Chapter VIII: Section VI (1)

_History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the Death of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity._

While these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor Charles V. was residing in Germany, where he had gone on purpose to overthrow the party of the Lutherans and others who had separated from the church of Rome. The emperor was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances in that distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto, the brother-in-law of the late viceroy, and Francisco Maldonado the messenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whom went into Germany for that purpose. At this time, however, though acquainted with the revolt of Peru, the imprisonment of the viceroy, and the usurpation of the government by Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of the death of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devising proper remedies to restore tranquillity to Peru; but the matter lay over for some considerable time, in consequence of the absence of the emperor from Spain, and because he was at this time frequently attacked by illness. At length it was determined to send over into Peru the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition. The prudent and intelligent character of this man was already well known, from the skill and success with which he had already conducted several affairs of consequence with which he had been entrusted, and particularly by the excellent dispositions and preparations which he had made, only a few years before, to defend the kingdom of Valencia against an expected invasion of the Turks and Moors, and in various matters respecting the new converts in that kingdom, which he took the management of while occupied in some of the affairs of the holy office on which he had been sent thither by the emperor.

The title granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru, was only that of president of the royal court of audience. But, by his commision, he was invested with full powers in every thing respecting the government of the country; to pacify the troubles and restore peace; and to pardon as he might see proper all crimes, whether committed before his arrival or during his residence in the country. Along with Gasca, the licentiates Ganas and Renteria went out to Peru, as judges or oydors of the supreme tribunal or royal court of audience. Gasca was likewise furnished with full powers to raise troops in case of necessity, and to do every thing that the exigency of affairs might require, without waiting for orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and orders however were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the restoration of order by gentle means; for which reason nothing was spoken of but pardon and indemnity, and he was desired to endeavour to restore the colony to peace and tranquillity by means of clemency if possible.

Gasca embarked from Spain in the month of May 1546, on purpose to quell the formidable rebellion which had long subsisted in Peru, without either money or troops, and merely accompanied by such servants and officers of his household as were requisite to support the dignity of his office as president of the high court of audience. On arriving at St Martha, he received information of the defeat of Melchior Verdugo, formerly mentioned, and that Verdugo waited for him at Carthagena with the small remnant of his men who had escaped on that occasion. Knowing that Hinojosa and his people were exceedingly irritated against Verdugo, Gasca resolved to go by way of Nombre de Dios, to prevent the insurgents from entertaining any suspicions of his pacific intentions, as he believed they would prevent him from having any access into the country if he held any intercourse with Verdugo, and still more if he were joined by that obnoxious person. Gasca cast anchor in the harbour of Nombre de Dios on the 27th of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had been posted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to protect that place and neighbourhood against Melchior Verdugo. The president sent on shore Alfonzo de Alvarado, who had accompanied him from Spain, to notify his arrival and the purposes of his mission to Mexia. After some conference, they separated without communicating their real sentiments to each other, as both were suspicious and kept up much reserve. On the return of Alvarado to the ship, Mexia sent to request the president to disembark, which he did accordingly. On this occasion Mexia went to meet him, in a barge attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of his troops drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own barge, and accompanied the president in his boat to the shore, where he caused him to be received with every mark of respect, under a salute from the troops.

After landing, the president, in a private conference, gave Mexia an account of the object of his voyage to Peru; on which Mexia expressed his determined resolution to yield implicit obedience to the royal orders, and to devote his services accordingly to the president. He declared, that he had long and anxiously waited the arrival of some person possessing authority to put an end to the troubles; and that, fortunately, circumstances were now extremely favourable for this purpose, without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander of most of the troops belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro in that neighbourhood, the greater part of which were now in Nombre de Dios. Mexia said farther that, Hinojosa and the other captains having gone to Panama, he found himself at liberty to declare himself openly for his majesty, if that were judged proper by the president; and that they might then go in company to Panama, where they would easily become masters of the fleet in that port, by means which he explained; and that he was likewise convinced that, when Hinojosa and the other captains were informed of the powers and intentions of the president, they would receive him with all submission. The president thanked Mexia for his good intentions, observing that it was necessary to use lenient measures on this occasion, as his majesty was very desirous to restore the country to peace and good order, without having recourse to warlike measures, if it could possibly be accomplished. As it was obvious to every one, that the chief cause of the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour of the late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known by all, that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances in the most gracious manner; and he trusted, therefore, when it was publickly known that all might expect safety and pardon by returning to their duty, that all the colonists would evince their respectful loyalty by tendering their services, rather than continue in rebellion against the sovereign. The president concluded by declaring his resolution to refrain from any endeavour to use force, till all the colonists were apprized of his intentions as now expressed.

Mexia assured the president, that he was ready to obey his orders in all things; yet considered it proper for him to observe, that although he was now able to command the soldiers then at Nombre de Dios; matters might assume a very different aspect on proceeding to Panama, where the soldiers would be under the orders of Hinojosa. The president expressed his determination, however, to proceed in his enterprize, to which Mexia consented; and they mutually agreed to keep their intentions secret till affairs should take a favourable turn, as will be seen in the sequel.

When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in the Tierra Firma, learnt the reception which the president had met with from Mexia, he was much dissatisfied, both because he was ignorant of the orders and instructions under which the president acted, and because Mexia had not communicated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia in a harsh and peremptory manner, reflecting bitterly on his conduct, and, at the same time, some friends of Mexia, who were then resident in Panama, wrote to dissuade him from coming to that place, as Hinojosa was much irritated against him for the friendly reception he had given to the president. Notwithstanding this, it was agreed upon in a conference between the president and Mexia, that the latter should go immediately to Panama to confer with Hinojosa, lest the minds of the soldiery should take any adverse turn by delay. Despising the dangers with which he was threatened, and the suspicions that had been endeavoured to be instilled into his mind, Mexia set out for Panama, confiding in the friendship which subsisted between him and Hinojosa, and in his knowledge of the character and dispositions of that officer. In an interview with Hinojosa, he fully explained the reasons of his conduct in receiving the president; adding, that whatever party they might choose ultimately to favour, all that had hitherto been done could do no harm. Hinojosa was entirely satisfied with this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return to Nombre de Dios.

After the return of Mexia, the president went across the isthmus to Panama, where he held separate conferences with Hinojosa and the different captains, which he conducted with so much prudence and secrecy, that he gained them all over to the royal cause, without any of them having any communication with the others on the subject, so that he was soon in condition to speak with them publickly on the objects of his mission, having brought them all over to his sentiments and engaged them to second his intentions. By supplying the soldiers with every thing of which they were in need, he brought them all easily into his measures, believing that the most effectual means of succeeding in his mission, was by acting gently and in a conciliating manner with every one: yet in all this he acted without meanness or servility, constantly preserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In all his negociations, the president was ably and faithfully seconded by his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was exceedingly serviceable on every occasion, both in consequence of having many friends among the officers, and because those even who were not among the number were much influenced by his authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitated about declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival to Gonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other principal persons at Panama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even before the arrival of the president at Panama, giving it as their advice that he ought not to be allowed to enter Peru; but in the sequel these persons changed their opinion by the persuasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, the president contrived to manage so judiciously with Hinojosa, whom he frequently visited, that he procured his consent to send Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a gentleman who had accompanied him from Spain, with letters to Gonzalo Pizarro apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, and the object of his mission. Among these letters was one from the king, to the following effect:

THE KING, TO GONZALO PIZARRO.

"Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of other persons, we have been informed of the commotions and disorders which have arisen in all the provinces of Peru, since the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judges of the royal audience. We are convinced that these troubles have been produced by endeavouring to establish and enforce, in their utmost rigour, the new laws and regulations which we had judged proper for the government of that country, and for insuring good treatment to the native inhabitants. We are satisfied that you, and those who have acted along with you during these troubles, have not been actuated by any disinclination to your obedience and loyalty towards us, but merely in opposition to the extreme rigour and inexorable obstinacy of the viceroy, who refused to listen to the supplications and remonstrances which were made to him on the new regulations."

"Being well informed in regard to all these affairs, and having heard every thing that Francisco Maldonado had in charge to say on the subject from you and the inhabitants of these provinces, we have thought proper to send over as our president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member of our council of the holy inquisition, to whom we have given full power and authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and necessary for restoring tranquillity and good order in the country, to replace its affairs on a proper footing, and to introduce such regulations as may tend to the good of our service and the glory of God, and the advantage of the country and its inhabitants, both such as are our natural subjects and the original inhabitants. For this reason we will and command, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedient to every thing which the said Gasca shall order you in our name, in the same manner as if his commands were from ourselves; and that you give him every assistance in your power in every thing which he may require, and which may be necessary for executing the orders which we have given him, according as he may inform you, or shall require in our name, conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity. On our part, we assure you that we entertain a just estimation of the services which you and your brother the marquis have done, and that we shall reward the same in time and place convenient to his children and brothers by effective marks of our good will. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth of February in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and forty-six."

I THE KING. _By order of his Majesty,_ FRANCISCO DE ERASO.

Along with this letter from the emperor, the president wrote to Gonzalo Pizarro, dated on the 26th of September 1546 from Panama, and addressed to the illustrious senior Gonzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima, of which the following is the substance.

"I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty, which accompanies this present communication, till now, in the hope of being able to set out for Peru immediately after my arrival in this country, and because it appeared more conformable to the respect and obedience which I owe to his majesty to have delivered his royal letter in person than to allow it to be preceded by any writing from myself. Finding, however, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being informed that you have called a meeting of the colonists at Lima to consult upon the past transactions, and on what may be proper in the present situation of affairs, I have thought it improper any longer to delay sending his majestys letter, together with this from myself which I transmit by Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who professes to be your friend and servant."

"After the most mature and careful deliberations respecting all that has occurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late viceroy in that country, his majesty is satisfied that the commotions have not been excited by a spirit of rebellion and disobedience in the Spanish inhabitants, but through the inflexible rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured to enforce the regulations, in spite of the supplications of the colonists and their appeal to his majesty, by which they were justified in defending themselves against so great severity, at least until they should learn the royal will on the subject in answer to their remonstrances. All this appears from the letter which you addressed to his majesty, in which you declared that the principal reason which had induced you to accept the situation of governor of Peru, was that it had been given to you by the royal audience, in the name and under the seal of his majesty; by the acceptance of which employment you were enabled to do good service to the royal interests, which might otherwise have suffered much prejudice; and as you have declared these to be your motives for assuming the government, until his majesty might think proper to issue his commands, which you were ready to obey like a good and loyal subject."

"Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered all these things, and heard the opinions of his councillors thereupon, has sent me for the express purpose of restoring peace, tranquillity, and good order to the country, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, with full power to extend his royal pardon for all that has already occurred, and to take the opinion and advice of the colonists upon those measures that may be most proper and advantageous for the royal service, the glory of God, the good of the country, and the benefit of its inhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as cannot be provided in the country with repartitions of lands and Indians, I have orders to employ them in new discoveries, where they may acquire honour and riches, as has already been done by so many other persons. I earnestly entreat you therefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman of honour, to reflect seriously on all these things. As you have hitherto always evinced much affection and attachment to the welfare of the country and its inhabitants, you certainly have great reason of thankfulness to the Almighty, that in so important and delicate an affair, neither his majesty nor his councillors have been disposed to consider your past conduct in the light of revolt and rebellion against the legitimate authority of the sovereign, but have rather been pleased to view it in the light of a just and necessary defence of your own rights, and those of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, until the decision of his majesty upon your supplications and remonstrances might be made manifest. Therefore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant to you and the other colonists all that you required by your supplications, by abrogating the obnoxious regulations, it is incumbent upon you, as an obedient and loyal subject, to evince a respectful and prompt obedience to the royal orders[30]."

[Footnote 30: In translating this letter the substance has been materially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatory argumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of the emperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission. Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of a Spaniard who had assassinated his brother in the midst of the German Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens him with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist in rebellion against his sovereign.--E.]

"I have represented all these things to you, that you may not flatter yourself by a false confidence of being able to resist the power of his majesty, who is able if it should so please him to employ irresistible force in repressing the commotions and disorders of Peru, instead of those measures of clemency, which it has pleased God that he should now resort to; and that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it will be necessary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country by sending too great a number of troops, instead of being under any difficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome all possibility of resistance. You ought likewise to reflect that matters will necessarily take a quite different turn than they have hitherto done. Hitherto your followers have been influenced by their own self-interest, not only considering the late viceroy as your enemy and your cause as good, but all of them looked upon him as their personal enemy, who wished to deprive them of their properties, and to put to death every one who opposed his designs. Under these circumstances your followers were necessarily impelled to adhere to your party in the defence of their own lives and properties. But as both are now secured, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the amnesty granted by his majesty, the Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now their legitimate sovereign as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the most entire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect seriously on these things, and to consider that, in the present situation of affairs, and the turn which they must assuredly take in the sequel, you cannot count upon the adherence of any one, if you unfortunately choose to follow wrong measures. By contributing your assistance to put an end to the commotions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the whole inhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your exertions for the maintenance of their rights and privileges, in having opposed the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and having procured a favourable attention to their supplications and remonstrances; insomuch that his majesty has been pleased to send me with an express commission to listen to and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve upon refusing submission to the royal authority, you will obliterate all the merit you derive from your past conduct; as by endeavouring to continue the troubles and commotions, you will shew yourself actuated by motives of personal interest and ambition, instead of any regard for the good of the public. Instead of serving the interests of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, you will become the cause of infinite injury to all, and will be considered as the enemy of the kingdom, by perpetuating the troubles, and occasioning the destruction of the lives and fortunes of your friends and adherents. You ought likewise to consider that, by continuing the war, you will render it necessary to bring over a numerous army into Peru, so that you will become accountable to God and man for all the miseries and disorders which may follow, and for the entire ruin of the country and its inhabitants, by which you will incur the hatred of all the principal colonists, merchants, and other rich persons."

"To conclude, I pray God to take you and all your followers under his most holy protection, and that he may inspire you with proper sentiments on this occasion, for the good service of his majesty, the eternal welfare of your souls, and the preservation of your lives, honours, and estates; and I remain; illustrious Sir, yours, &c.

PEDRO DE LA GASCA."

Gonzalo had only been a few days in Lima on his return from Quito, when he received letters from Hinojosa informing him of the arrival of the president. He was much disturbed by this intelligence, which he immediately communicated to the captains and other principal persons of his party, and with whom he consulted upon the steps necessary to be taken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion that it was necessary to get rid of the president, either openly or by secret assassination; while others recommended that he should be invited into Peru, where it would be easy to oblige him to agree to all their demands; or where at least they could draw their negociations with him to a great length, by insisting on convening an assembly of deputies and procurators from all the cities of the kingdom at Lima, to deliberate on the subject of his reception, and to determine whether he should be received or not; and, as Peru was of vast extent, it would be easy to put off the meeting of that assembly for two years, during which period the president might be kept in the isle of Puna under a confidential guard, by which he might be prevented from writing to Spain that the country was in rebellion; more especially as they could keep him in continual suspense, by representing that the general assembly could not meet sooner on account of the vast distance of some of the cities. Even the most moderate were for obliging the president to return into Spain.

In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewise proposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, to explain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; and particularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quito in which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him as the aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies should humbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the government of Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed and empowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, during their residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learn what were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavour to prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informed his majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders might be issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if the president persisted in coming into the country, to take him into custody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey, while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to put Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar nature and tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all these transactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of the insurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precise nature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that the messengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged to deliver him letters from the principal inhabitants of Lima, strongly urging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolence and implied threatening.

After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent into Spain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de San Martino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for that purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents of being inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion, both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thought proper to employ him and the others in this commission, although they were almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to their representations through the respectability of their messengers, and because no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to appear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishment for the share they had taken in the past commotions. They considered likewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain, as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of the country; as, if matters should assume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo and his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury by remaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of their rank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to Gonzalo Pizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposed confidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended to proceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa and his troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the other deputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha was likewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were all supplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage.

Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while the other deputies were making preparations for their voyage, being commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possible as to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out from the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to receive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or early in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set of couriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to the northward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches as quickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a few days after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama.

Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained a prisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and to ride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of his conduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with a soldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. De la Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo, along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedro de Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the good fortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in the valley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to their idols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000 crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quantity of emeralds and turquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of the father guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed in confession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy his riches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, and consequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be able to perform some acceptable service to the king before his departure, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For this purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Lima for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and to fit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along the coast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, and pillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he had not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such an enterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act as commander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce Vela Nunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentleman experienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seek an opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of his brother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and his treasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult on this subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima, that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize. De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on the subject with Vela Nunnez.

At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a false confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts in presence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecrated altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize, immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the late viceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to be divulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela Nunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebel against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was a brave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and was exceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru.[31]

[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.--E]

About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was assassinated by his own father-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grieved by the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derived important services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo de Hinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in fact been elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Under his administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez de Valenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa and Pedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela and Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who had been particularly active on the occasion were banished.

It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentioned as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzalo and the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in very disrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troubles from becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyed these letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival at Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremely intimate, there being likewise some relationship between them. He went likewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at this first visit they both confined themselves to conversation on general topics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days, wishing, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what were the sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided at Panama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service of his majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offering his best services in any manner that might be most conducive to the royal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it was at length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto the president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexia represented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such a situation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which might easily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithful subjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if the present favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirely disposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, if his majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he was ready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of the sovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a rebellious subject.

In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced in every thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant in political matters. He had always believed that every thing which had been done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authors of the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmost efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having even been so assured by several learned men. Yet in all the past transactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudent reserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of the remonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated the wealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgent commanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he was deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of his majesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission and instructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait for any new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers and soldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, and that Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose to embrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled by these ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosa requested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should give to these representations; and accordingly the very next day he determined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompanied to the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable to the royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and other principal persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged their obedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profound secret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the real situation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders on every affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officers visited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as their superior.

As president considered that any farther delay might be prejudicial to the royal cause, he resolved to dispatch Aldana with the command of about three hundred men in three or four vessels, with orders to proceed to the port of Lima, to assemble at that place all who were well affected to his majesty. By this measure, he wished to prevent Gonzalo from having time to learn the actual situation of matters in the Tierra Firma, and from placing his own affairs in perfect order; and was in hopes likewise by these means to prevent him from putting several of the principal loyalists to death, as had been often threatened by the insurgents. Accordingly, four vessels were fitted out with all expedition, of which the command was given to Aldana, having under his orders the captains Mexia, Palomino, and Yllanez. On this occasion, in a general review of the troops, all the colours were publickly resigned into the hands of the president; who immediately restored them to the respective officers, in his majestys name, and reappointed Hinojosa as general of the army. After this, the three hundred men above mentioned were embarked under Aldana, pay and equipments, being advanced to such of the soldiers as were in need. Aldana immediately set sail on his expedition, being accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, a person of merit and influence, whose authority and example were expected to confirm those who might be indetermined to follow the party which he espoused. Aidaria carried along with him several copies of the amnesty and of the royal orders for restoring peace and order to Peru; and was expressly enjoined not to land on any part of the coast if possible, till he got to the port of Lima, that he might endeavour to surprise Gonzalo.

About this time, the archbishop of Lima and Gomez de Solis arrived at Panama; both of whom expressed their satisfaction on learning the turn which affairs had taken at that place, and openly declared themselves for the royal party, offering their best services to the president. At this, time likewise, the president sent Don Juan de Mendoza to Mexico, with letters for the viceroy of that kingdom, Don Antonio de Mendoza, requiring the aid of all the soldiers that could be spared from that country. Don Balthazar de Castille was sent at the same time to Guatimala and Nicaragua on a similar mission; and other persons were dispatched to San Domingo, to procure every possible assistance for prosecuting the war in Peru, if that measure should ultimately be necessary.

It has been already mentioned that Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was dispatched by the president with letters for Gonzalo Pizarro. Paniagua arrived at Tumbez about the middle of January 1547, whence he went to San Miguel, where Villalobos then commanded for Gonzalo. Paniagua was immediately arrested by Villalobos, who took from him his dispatches and forwarded them with all speed to Gonzalo at Lima, by means of Diego de Mora the commandant of Truxillo. On learning the arrest of Paniagua, Gonzalo sent a confidential person to conduct him to Lima, with strict orders not to permit any person to converse with him by the way. On his arrival at Lima, Gonzalo, in presence of all his confederate officers, restored to Paniagua his credentials and dispatches, desiring him to declare every thing that had been confided to him by his employer, and assuring him of entire personal safety in regard to every thing connected with his commission: But, if he should presume to converse either publickly or privately with any other person on any subject connected with the president, he might rest assured of losing his head. Accordingly, Paniagua boldly explained the subject of his mission. When he had withdrawn from the council of officers, some were for putting him to death, alleging that he had previously communicated his sentiments to some confidential persons. Gonzalo Pizarro did not communicate to his officers either of the two letters formerly mentioned, which were addressed to himself, by the king and the president. In this consultation, it was the universal opinion of the insurgent leaders, that they ought on no account to admit the president into Peru; many of the officers, in expressing their sentiments on this occasion, spoke of the president in a very abusive manner, and even mentioned his majesty with very little respect, at which Gonzalo seemed well pleased.

At this time, Gonzalo Pizarro wrote to his lieutenant-general Carvajal, who still remained in La Plata, directing him to come immediately to Lima, and bring thither along with him all the treasure he could procure, and all the musquets and other arms that were in that place. These orders did not proceed from any idea that these were necessary for defence, as the transactions at Panama were still unknown in Peru; but on account of the many complaints which had been made of the continual murders and confiscations which were perpetrated by Carvajal. Some alleged that he was summoned to the capital to receive deserved punishment for his cruel and tyrannical conduct; while others said it was on purpose to strip him of more than 150,000 crowns which he had amassed by pillage. At this time Lima was so entirely occupied with suspicions, that no one dared to confide in any other, or to speak a single word respecting the present state of affairs; as the slightest misplaced word, or the most trifling pretext or suspicion, was sufficient to place the life of any one in imminent danger. Gonzalo took the greatest possible precautions for his safety, of which the following is a remarkable instance. He had noticed on many occasions that the oydor Zarate was by no means attached to his interests, although his daughter was married to the brother of Pizarro: And though Zarate was sick, it was confidently asserted that Gonzalo procured him to be poisoned, by means of certain powders which he sent him under pretence of a remedy. In the sequel this rumour was confirmed by the testimony of several persons who were in the service of Pizarro at the time. Whether Pizarro were really guilty of this crime or innocent, it is a certain fact that he expressed much satisfaction on learning the death of Zarate.

In the mean time, Paniagua procured permission, through the intermediation of the licentiate Carvajal, to return to Panama, though contrary to the opinion of the other insurgent officers, who were clear for detaining him; and he may assuredly be reckoned fortunate in having got away from Lima before intelligence arrived there that the fleet and army at Panama had submitted to the president. Although this circumstance had not reached the knowledge of the insurgents, it began to be vehemently suspected, in consequence of receiving no reports from that place for so long a time; insomuch that Gonzalo sent off orders to Pedro de Puelles, who commanded in Quito, and all his other captains, to keep themselves vigilantly on their guard, and to hold all their troops in continual readiness for taking the field.

At this period the lieutenant-general Carvajal arrived at Lima from Las Charcas accompanied by an hundred and fifty soldiers, and bringing with him three hundred musquets and treasure to the value of more than 800,000 crowns. He was received at Lima with extraordinary pomp, Gonzalo going out to meet him with all the inhabitants of the city, accompanied with bands of music and every demonstration of rejoicing. Just at this time intelligence was received from Puerto Viejo, that four ships had been seen near the coast, as if reconnoitering, which had stood out again to sea without coming to anchor or sending on shore for water or provisions, as was usual with ships navigating in these seas. This was looked upon as a sign of hostile intentions. It was a considerable time after this, before Gonzalo was entirely certified of the intention of these four ships, which in fact were those under Aldana, both because they were exceedingly cautious of coming near the land, and because Diego de Mora, his lieutenant at Truxillo, detained certain letters which had been sent through his hands on the subject. Yet their suspicious appearance on the coast gave great uneasiness to Gonzalo, and occasioned him to take every means of precaution for his security; ordering continual watch to be kept up day and night, both by the soldiers and the inhabitants, all of whom appeared to do so with much care and satisfaction. Some time after the appearance of the ships off Puerto Viego, they arrived at the harbour of Malabrigo, five or six leagues to the northwards of Truxillo, and Diego de Mora learnt their arrival by the same messenger who was charged with the news of their appearance at Puerto Viejo. As he was quite ignorant of the persons who were embarked in these ships, and of their intentions, he went on board a vessel in the harbour of Truxillo, accompanied by several inhabitants of that city, intending to seek for these four vessels wherever they might happen to be, and carried along with him a considerable supply of provisions and warlike stores. He considered it quite safe to board these strange vessels; as, if they belonged to the partisans of Gonzalo, it was easy for him to allege that he came in quest of news, and to supply them with refreshments; whereas if they should be of the royal party, so much the better, as he was resolved to join them with all his followers. He fortunately came up with Aldana on the very day in which he left the harbour of Truxillo; and, having entered into mutual explanations, joined company to the reciprocal satisfaction of both, supplying Aldana with such refreshments as were needed for his ships.

Next night, Aldana and De Mora with all the ships came to anchor in the harbour of Truxillo, where it was not deemed proper to land the troops; but it was agreed that De Mora and all the inhabitants of Truxillo should retire into the province of Caxamarca, in which place they could remain in safety till their assistance might be required, and where they might endeavour to assemble all that were favourable to the royal cause. At the same time messengers were dispatched with letters and orders from the president in the kings name, to Chachapoyas, Guanuco, and Quito, and to the frontier posts commanded by Mercadillo and Porcel, inviting all who were inclined to serve his majesty to declare themselves. Intelligence of these proceedings at Truxillo were speedily carried to Gonzalo by a monk of the order of Mercy, who had always favoured the Pizarrian faction; but who could only relate the departure of De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo, without being able to give any distinct account of their intercourse and agreement with those on board the fleet. Accordingly, Gonzalo concluded, from the information brought by the monk, that De Mora and the inhabitants of Truxillo had gone off for Panama to join the president. Gonzalo therefore sent off the licentiate Garcias de Leon, who had always accompanied him hitherto, with the commission of lieutenant-governor of Truxillo, accompanied by fifteen or twenty soldiers, to whom he gave grants of the lands and Indians which had belonged to the citizens of Truxillo who had gone off with De Mora. Along with De Leon, Gonzalo sent the superior of the order of Mercy, with orders to embark the wives of all the inhabitants of Truxillo who had gone off, and to carry them to their husbands at Panama, whither he supposed they were gone; and he sent at the same time proper persons to be married to the widows who remained in Truxillo, commanding that such of these widows as refused compliance should be deported along with the married women to Panama. Various and specious pretexts were alleged for this procedure; but the true reason was, that Gonzalo wished to be entire master of the country, and to dispose at his pleasure of the lands, Indians, houses, and properties of all who had fled from his usurped power.

As Garcias de Leon was sent on this expedition by sea, he fell in, a few days after his departure, with the four ships commanded by Aldana, and joined himself to them with all his followers, embracing the party of his majesty. On this occasion, the superior of the order of Mercy was sent by land to Lima, with directions to inform Gonzalo of what had happened, and the purpose of these four ships making their appearance on the coast. He was likewise desired to communicate the intelligence to several of the loyal inhabitants of Lima; and to tell them, if they were at any time able to go to the port belonging to that city, they would find boats ready to carry them on board the ships. On receiving this news, Gonzalo sent orders to the superior to keep out of the way, and on no account to have intercourse with any person whatever, either publickly or privately, as he valued his life. Gonzalo complained loudly against Aldana for deserting him; saying that if he had followed the advice of his principal officers, he would have put him to death long before.

When the arrival and intention of the fleet was certainly known and understood, by which it appeared necessary to prepare for war, Gonzalo began immediately to put every thing in proper order, and to assemble his troops; having hitherto believed himself in perfect security against any hostile attack. He appointed the licentiates Carvajal and Cepeda to be captains of cavalry, as persons in whose attachment he could confide, considering the weighty obligations they had received from him. Juan de Acosta, Juan Velez de Guevara, and Juan de la Torre were made captains of musqueteers; and Ferdinand Bachicao, Martin de Robles, and Martin de Almendras captains of pikemen. Francisco de Carvajal, who had hitherto enjoyed that office, was nominated lieutenant-general, having an hundred of the musqueteers he had brought with him from Las Charcas appointed for his guard. It was proclaimed by beat of drum, that all the inhabitants of Lima, and all strangers residing there, of whatever quality or condition, were to enrol themselves among the troops under pain of death; and money was issued to the several captains for the pay and equipment of their companies. The two captains of horse received 50,000 crowns, with which they were each ordered to levy and equip fifty horsemen; besides which, several merchants and others, very unfit for warfare, enrolled themselves. It was well known that these men were quite unfit for being soldiers; but they were constrained to enlist on purpose to exact money from them for their discharge, which in fact they purchased by furnishing horses, arms, and money to such as were in want. Martin de Robles received 25,000 crowns with which he was to enlist and equip a company of 130 pikemen. Ferdinand Bachicao had 20,000 to raise 120 pikemen; and Juan d'Acosta a similar sum for an equal number. Martin de Almendras had 12,000 crowns to raise 45 pikemen; and Juan de la Torre 12,000, to levy 50 musqueteers, who were to form the ordinary guard of Gonzalo. Antonio Altamirano, one of the principal inhabitants of Cuzco was appointed to carry the grand standard, with a troop of 80 horse; and he received 12,000 crowns for some particular purpose, as his men had no need of pay or equipments, being all chosen from among the rich inhabitants of the country.