Skip to content

Chapter XVI: Section III

Text size

_Narrative of the Troubles in Peru, consequent upon the Death of the Viceroy Mendoza._.

At this threatening period, all the soldiers and discontented persons of Peru, flocked to Las Charcas, Potosi, and that neighbourhood, endeavouring to procure employment about the rich mines of that district. Disputes continually arose between the soldiers and principal inhabitants and merchants, and duels were fought almost daily. In some of these duels, the combatants fought naked from the waist upwards, while in others they were dressed in crimson taffety waistcoats, that they might not see their own blood. I shall only mention the particulars of one of these duels, between two famous soldiers, Pero Nunnez, and Balthazar Perez, with the former of whom I was acquainted in 1563 at Madrid, who was then so much disabled in both arms by the wounds he received in that duel, that he could scarcely use his hands to feed himself.

They fell out respecting some circumstances of a duel that had happened a few days before, in which they were seconds. Balthazar Perez had Egas de Guzman for his second, one of the greatest hectors and bullies of the time; and Hernan Mexia prevailed on Pero Nunnez to take him for his second, that he might have an opportunity to fight Guzman, who had defamed and spoken lightly of Mexia. When Egas de Guzman understood that Mexia was the person who was to be opposed to him, he sent a message to Pero Nunnez saying, as the principals were gentlemen of family, he ought not to debase himself by having a man for his second whose mother was a _Morisca_ and sold broiled sardinas in the market of Seville. Pero Nunnez, knowing this to be true, endeavoured to get Mexia to release his promise, but could not prevail. They accordingly went out to fight in a field at some distance from Potosi. At the first rencounter of the principals, Pero Nunnez struck his adversaries sword to one side, and closing upon Perez threw him to the ground, where he cast dust into his eyes, and beat him about the face with his fists, but did not stab him with his dagger. In the mean time the seconds were engaged in another part of the field. Mexia was afraid to close with Guzman, knowing him to have great bodily strength, but kept him in play by his superior agility, leaping and skipping about, yet never coming near enough to wound him. At length, wearied with this mode of fighting, Guzman darted his sword at Mexia, who looking anxiously to avoid it, gave an opportunity to Guzman to close with him, and to give him a wound with his dagger in the skull, two fingers deep, where the point of the dagger broke off; Mexia became frantic with his wound, and ran about the field like a madman; and came up to where the two principals were struggling on the ground, where, not minding whom he struck, he gave his own principal a slash with his sword, and ran wildly away. Guzman came hastily up to the rescue of his own principal, when he heard Nunnez say that he had been wounded by his own second, and was still continuing to pummel Perez on the face, and to throw dust in his eyes. Then Guzman, after harshly reproving Nunnez from bringing such a rascal to the field as his second, attacked Nunnez with his sword, who defended himself as he best could with his arms, till he was left all hacked and hewed on the field, streaming with blood from many wounds. Guzman then helped up his companion, and taking all the four swords under his arm, took Perez on his back who was unable to stand, and carried him to an hospital where he desired them to bury him, after which he took sanctuary in a church. Nunnez was likewise taken to the hospital, where he recovered of his wounds, but Mexia died of the wound in his forehead, as the point of the dagger could not be extracted from his skull.

When Pedro de Hinojosa took possession of his government of Las Charcas in place of Paulo de Meneses, he found a great number of soldiers in the country, who were exceedingly troublesome, as there were neither sufficient quarters nor provisions for so many; on which he took occasion to reprove Martin de Robles and Paulo de Menezes, alleging that their quarrels had drawn so many soldiers thither, for which reason they ought to provide for them, and not allow them to die of famine. So great was the confusion and disturbance, that many of the principal inhabitants retired from the city to their estates in the country, to avoid the violence of the soldiers, who were now come to such a pitch of insolence, that they held public meetings, openly avowed their cabals and plots, and upbraided Hinojosa with his breach of promise, alleging that he had engaged to be their general when he should arrive in Las Charcas. They even declared themselves ready for an insurrection, offering to put themselves under his command. Hinojosa endeavoured to amuse them with hopes, by telling them he expected very soon to receive a commission from the judges to enlarge their conquests by a new war, which would give them an opportunity to rise in arms. Although he had formerly let fall some dubious expressions at Lima, which the soldiers were disposed to consider as promises of support, he was far from any intention of complying with their turbulent and rebellions humours. Being now in possession of his government, with an estate in lands and Indians worth two hundred thousand dollars a-year, he was desirous to enjoy his fortune in peace, and not to risk the loss of these riches by a new rebellion, which he had gained in the former at the loss of Gonzalo Pizarro.

Disappointed in their expectations from Hinojosa, the soldiers consulted how to manage their intended rebellion under another leader, and agreed to kill Hinojosa and to elect Don Sebastian de Castilla as their commander-in-chief; and their design was carried on with so little regard to secrecy that it soon became publickly known in the city of La Plata. Several persons of consideration therefore, who were interested in the peace of the country, communicated the intelligence to Hinojosa, advising him to take precautions for his security, and to banish these people from his government. One Hondegardo a lawyer was particularly urgent on this occasion; and offered, if Hinojosa would appoint him his deputy for one month, that he would secure both him and the city from the threatened danger of insurrection; but Hinojosa had so much confidence in the power of his office, and the influence of his vast wealth and reputation, that he despised every thing that he did not see with his own eyes, and neglected all their warnings. Being unable to persuade the governor to listen to him, and as the soldiers still proceeded in their rebellious designs, and threw out many threatenings against the governor, Hondegardo prevailed on the guardian of the Franciscan convent to intimate to the governor that he had received communications respecting these proposed schemes of the soldiers in confession, and to urge him to make judicial examinations into the affair and to punish the offenders; yet even this made little impression on Hinojosa. Notwithstanding these and other intimations of the plot, Hinojosa obstinately refused to attend to the suggestions of Hondegardo and others, proudly declaring he had only to hold up his hand to make the soldiers tremble before him.

Impatient of any longer delay, the conspirators came at length to the determination of putting the governor Hinojosa to death, and rising in a general insurrection. The principal ringleaders in this conspiracy were Don Sebastian de Castilla, Egas de Gusman, Basco Godinez, Balthazar Velasquez, and Gomez Hernandez, besides several other soldiers of note, most of whom were then resident in the city of La Plata. Having arranged their plan of operations, Don Sebastian and seven chosen accomplices went one morning to the residence of the governor, as soon as his gate was opened, to execute their vile purpose. The first person they met on entering the house was Alonzo de Castro, the deputy-governor, who questioned them on the reason of their present tumultuous appearance, as they seemed extremely agitated. They immediately put De Castro to death. Then forcing their way into the apartment of Hinojosa, they were astonished to find him gone: But after some search he was found in a retired corner, and dispatched.

After the death of Hinojosa, the conspirators went out to the market-place, proclaiming aloud, God save the king, the tyrant is dead! the common watchword in all the rebellions in Peru. Having collected all their associates, they seized on Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, the person employed by the late president Gasca to carry his letters to Gonzalo Pizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Antonio Alvarez, and all the wealthy citizens they could lay hold of. Martin de Robles, Paulo de Menezes, and Hondegardo the lawyer, against whom they were particularly incensed, made their escape. After this, they made proclamation by beat of drum, for all citizens and other inhabitants of La Plata, to repair immediately to the market-place and enrol themselves under their standard; on which Rodrigo de Ordlana, though then sheriff of the city, and many others, to the amount of a hundred and fifty-two persons, came forwards and inlisted, fearing for their lives in case of refusal. Don Sebastian was elected captain-general and chief-justice, and some days afterwards he got himself appointed mayor of the city: Gomez Hernandez a lawyer was appointed recorder; Hernando de Guillado and Garci Tello de Vega, were made captains; Juan de Huarte serjeant-major, Pedro de Castillo captain of artillery, Alvar Perez Payaz commissary-general, Diego Perez high sheriff, and Bartholomew de Santa Ana his deputy. Rodrigo de Orellana, and many of the citizens, who now joined the rebels, acted merely from fear of losing their lives if they refused or even hesitated, though loyal subjects in their hearts.

Immediately after the murder of Hinojosa, intelligence was sent in various directions of the insurrection, and great numbers of malcontents flocked to the city of La Plata to join the rebels. Among these was Basco Godinez, who had been a chief instigator of the conspiracy, and who seems to have promoted or permitted the elevation of Don Sebastian to be commander-in-chief merely to use him as an instrument of his own ambition, and to screen himself in case of failure at the commencement: For, in a very few days, Don Sebastion was put to death by Godinez and a few confidential associates; and they immediately proclaimed their bloody exploit to the rest of the insurgents, by exclaiming God save the king! the tyrant is slain! He even carried his dissimulation to such a length, as to erect a court of justice to try those who had murdered Hinojosa, in the vain hope of covering his own treasonable conduct, and to make himself and his abettors appear as loyal subjects. The murder of Hinojosa took place on the 6th of March 1553, and the subsequent slaughter of Don Sebastian on the eleventh of the same month, only five days after.

Godinez and his associates immediately liberated Juan Ortiz de Zarate and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua from prison, pretending that their great purpose in taking arms was to procure their liberty, to deliver the city from the rebels and traitors who would have ruined it, and to evince their loyalty to the king. In the next place, he called together Zarate, Paniagua, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monge, the only citizens then remaining in La Plata, whom he desired to elect him captain-general of the province, and to grant him the vacant lands and Indians which had belonged to Hinojosa to enable him to maintain the dignity of that office. Not daring to refuse any thing in the present situation of affairs, they acceded to his demands, and Godinez was proclaimed lord chief-justice, governor, and captain-general of the province, and successor to Hinojosa in his great estate and rich mines, producing two hundred thousand dollars of yearly revenue. After this, Gomez Hernandez the lawyer was appointed lieutenant-general of the army; and Juan Ortiz and Pedro de Castillo were made captains of foot: pretending on this occasion to communicate a share in the administration of government to the citizens, which they were constrained to accept. Balthazar Velasquez, one of the conspirators, was appointed major-general. Next day Martin de Robles, Paulo de Meneses, Diego de Almendras, and Diego Velasquez returned to the city, having fled from some soldiers that had been sent in search of them by Don Sebastian; and were immediately enjoined to concur with the other citizens in confirming the appointment of Godinez.

When intelligence of the insurrection of the soldiers in La Plata arrived at Cuzco, the citizens put themselves into a posture of defence against the enemy; and, with the consent of the Cabildo, Diego Maldonado, commonly called the rich, was elected governor and captain-general. Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan de Saavedra were made captains of horse; and Juan Julio de Hojeda, Thomas Vasquez, Antonio de Quinnones, and another whose name I have forgot, were made captains of foot. So diligently did these officers apply themselves to raise men, that in five days Juan Julio de Hojeda marched into the city accompanied by three hundred soldiers well armed and appointed. Three days afterwards news came of the death of Don Sebastian, by which they flattered themselves that the war was ended for the present.

By the end of March intelligence was brought to the judges at Lima of the rebellion of Don Sebastian and the murder of Hinojosa: Six days afterwards, news came that Egas de Guzman had revolted at Potosi; and in four days more advices were brought of the destruction of both these rebels; on which there were great rejoicings at Lima. On purpose to inquire into the origin of these commotions and to bring the ringleaders to condign punishment, the judges immediately appointed Alonzo de Alvarado chief-justice of Las Charcas, giving him the assistance of Juan Fernandez the kings attorney-general, for proceeding against the delinquents. By another commission, Alvarado was nominated governor and captain-general of Las Charcas and all the neighbouring provinces, with full power to levy soldiers, and to defray their pay and equipment and all the necessary expences of the war, from the royal treasury. Godinez was soon afterwards arrested and thrown into prison at La Plata under a strong guard by Alonzo Velasquez. Alvarado the new governor, began the exercise of his authority in the city of La Paz, where he tried a number of rebel soldiers who had concealed themselves on the borders of the lake of Titicaca, whence they had been brought prisoners by Pedro de Encisco. Some of these were hanged, some beheaded, others banished, and others condemned to the gallies. Alvarado went next to the city of Potosi, where many of the followers of Egas de Guzman had been committed to prison, all of whom were treated according to their deserts like those at La Paz. Among the rebels at Potosi was one Hernan Perez de Peragua, a knight of the order of St John of Malta, who had taken part in the rebellion of Don Sebastian. From respect to the order to which he belonged, Alvarado only confiscated his lands and Indians, and sent him a prisoner to be disposed of by the grand master of the order at Malta. It would be tedious to relate the names and numbers of those who were tried, hanged, beheaded, whipt, and otherwise punished on this occasion: But, from the end of June 1553, to the end of November of the same year, the court sat daily, and every day four, five, or six were tried and condemned, who were all punished according to their sentences next day. The unthinking people styled Alvarado a Nero, who could thus condemn so many of a day, yet amused himself afterwards with the attorney-general in vain and light discourses, as if those whom he condemned had been so many capons or turkies to be served up at his table. In the month of October, Basco Godinez was put upon his trial, for many heinous offences, and was condemned to be drawn and quartered. But a stop was put to farther proceedings about the end of November, by the news of another rebellion raised by Francisco Hernandez Giron, as shall be related in the sequel.

"The Indians of Cuzco prognosticated this rebellion openly and loudly in the streets, as I heard and saw myself: For the eve before the festival of the most holy sacrament, I being then a youth, went out to see how the two marketplaces of the city were adorned; for at that time the procession passed through no other streets but those, though since that time, as I am told, the perambulation is double as far as before. Being then at the corner of the great chapel of our lady of the _Merceds_, about an hour or two before day, I saw a comet dart from the east side of the city towards the mountains of the _Antis_, so great and clear that it enlightened all places round with more splendor than a full moon at midnight. Its motion was directly downwards, its form was globular, and its dimensions as big as a large tower; and coming near the ground, it divided into several sparks and streams of fire; and was accompanied with a thunder so loud and near as struck many deaf with the clap, and ran from east to west; which when the Indians heard and saw, they all cried out with one voice, _Auca, Auca, Auca_, which signifies in their language, _tyrant, traitor, rebel_[44], and every thing that may be attributed to a violent and bloody traitor. This happened on the nineteenth of June 1553, when the feast of our Lord was celebrated; and this prognostication which the Indians made, was accomplished on the 13th of November in the same year, when Francisco Hernandez Giron began a rebellion, which we shall now relate[45]."

[Footnote 44: In the language of Chili at least, _Auca_ signifies _free_, or a _freeman_; it is possible however that in an absolute government, the same term may signify a rebel, yet it is a singular stretch of interpretation to make it likewise signify a tyrant.--E.]

[Footnote 45: This paragraph, within inverted commas, is given as a short specimen of the taste of Garcilasso, and the respectable talents of his translator, Sir Paul Rycant, in 1688. It gives an account of one of these singular meteors or fire balls, improperly termed a comet in the text, which some modern philosophers are pleased to derive from the moon, and to suppose that they are composed of ignited masses of iron alloyed with nickel. It were an affront to our readers to comment on the ridiculous pretended prognostication so gravely believed by Garcilasso Inca.--E.]

Comments

Log in to leave a comment.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels - Volume 05Chapter XVI: Section III

0%13 min left in chapter