Aban was celebrated. Aban was a sacred month because Akbar was born in it, and it may be that the feast was celebrated on Thursday the 2nd because the previous day, Wednesday, was regarded by Jahangir as unlucky, and was always spoken of as Kam-shamba. But most probably Nau Ruz is simply a mistake of the text.

[113] I.O. MS. has 600.

[114] The name of the stage is not given.

[115] Literally the mother of children, but explained as meaning a female demon (larva) who torments children. See Lane's Dictionary, 1650, where it is described as "flatulence."

[116] See above, p. 243 of text.

[117] Apparently the vow applied only to shooting. Jahangir was not at that time fifty-one years of age by solar computation.

[118] The natural term of life, which some Orientals regarded as being 120 years.

[119] The name `Ali is omitted in text.

[120] qand-i-siyah (? treacle).

[121] We are not told what was the result of this experiment.

[122] MSS., as before, have Ghairat instead of `Izzat.

[123] This son was Aurangzib. See Khafi K., I. 296. Khafi K. has 11th instead of 15th Zi-l-Qa`da. The 11th Zi-l-Qa`da corresponds to 20th October, 1618.

[124] Text has Sunday, but Wednesday must be the correct day, for immediately after Friday is spoken of as the 17th (Aban).

[125] Perhaps the Samarni of Jarrett, II. 207. The I.O. MSS. have Tamarna.

[126] I have been assisted by the translation in Elliot, VI. 363. See also Iqbal-nama, 117. The author there expatiates on the calamities which followed these celestial appearances. Elliot, loc. cit., p. 364, has eight years, but the text of the Tuzuk and all the MSS. have "eight nights." The Iqbal-nama has Dai instead of Aban, but probably Dai is a mistake for Zi-l-(qa`da). Perhaps the first phenomenon was the Zodiacal Light.

[127] The MSS. have Sambhalkhera.

[128] MSS. have Badhnur. Perhaps it is the Badhnawar of Jarrett, II.

[129] Pargana Nula'i in MSS., and this seems right as Nola'i, is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 198, as having a brick fort and as being on the Chambal.

[130] It seems to be Gambhir in the MSS.

[131] There seems to be an omission in the recital. We are not told of the first half, but evidently the meaning is that the mice (or rats) ate half the crop on the field, and half of what was brought into the threshing floor. See also Iqbal-nama, p. 118.

[132] Elliot, VI. 364.

[133] The word ma`ni, "spiritual," does not occur in the I.O. MSS., and does not appear to be wanted.

[134] Also a weight = two barley-grains. Blochmann, 36.

[135] The line is wanting in some MSS. In I.O. MS. 181, the conjunction wa is omitted (p. 145b).

[136] So in text, but Sunday was either the 10th or the 17th. Apparently Sunday is a mistake for Wednesday, as, later on, Thursday is mentioned as the 14th.

[137] Iqbal-nama, 119, "Three sons."

[138] Apparently the meaning is that he carried them off as prisoners.

[139] Text jada-dusti by mistake for jan-dusti.

[140] Namak, "salt." See for a similar expression, p. 149, in the account of Chin Qilij. Perhaps the phrase is a reminiscence of the answer given by Muhammad Husain M. when asked who had captured him. "The king's salt," was his reply.

[141] The Sind is mentioned in Tieffenthaler, I. 184. See also I.G., new ed., XXII., p. 432. It is one of the chief rivers of Central India.

[142] The word is shikar. Either the ducks were caught in nets and not shot, or the shooting was done by others, for Jahangir had vowed to give up shooting from the time of Shuja`'s illness.

[143] Akbar really took it in the 14th year of his reign (March, 1569). The siege lasted a month, according to Abu-l-Fazl. Akbar-nama, II. 339.

[144] Elliot, VI. 366.

[145] For notes about the meaning of the word chaukandi, "four-cornered," see Elliot, V. 347 and 503.

[146] Text Rustam, but it is Dastam in MS. 181, and it appears from Blochmann that Dastam or Dostam is the proper spelling. See pp. 398 and 620.

[147] Apparently Jahangir spent the night in this summer-house.

[148] Khila`at, surely used here on account of the alliteration kharji u Khila`at. At p. 10 of Price's "Jahangir" it is stated that he released 7,000 prisoners from Gwalior Fort!

[149] durna, or turna, a crane. It is a Turki word.

[150] The words diwan-i-buyutat are repeated. It looks as if the word buyutat in the second place was a mistake, or if some word implying that Lashkar K. had been appointed director of buildings (diwan-i-buyutat) had been omitted. Apparently `Abid K. went to the Deccan as Diwan, and not as Diwan-i-buyutat. Compare Iqbal-nama, 122.

[151] No. 181 has no conjunction, and makes the meaning "porcelain from Tartary."

[152] See Blochmann, 140 and 233. Abu-l-Fazl says the mujannas horses resemble Persian horses, and are mostly Turki or Persian geldings.

[153] So in text, but evidently Mandu, or at least Mandu in Malwa cannot be correct. The MSS. seem to have Hindaun, and possibly this is the place meant. Or it may be the place called Mandawar or Hindaun Road (see I.G., new ed., XIII. 135). The position of Hindaun agrees fairly well with Jahangir's itinerary, for Tieffenthaler, I., 172, says that Hindaun is 12 leagues--i.e., koss--S.S.-W. from Biana, and Jahangir gives the distance from Mandu or Hindaun to the neighbourhood of Bayana as 8 1/4 koss. Bayana is in the Bhartpur State, and apparently about 21 miles from Hindaun.

[154] The quatrain which Jahangir describes as that of someone (shakhsi) is included in `Umar Khayyam's poems, and is thus translated by Whinfield:

"My comrades all are gone, Death, deadly foe,
Hath caught them one by one, and trampled low;
They shared life's feast, and drank its wine with me,
But lost their heads and dropped a while ago."

(Quatrain 219, p. 148.)

FitzGerald has it as Quatrain XXII., and his version is:

"For some we loved, the loveliest and the best
That from his Vintage rolling Time hath prest,
Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,
And one by one crept silently to rest."

The quatrain is also quoted by Badayuni, Lowe's translation, p. 192. The phrase tang-sharab in the third line means "poor drinkers." Whinfield has ba-yak sharab. But tang-sharab is given in Johnson's dictionary with the meaning of being easily made drunk, unable to carry much liquor.

[155] Bayana (Biana) is described in I.G., new ed., VII. 137. It is stated there that it used to have a fort with a very high tower. Bahlul's tomb still exists. It was his brother, M. Ghaus, who was most known for his skill in incantations, and who wrote a book on the subject.

[156] The story is told in the Akbar-nama, Vol. I. Jahangir is not correct in saying that Humayun had ordered Hindal to remain in Agra. Hindal went there without permission, and doubtless in order to rebel. See also Gul-badan Begam's "Memoirs," who, naturally, tries to excuse her brother.