Chapter XXXIV: Marbod, Bishop of Rennes, 1035—1123 (5)

[665] IV, 513; see also II, 55, ὡς ἔγωγε πρῶτον μὲν ἀκούσας τὸ γινόμενον, ἐθαύμασα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλήθην αὐτόπτης αὐτοῦ καταστῆναι.

[666] X, 608; XIII, 887-88.

[667] XIII, 964.

[668] II, 136; X, 385; XII, 311; he credited Plato with the same attitude, see II, 581.

[669] II, 659-60.

[670] XII, 446.

[671] II, 141, 179.

[672] II, 179; X, 609.

[673] II, 621.

[674] XIII, 891.

[675] XIII, 430-31.

[676] XIII, 717.

[677] XI, 794; also XIII, 658; XIV, 61-62, and many other passages of the _Antidotes_.

[678] XII, 203. Pliny, NH XXXVI, 34, makes the same statement as Dioscorides.

[679] XII, 272.

[680] Pliny, NH XXVIII, 35, however, both tells how butter is made and of its use as food among the barbarians.

[681] X, 40-41.

[682] X, 127, 962.

[683] X, 31.

[684] X, 29.

[685] X, 668.

[686] X, 123.

[687] X, 915-16.

[688] I, 75-76; XIV, 367.

[689] I, 145; II, 41-43; X, 30-31, 782-83; XIII, 188, 366, 375, 463, 579, 594, 892; XIV, 245, 679.

[690] X, 159.

[691] XIV, 675-76.

[692] I, 144-55.

[693] XVI, 82.

[694] I, 135.

[695] XIV, 680.

[696] I, 131.

[697] I, 134.

[698] XVI, 82.

[699] II, 288.

[700] IX, 842; XIII, 887.

[701] XIII, 116-17.

[702] X, 28-29.

[703] X, 684.

[704] X, 454-55.

[705] XI, 420.

[706] XI, 434-35.

[707] XI, 456.

[708] XII, 246.

[709] XII, 336.

[710] XII, 365.

[711] XII, 258, 262, 269, 331.

[712] XII, 334.

[713] VI, 453-55.

[714] XIII, 463.

[715] XII, 895.

[716] XIV, 222.

[717] XIII, 700-701.

[718] XIII, 706-707.

[719] XIII, 467.

[720] XIII, 867.

[721] XII, 392-93, 884; XIII, 116-17, 123, 125, 128-29, 354, 485, 502-503, 582, 656.

[722] XII, 968, 988.

[723] See XII, 988; XIII, 960-61; XIV, 12, 60, 341.

[724] XIV, 82.

[725] XIII, 570.

[726] XII, 350.

[727] XVI, 86-87; XI, 518.

[728] XI, 485.

[729] XVI, 85.

[730] IX, 842.

[731] II, 206.

[732] I, 138.

[733] XVI, 80.

[734] There would seem to be something wrong, at least with its arrangement as it now stands, for the first book ends (XIV, 389) with the words, “This my fourth book, O Glaucon, ends thus. If it has been useful to you, you will readily follow what I’ve written to Salomon the archiater.” But then the present second book opens with the words (XIV, 390), “Since you’ve asked me to write you about easily procurable remedies, O dearest Solon,” and goes on to say that the author will state what he has learned from experience beginning with the hair and closing with the feet.

[735] XIV, 378.

[736] XIV, 462.

[737] XIV, 534.

[738] XI, 205.

[739] John of St. Amand, _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, fol. 231, in _Mesuae medici clarissimi opera_, Venice, 1568. Pietro d’Abano, _Conciliator_, Venice, 1526, Diff. X, fol. 15; Diff. LX, fol. 83. Arnald of Villanova, _Repetitio super Canon “Vita brevis,”_ fol. 276, in his _Opera_, Lyons, 1532.

[740] Gilbertus Anglicus, _Compendium medicinae_, Lyons, 1510, fol. 328v., “Experimenta ex libro experimentorum Gal. experta.”

[741] In his _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, as cited above (note 5).

[742] J. L. Pagel, _Die Concordanciae des Johannes de Sancto Amando_, Berlin, 1894, pp. 102-104. John also wrote commentaries on Galen, (_Histoire Littéraire de la France_, XXI, 263-65).

[743] ed. Lyons, 1515, fols. 19v-2Ov.

[744] Berlin, 902, 14th century, fol. 175; Berlin 903, 1342 A. D., fol. 2.

[745] Boncompagni (1851), pp. 3-4.

[746] Moses ben Maimon, _Aphorisms_, 1489. “Incipiunt aphorismi excellentissimi Raby Moyses secundum doctrinam Galieni medicorum principis ... collegi eos ex verbis Galieni de omnibus libris suis.... Et ego protuli super his afforismis quedam dicta que circumspexi et ea meo nomine nominavi et similiter protuli aliquos aphorismos aliquorum modernorum quos denominavi eorum nomine.”

[747] Ed. C. V. Daremberg, _Notices et Extraits des manuscrits médicaux_, 1853, pp. 44-47, Greek text; pp. 229-33, French translation.

[748] Garrison, _History of Medicine_, 2nd edition, 1917, p. 141. But at p. 151 Garrison would seem mistaken in stating that Gentile died in 1348, for in the MS of which I shall speak in the next footnote his treatise on critical days is dated back in the year 1362: “Tractatus de enumeratione dierum creticorum m’i Gentilis anni 1362,” at fol. 125; while at fol. 162 we read, “Explicit questio ... m’i Zentilis anno Domini 1359 de mense marcii, et scripta Pisis de mense octobris 1359.” It is possible but rather unlikely that the dates later than 1348 refer to the labors of copyists. Venetian MSS contain not only a _De reductione medicinarum ad actum_ by Gentile, written at Perugia in April, 1342 (S. Marco, XIV, 7, 14th century, fols. 44-48); but also “Suggestions concerning the pestilence which was at Genoa in 1348,” by him (S. Marco, XIV, 26, 15th century, fols. 99-100, consilia de peste quae fuit Ianuae anno 1348). Valentinelli’s catalogue of the MSS in the Library of St. Mark’s does not help, however, to clear up the question when Gentile died, since in one place (IV, 235) Valentinelli assures us that he died at Bologna in 1310, and in another place (V, 19) says that he died at Perugia in 1348.

[749] Cortona 110, early years of 15th century, fol. 128, Rationes Gentilis contra Galenum in quinto aphorismi. This MS contains several other works by Gentile da Foligno.

[750] XIV, 601.

[751] XIV, 605.

[752] XIV, 615.

[753] XIV, 625.

[754] XIV, 655.

[755] I, 54-55.

[756] XII, 263.

[757] XII, 306.

[758] XII, 307.

[759] XI, 792-93.

[760] XII, 283.

[761] XII, 251-53.

[762] IV, 688.

[763] _Natural History_, XXVIII, 2.

[764] XII, 248, 284-85, 290.

[765] XII, 293.

[766] XIV, 255. (_To Piso on theriac._)

[767] XII, 291-92.

[768] XII, 298.

[769] XII, 304.

[770] XII, 342.

[771] XII, 276-77.

[772] XII, 367-69.

[773] XIII, 949-50, 954-55.

[774] XII, 343. These form the titles of four successive chapters, _De simplic._, XI, i, caps. 19-22.

[775] XII, 359, 942-43, 977.

[776] XII, 856.

[777] XII, 860.

[778] XII, 360.

[779] XII, 366-67.

[780] XII, 335.

[781] A fact which—one cannot help remarking—considering the character of most ancient remedies for hydrophobia, only tends to make their recovery seem the more marvelous.

[782] XIV, 233.

[783] XII, 250-51.

[784] XIV, 224-25.

[785] II, 45-48.

[786] XII, 358-59. Concerning the virtue of river crabs we may also quote from a story told in Nias Island, west of Sumatra: “for had he only eaten river crabs, men would have cast their skin like crabs, and so, renewing their youth perpetually, would never have died.”—From J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 67. The belief that the serpent annually changes its skin and renews its youth may account for the virtues ascribed to the flesh of vipers and to theriac in the following paragraphs.

[787] περὶ τῶν ἰδιότητι τῆς ὅλης οὐσίας ἐνεργοῦντων.

[788] IV, 760-61, ἐνεργεῖν τὰς οὐσίας κατ’ ἰδίαν ἑκάστην φύσιν.

[789] XII, 311-15.

[790] _Ad Pisonem de theriaca_; _De theriaca ad Pamphilianum_.

[791] XIV, 2-3.

[792] XIV, 217.

[793] XIV, 271-80.

[794] XIV, 283.

[795] XIV, 294.

[796] XII, 317-18; XIV, 45-46, 238.

[797] XIV, 238-39.

[798] XIII, 371, 374.

[799] XIII, 134.

[800] XIII, 242.

[801] XI, 859.

[802] XII, 573; see also XIII, 256.

[803] XI, 860.

[804] XII, 295-96.

[805] XII, 207.

[806] A representation of the Agathodaemon; see C. W. King, _The Gnostics and their Remains_, London, 1887, p. 220.

[807] XII, 288-89. At II, 163, Galen again accepts the notion that human saliva is fatal to scorpions.

[808] XIV, 321.

[809] XIV, 349.

[810] XIV, 386-87.

[811] XIV, 343.

[812] XIV, 413.

[813] XIV, 427.

[814] XIV, 430.

[815] XIV, 471.

[816] XIV, 472.

[817] XIV, 476. And others, “Ut ne cui penis arrigi possit,” and “Ad arrectionem pudendi.”

[818] “The _Psoranthea bituminosa_ of Linnaeus. It is found on declivities near the sea-coast in the south of Europe,” says a note in Bostock and Riley’s _The Natural History of Pliny_ (Bohn Library), IV, 330. Pliny, too (XXI, 88), states that trefoil is poisonous itself and to be used only as a counter-poison.

[819] XIV, 491; a good example of the power of suggestion.

[820] XIV, 498.

[821] XIV, 502.

[822] XIV, 505.

[823] XIV, 517.

[824] XIV, 567ff.

[825] I, 305-412.

[826] _Galen_ in PW.

[827] I, 325-6.

[828] XVII B, 212 and 834.

[829] Partic. 6, Kühn, XIV, 253.

[830] Kühn, XIV, 255.

[831] These passages all come from the 24th _Particula_ of Maimonides’ _Aphorisms_, which is devoted especially to marvels:—“Incipit particula xxiiii continens aphorismos dependentes a miraculis repertis in libris medicorum,” from an edition of the _Aphorisms_ dated 1489 and numbered IA.28878 in the British Museum. The same section contains still other marvels from the works of Galen.

[832] Kühn, VI, 832-5.

[833] VI, 833.

[834] XVI, 222-23.

[835] I, 53.

[836] _Coeli status_, or ἡ κατάστασις. X, 593-96, 625, 634, 645, 647-48, 658, 662, 685, 737, 759-60, 778, 829, etc.

[837] X, 688; XIII, 544; XIV, 285.

[838] XII, 356.

[839] XIV, 298.

[840] XI, 798.

[841] II, 26-28.

[842] XIX, 529-30.

[843] XIX, 534-73.

[844] IX, 794.

[845] IX, 901-2.

[846] IX, 904.

[847] IX, 908-10.

[848] IX, 913.

[849] IX, 922.

[850] IX, 935.

[851] Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch, _Opera_, ed. Didot, _De placitis philosophorum_, pp. 1065-1114; in _Plutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays_, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.

[852] XIX, 320-21; _De plac. philos._, V, 1-2.

[853] XIX, 253; _De plac. philos._, I, 8.

[854] Kühn, XIX, 261-62; _De placitis philosophorum_, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“

[855] XIX, 333.

[856] XIX, 274; _De plac. philos._, II, 19.

[857] XIX, 265; _De plac. philos._, II, 5.

[858] As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.

[859] _De architectura_, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.

[860] VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.

[861] III, i.

[862] V, Introduction, 3-4.

[863] V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.

[864] VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.

[865] IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.

[866] III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”

[867] _Idem._

[868] VI, Introduction, 5.

[869] II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”

[870] III, Introduction, 2.

[871] VII, Introduction, 1-10.

[872] VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.

[873] VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.

[874] IX, Introd., 17.

[875] VII, Introd., 10.

[876] VIII, iii, 27.

[877] IX, vii, 7.

[878] IX, Introd.

[879] VII, v.

[880] VII, Introd., 18.

[881] V, i, 6-10.

[882] X, i, 4.

[883] X, vii.

[884] IX, viii.

[885] IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.

[886] NH, VII, 38.

[887] The work of Martin, _Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie_, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa, _Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen, _Ptolemaios und Heron_, in _Hermes_, XLVIII (1913), p. 224, _et seq._

The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, the _Pneumatics_ and _Automatic Theater_, the _Mechanics_ and _Mirrors_, the _Metrics_ and _Dioptra_, the _Definitions_ and geometrical remains, _Stereometrica_ and _De mensuris_ and _De geodaesia_. For the _Belopoiika_ or work on military engines see C. Wescher, _Poliorcétique des Grecs_, Paris, 1867. In English we have _The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria_, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found in _Bibliotheca Mathematica_ and Sudhoff’s _Archiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik_.

[888] παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.

[889] Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.

[890] PW, _Heron_.

[891] Baur (1912), p. 417.

[892] In the first chapter of the _Automatic Theater_ he says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”

[893] PW, 1045.

[894] But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” in _Bibl. Math._ (1907-1908), pp. 113-7.

[895] Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works, _Les Origines de l’Alchimie_, 1885; _Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs_, 3 vols., 1887-1888; _Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie_, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann, _Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie_, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” in _The Scientific Monthly_, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.

[896] The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A. D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.

[897] Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.

[898] Berthelot (1885), 192-3.

[899] But the _Labyrinth of Solomon_, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (_ibid._, p. 54), although he granted (_ibid._, p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”

[900] Berthelot (1885), p. 59.

[901] _Ibid._, p. 53.

[902] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[903] Berthelot (1885), p. 56.

[904] Berthelot (1888), III, 23.

[905] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[906] Berthelot (1885), p. 164.

[907] _Ibid._, pp. 179-80.

[908] _Ibid._, p. 60.

[909] Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.

[910] Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.

[911] Berthelot (1889), p. vi.

[912] _De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum_, a treatise extant only in Latin form.

[913] IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ, _Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur_, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.

[914] See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.

[915] See R. Schmertosch, in _Philol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths_, 1897, pp. 28ff.

[916] Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger, _Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften_, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of the _Morals_, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.

[917] The English translation of Plutarch’s _Morals_ “by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter of _De defectu oraculorum_, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.

[918] _De defectu oraculorum_, 13.

[919] Cap. 12.

[920] Cap. 7.

[921] Cap. 8.

[922] Cap. 9.

[923] Cap. 10.

[924] _De genio Socratis_, 21-22.

[925] _Ibid._, 24.

[926] _De defectu oraculorum_, 40.

[927] _De genio Socratis_, 12.

[928] _Sympos._, VIII. 10.

[929] _De defectu oraculorum_, 44.

[930] _Ibid._, 48.

[931] _Ibid._, 13.

[932] _Ibid._, 10.

[933] _Ibid._, 13.

[934] _De genio Socratis_, 22.

[935] Cap. 26.

[936] Cap. 29.

[937] Cap. 30.

[938] Cap. 24.

[939] Cap. 22.

[940] _De defectu oraculorum_, 10.

[941] _Ibid._, 18.

[942] _Ibid._, 13-14.

[943] _De defectu oraculorum_, 21.

[944] _De genio Socratis_, 11.

[945] _Ibid._, 20.

[946] _Romulus_, cap. 12.

[947] Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.

[948] Cap. 2.

[949] Cap. 22.

[950] Cap. 3.

[951] Caps. 5-8.

[952] Cap. 9.

[953] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 28.

[954] VIII, 9.

[955] _De defectu oraculorum_, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’s _Republic_ is also evident.

[956] _Ibid._, 34.

[957] _Ibid._, 37.

[958] _Ibid._, 36; and see 11-12.

[959] Caps. 8-16.

[960] Cap. 17.

[961] Cap. 31.

[962] Cap. 33.

[963] _Symposiacs_, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ comments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”

[964] See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).

[965] _Symposiacs_, V, 10.

[966] _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14.

[967] _De defectu oraculorum_, 43.

[968] X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.

[969] Article on “Asbestos” in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” or _linum asbesti_ (asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.

[970] XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.

[971] “In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).

[972] “On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of the _magi_,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”

[973] Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller in _Geograph. Graeci Minores_, II, 637ff.

[974] In Christ’s _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._, not only is the _On Rivers and Mountains_ itself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.

[975] Cap. 5.

[976] Cap. 18.

[977] Cap. 21.

[978] Cap. 6.

[979] Cap. 1.

[980] Cap. 7.

[981] Caps. 9, 10, 12.

[982] Caps. 16, 18, 24.

[983] Cap. 17.

[984] V, 7.

[985] _Bruta animalia ratione uti_, cap. 9; also _Quaest. Nat._, cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”

[986] _De solertia animalium._

[987] _Ibid._, 36-37; also the closing chapters of _The Banquet of the Seven Sages_.

[988] Cap. 31.

[989] Cap. 25.

[990] Cap. 12.

[991] Cap. 10.

[992] Cap. 29.

[993] _Isis and Osiris_, 10.

[994] VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.

[995] _Nat. Quaest._, caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.

[996] _Symposiacs_, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.

[997] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 9-10; also the opening chapters of _De defectu oraculorum_.

[998] Cap. 7.

[999] Cap. 18.

[1000] “Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”

[1001] _Florida_, cap. 9.

[1002] _Apologia_, cap. 4.

[1003] Caps. 73 and 55.

[1004] Caps. 55-56.

[1005] Cap. 17.

[1006] _Apologia_, cap. 70.

[1007] Cap. 89.

[1008] To Professor Butler (_Apulei Apologia_, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places the _Apology_ earlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that the _Metamorphoses_ is Apuleius’s first work.

[1009] The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”

[1010] I, 3.

[1011] II, 1.

[1012] I, 8.

[1013] II, 5.

[1014] III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations.

[1015] III, 16.

[1016] I, 8.

[1017] I, 9-10.

[1018] I, 11-13.

[1019] II, 22 and 25.

[1020] II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.

[1021] I, 11; II, 11.

[1022] II, 20, 22; III, 18.

[1023] Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”

[1024] VI, 26.

[1025] II, 22.

[1026] I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.

[1027] II, 28.

[1028] II, 6; III, 19.

[1029] III, 29.

[1030] III, 17.

[1031] III, 21.

[1032] I, 10; II, 20-21.

[1033] III, 16.

[1034] II, 23-30.

[1035] I, 13.

[1036] II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”

[1037] III, 18.

[1038] III, 21.

[1039] III, 23.

[1040] III, 25.

[1041] II, 28.

[1042] Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.

[1043] I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.

[1044] I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.

[1045] III, 19.

[1046] II, 12-14.

[1047] VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.

[1048] I, 4.

[1049] X, 11, 25.

[1050] VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.

[1051] I, 5.

[1052] II, 26.

[1053] IX, 33-34.

[1054] II, 11-12.

[1055] X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”

[1056] VIII, 21.

[1057] XI, 1.

[1058] Macdonald (1909), p. 128.

[1059] VIII, 9.

[1060] Cap. 1.

[1061] _Florida_, caps. 24-26.

[1062] Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge, _Egyptian Magic_ (1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.

[1063] Cap. 31.

[1064] Cap. 42.

[1065] Cap. 43.

[1066] Caps. 1-3.

[1067] Cap. 2.

[1068] Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé, _Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie_, Paris, 1625.

[1069] Cap. 25.

[1070] Cap. 47.

[1071] Cap. 25.

[1072] Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.

[1073] Cap. 28.

[1074] Cap. 48.

[1075] Cap. 25.

[1076] Cap. 26.

[1077] Cap. 31.

[1078] Cap. 6.

[1079] Cap. 13.

[1080] Caps. 30, 33.

[1081] Cap. 61.

[1082] Cap. 53.

[1083] Cap. 58.

[1084] Cap. 41.

[1085] Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant the _Theriaca_ in 958 hexameters and another poem, the _Alexipharmaca_, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of the _Theriaca_ in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (_Byzantine Art and Archaeology_, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”

[1086] Cap. 40.

[1087] Caps. 49-51.

[1088] Caps. 15-16.

[1089] Cap. 40.

[1090] Cap. 36.

[1091] Cap. 8.

[1092] Cap. 85.

[1093] Cap. 38.

[1094] Cap. 45.

[1095] Cap. 51.

[1096] Caps. 30, 42.

[1097] Cap. 40.

[1098] P. 98.

[1099] Cap. 35.

[1100] So Abt has pointed out: _Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.

[1101] Caps. 42-43.

[1102] Cap. 38.

[1103] Cap. 90.

[1104] Cap. 97.

[1105] Cap. 84.

[1106] _De mundo_, cap. 1; _De deo Socratis_, cap. 4.

[1107] _De mens._, IV., 7, 73; _De ostent._, 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.

[1108] Cap. 43.

[1109] Cap. 6.

[1110] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 8.

[1111] _Hist. Anim._, V, 19.

[1112] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 13.

[1113] _Ibid._, caps. 9-10.

[1114] XVIII, 18.

[1115] VIII, 14-22.

[1116] Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.

[1117] _Divin. Instit._, V, 3.

[1118] Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains the _Histories_ and _Annals_ (XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of the _Metamorphoses_ indicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A. D. and 397 A. D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,” _Le Moyen Age_ (1917), 44-52, holds that the _Metamorphoses_ was not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall, _Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben_, Leipzig, 1907.

[1119] CLM 621.

[1120] Harleian 3969.

[1121] VII, 5.

[1122] Ep. 136.

[1123] _Divin. Instit._, V, 2-3.

[1124] Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.

[1125] See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx, _The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana_, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”

[1126] Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.

[1127] III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.

[1128] See the treatise of Eusebius _Against Apollonius_. Lactantius (_Divin. Inst._, V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.

[1129] So Origen says (_Against Celsus_, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).

[1130] See the _Against Apollonius_, caps. 31, 35.

[1131] Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.

[1132] In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.

[1133] I, 32.

[1134] I, 29.

[1135] I, 26.

[1136] I, 40.

[1137] V, 12.

[1138] VII, 39.

[1139] V, 12.

[1140] IV, 18.

[1141] VIII, 19.

[1142] VIII, 30.

[1143] VIII, 7.

[1144] VII, 20.

[1145] VII, 34.

[1146] VII, 39.

[1147] VI, 11; III, 43.

[1148] VI, 41.

[1149] I, 2.

[1150] V, 12.

[1151] VI, 11.

[1152] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell, _A Handbook of Indian Art_, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.

[1153] VI, 10.

[1154] III, 12.

[1155] III, 16.

[1156] III, 13.

[1157] III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”

[1158] III, 15.

[1159] III, 46-47.

[1160] III, 17.

[1161] III, 27.

[1162] III, 38-40.

[1163] III, 44.

[1164] III, 41.

[1165] III, 21.

[1166] III, 41.

[1167] V, 37.

[1168] V, 37.

[1169] III, 34.

[1170] III, 37.

[1171] VI, 38.

[1172] III, 34.

[1173] V, 17.

[1174] I, 22.

[1175] NH, VIII, 17; _Hist. Anim._, VI, 31.

[1176] VI, 37.

[1177] The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best, _dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni_. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”

[1178] II, 14.

[1179] I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.

[1180] III, 2.

[1181] III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius, _Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis_, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.

[1182] II, 11-16.

[1183] II, 2; III, 4.

[1184] II, 28.

[1185] III, 1. Greek fire?

[1186] III, 48-9.

[1187] III, 6; II, 17.

[1188] III, 7.

[1189] NH, VIII, 11.

[1190] III, 8.

[1191] III, 9.

[1192] III, 7.

[1193] III, 8.

[1194] II, 14.

[1195] II, 40.

[1196] III, 27.

[1197] III, 21.

[1198] III, 1.

[1199] VIII, 7.

[1200] III, 30.

[1201] III, 42.

[1202] VIII, 7.

[1203] IV, 44.

[1204] VIII, 7.

[1205] VIII, 7.

[1206] VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)

[1207] III, 42.

[1208] VI, 11.

[1209] I, 23.

[1210] IV, 34.

[1211] VIII, 7.

[1212] IV, 37.

[1213] I, 22.

[1214] V, 13.

[1215] VIII, 7.

[1216] I, 20.

[1217] I, 31.

[1218] V, 25.

[1219] IV, 4.

[1220] IV, 24.

[1221] IV, 43.

[1222] V, 18.

[1223] VII, 18.

[1224] IV, 10.

[1225] VIII, 7.

[1226] IV, 44.

[1227] II, 4.

[1228] VI, 27.

[1229] IV, 20.

[1230] IV, 25.

[1231] I, 4.

[1232] I, 19.

[1233] Epist. 50.

[1234] VII, 32.

[1235] VI, 27.

[1236] IV, 11, 15-16.

[1237] VI, 43.

[1238] IV, 45.

[1239] IV, 44.

[1240] VIII, 8.

[1241] VII, 38.

[1242] VIII, 30.

[1243] The passages are not listed in Liddell and Scott, nor mentioned by Professor Bury in his note on “The ἴυγξ in Greek Magic,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ (1886), pp. 157-60. Hubert’s article on “Magia” in Daremberg-Saglio cites only one passage and seems to regard the _iunx_ solely as a magic wheel. D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek Birds_, Oxford, 1895, also cites but one passage from Philostratus. A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 253-65, notes both main passages but tries to interpret the _iunges_ as solar wheels rather than birds. But the _iunx_ is found as a bird on several Greek vases of the latest period; see _British Museum Catalogue of Vases_, vol. IV, figs. 94, 98, 342, 163, 331b; magic wheels are also represented on the vases, but are not described as _iunges_ in the catalogue; see vol. IV, figs. 331a, 373, 385, 399, 409, 436, 450, 458, and vol. III, E 774, F 223, F 279.

[1244] VI, 10; see also VIII, 7.

[1245] I, 25.

[1246] VI, 11.

[1247] Cited by Cook, _Zeus_, I, 266, who, however, fails to connect it with the _iunx_.

[1248] Newton’s _Dictionary of Birds_; a reference supplied me by the kindness of my colleague, Professor F. H. Herrick.

[1249] Professor Bury’s theory that “the bird was called ἴυγξ from its call which sounded like ἰώ ἰώ; and it was used in lunar enchantments because it was supposed to be calling on Io, the moon”: and that “ἴυγξ originally meant a moon-song independently of the wryneck,” which came to be employed in magic moon-worship on account of its cry, has already been refuted by Professor Thompson, who pointed out that “the bird does not cry ἰώ,, ἰώ, and the suggested derivation of its name and sanctity from such a cry cannot hold.”

[1250] See Chapter 49 for a fuller account of it.

[1251] See Chapter 71.

[1252] Math. 54, Liber Appollonii magi vel philosophi qui dicitur Elizinus.

[1253] BN 13951, 12th century, Liber Apollonii de principalibus rerum causis. Vienna 3124, 15th century, fols. 57v-58v, “Verba de proprietatibus rerum quomodo virtus unius frangitur per alium. Adamas nec ferro nec igne domatur .../ ... cito medetur.”

[1254] Royal 12-C-XVIII, Baleni de imaginibus; Sloane 3826, fols. 100v-101, Beleemus de imaginibus; Sloane 3848, fols. 52-8, Liber Balamini sapientis de sigillis planetarum, fols. 59-62, liber sapientis Baleym de ymaginibus septem planetarum. But these forms might suggest Balaam. We also hear of Flacius Affricus, a disciple of Belenus.

[1255] M. Steinschneider, “Apollonius von Thyana (oder Balinas) bei den Arabern,” in _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, XLV (1891), 439-46.

[1256] T. Schiche, _De fontibus librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de divinatione_, Jena, 1875; K. Hartfelder, _Die Quellen von Ciceros zwei Büchern de Divinatione_, Freiburg, 1878.

[1257] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, XIV, I.

[1258] _Adv. astrol._, in _Opera_, ed. Johannes Albertus Fabricius, Leipzig, 1718.

[1259] _De divinatione_, I, 39.

[1260] _Ibid._, I, 58.

[1261] _Ibid._, II, 11.

[1262] _Ibid._, II, 33.

[1263] _Ibid._, II, 36.

[1264] I, 50.

[1265] II, 3-4.

[1266] II, 5. “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut ratione aut usu aut coniectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas sed peritis.”

[1267] II, 30.

[1268] II, 12. An astrologer, however, would probably say that seeming contradiction could be accounted for by the varying influence of the constellations upon different regions.

[1269] II, 12.

[1270] II, 19. “Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quidquam certi significari rebus incertis?”

[1271] II, 60-71.

[1272] II, 54.

[1273] II, 16.

[1274] II, 42-47.

[1275] NH, VII, 21.

[1276] _Republic_, II, 10.

[1277] _Ibid._, II, 15.

[1278] _Ibid._, II, 18.

[1279] _Apologia pro mercede conductis._ Most of Lucian’s Essays have been translated into English by H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, 1905, 4 vols.

[1280] _De defectu oraculorum_, 45.

[1281] Fowler’s translation.

[1282] Fowler omits it. It appears in the Teubner edition, _Luciani Samosatensis opera_, ed. C. Jacobitz, II (1887), 187-95, but both Jacobitz and Dindorf mark it as spurious. Croiset, _Essai sur la vie et les œuvres de Lucien_, Paris, 1882, p. 43, also rejects it.

[1283] See the interesting paper of J. D. Rolleston, “Lucian and Medicine,” 1915, 23 pp., reprinted from _Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine_, VIII, 49-58, 72-84.

[1284] See the close of _Nigrinus_.

[1285] _Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt_, XXI, i, 14.

[1286] The wording of these excerpts is that of Fowler’s translation.

[1287] See Sackur, _Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen_, Halle, 1898; Alexandre, _Oracula Sibyllina_, 2nd ed., Paris, 1869; Charles (1913) II, 368 ff.

[1288] Besides the works to be cited later in this chapter, the reader may consult: A. Dieterich, _Abraxas_ (_Studien z. relig. gesch. d. spät. alt._), Leipzig, 1891, especially chapter II (pp. 136ff.), “Jüdisch-orphisch-gnostiche Kulte und die Zauberbücher”; and G. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, 1829, 2 vols.

[1289] Steinschneider (1906), 24. He mentions the dissertation of R. Pietschmann, _Hermes Trismegistus_, Leipzig, 1875.

[1290] See Galen, citing Pamphilus, Kühn, XI, 798.

[1291] XXI, 14, 15.

[1292] VI, 4.

[1293] I, 1; VIII, 1-4.

[1294] VIII, 1.

[1295] VIII, 2.

[1296] VIII, 4.

[1297] I, 1.

[1298] R. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_, Leipzig, 1904, p. 319. This work is the fullest scientific treatment of the subject.

[1299] Citations supporting this and the preceding sentences may be found in Kroll’s article on Hermes Trismegistus in Pauly-Wissowa, 809-820. The _Poimandres_ was translated into English by John Everard, D.D., a mystic but also a popular preacher whose outspoken sermons caused his frequent arrest and imprisonment during the reigns of James I and Charles I. James is reported to have said of him, “What is this Dr. Ever-out? His name shall be Dr. Never-out,” (_Dict. Nat. Biog._). Dr. Everard’s translation was printed in 1650 and again in 1657 when the “Asclepius” was added to it. In 1884 it appeared again in the Bath Occult Reprint Series with an introduction by Hargrave Jennings, and the second volume in the same series was Hermes’ _The Virgin of the World_, published at London. Kroll mentions only the more recent translation by Mead, _Thrice Greatest Hermes_. London, 1906.

[1300] Consult the bibliography in Kroll’s article in Pauly-Wissowa.

[1301] See the various volumes of _Catalogus codicum astrologorum Graecorum_, _passim_.

[1302] Unprinted.

[1303] An English translation by John Harvey was printed in London, 1657, 12mo. It also exists in manuscript form in the British Museum; Sloane 1734, fols. 283-98, “The learned work of Hermes Trismegistus intituled hys Phisicke Mathematycke or Mathematicall Physickes, direct to Hammon Kinge of Egypte.”

[1304] _Orphica_, ed. Abel (1885), p. 141.

[1305] It was to a work on this last subject that Pamphilus, cited by Galen, referred in mentioning the herb ἀετοῦ, but this plant is not named in the extant treatise on the decans. Such treatises are more or less addressed to Asclepius: printed in J. B. Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_, V, ii, 279-90; _Cat. cod. astrol. Graec._, IV, 134; VI, 83; VII, 231; VIII, ii, 159; VIII, iii, 151; and by Ruelle, _Rev. Phil._, XXXII, 247.

[1306] Berthelot (1885), pp. 133-6, and his article on Hermes Trismegistus in _La Grande Encyclopédie_; also Kroll on Hermes in Pauly-Wissowa, 799.

[1307] Berthelot (1885), p. 134.

[1308] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1899, pp. xi, 519-20, 563-4.

[1309] NH, II, 21; VII, 50.

[1310] Kühn, XII, 207.

[1311] They have been collected and edited by E. Riess, _Nechepsonis et Petosiridis fragmenta magica_, in _Philologus_, Supplbd. VI, Göttingen (1891-93), pp. 323-394. See also F. Boll, _Die Erforschung der antiken Astrologie_, in _Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altert._, XI (1908), p. 106, and his dissertation of the same title published at Bonn, 1890. I have found that Riess, while including some of the passages attributed to Nechepso by the sixth century medical writer, Aetius, seems to have overlooked the “Emplastrum Nechepsonis e cupresso,” Aetius, _Tetrabibl._, IV, Sermo III, cap. 19 (p. 771 in the edition of Stephanus, 1567).

[1312] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1898, p. xiii. Axt and Riegler, _Manethonis Apotelesmaticorum libri sex_, Cologne, 1832. Also edited by Koechly.

[1313] E. Riess, On Ancient Superstition, in _Transactions American Philological Association_ (1895), XXVI, 40-55. Grenfell (1921), p. 151, announces that J. G. Smyly is about to publish “a remarkable fragment of an Orphic ritual” among some thirty papyrus texts in the _Cunningham Memoirs of the Royal Irish Academy_.

[1314] The Greek text of the Lithica is contained in _Orphica_, ed. E. Abel, Lipsiae et Pragae, 1885. A rather too free English verse translation, _Orpheus on Gems_, is given in C. W. King, _The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems and of Precious Metals_, London, 1865.

[1315] Pp. 397-98.

[1316] Line 94, περίφρονι Θειοδάμαντι; line 165, δαιμόνιος φώς.

[1317] Lines 410-411.

[1318] _Confessio S. Cypriani_, in _Acta Sanctorum_, ed. Bollandists, Sept., VII, 222; L. Preller, _Philologus_ (1846), I, 349ff.; cited by A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 110-111. The work is treated more fully below in Chapter 18.

[1319] Franz Cumont, _op. cit._, Chicago, 1911, p. 189. See also Windischmann, _Zoroastrische Studien_, Berlin, 1863.

[1320] See below, Chapter 26.

[1321] Cap. 16.

[1322] Edited by Kroll, _De oraculis Chaldaicis_, in _Breslau Philolog. Abhandl._, VII (1894), 1-76. Cory, _Ancient Fragments_, London, 1832.

[1323] L. A. Gray in A. V. W. Jackson, _Zoroaster_, 1901, pp. 259-60.

[1324] G. Wolff, _Porphyrii de philosophia ex oraculis hauriendis_, Berlin, 1886. Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_, V, 2, pp. 192-95, Πρόκλου ἐκ τῆς Χαλδαικῆς φιλοσοφίας. Many quotations of oracles from Porphyry’s _De philosophia ex oraculis hausta_ are made by Eusebius, _Praeparatio evangelica_, in PG, XXI.

[1325] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, p. 599.

[1326] Paul Allard, _La transformation du Paganisme romain au IVe siècle_, pp. 113-33, in _Compte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques. Deuxième Section, Sciences religieuses_. Paris, 1891.

[1327] _Plotini opera omnia, Porphyrii liber de vita Plotini, cum Marsilii Ficini commentariis_ ... ed D. Wyttenbach, G. H. Moser, and F. Creuzer, Oxford, 1835, 3 vols. Page references in my citations are to this edition, but I have also employed: _Plotini Enneades_, ed. R. Volkmann, Leipzig, 1883; _Select Works of Plotinus translated from the Greek with an Introduction containing the substance of Porphyry’s Life of Plotinus_, by Thomas Taylor, new edition with preface and bibliography by G. R. S. Mead, London, 1909; K. S. Guthrie, _The Philosophy of Plotinus_, Philadelphia, 1896, and _Plotinos, Complete Works_, 4 vols., 1918, English Translation. Where my citations give the number of the chapter in addition to the _Ennead_ and Book, these agree with Volkmann’s text and Guthrie’s translation,—which, however, are not quite identical in this respect. A noteworthy recent publication is W. R. Inge, _The Philosophy of Plotinus_, 1918, 2 vols.

[1328] H. F. Müller, _Plotinische Studien II_, in _Hermes_, XLIX, 70-89, argues that the philosophy of Plotinus was genuinely Hellenic and free from oriental influence, that all theurgy was hateful to him, and that he opposed Gnosticism and astrology. Müller seems to me to overstate his case and to be too ready to exculpate Plotinus, or perhaps rather Hellenism, from concurrence in the superstition of the time.

[1329] For Gnosticism see Chapter 15.

[1330] _Ennead_, II, 9, 14. Πλωτίνου πρὸς τοὺς Γνωστικούς, ed. G. A. Heigl, 1832; and _Plotini De Virtutibus et Adversus Gnosticos libellos_, ed. A. Kirchhoff, 1847; are simply extracts from the _Enneads_. See also C. Schmidt, _Plotin’s Stellung zum Gnosticismus u. kirchl. Christentum_, 1900; in TU, X, 90 pp.

[1331] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 40 (II, 805 or 434). Τὰς δὲ γοητείας πῶς; ἢ τῇ συμπαθείᾳ, καὶ τῷ πεφυκέναι συμφωνίαν εἶναι ὁμοίων καὶ ἐναντίωσιν ἀνομοίων, καί τῇ τῶν δυνάμεων τῶν πολλῶν ποικιλίᾳ εἰς ἓν ζῷον συντελούντων. _Ibid._ 42 (II, 808 or 436) ... καὶ τέχναις καὶ ἰατρῶν καὶ ἐπαοιδῶν ἄλλο ἄλλῳ ἠναγκάσθη παρασχεῖν τι τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς αὐτοῦ. _Ennead_, IV, 9 (II, 891 or 479). Greek: εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπωδαὶ καὶ ὅλως μαγεῖαι συνάγουσι καὶ συμπαθεῖς πόῤῥωθεν ποιοῦσι, πάντως τοι διὰ ψυχῆς μιᾶς.

[1332] _Ennead_, IV, 4 (II, 810 or 437).

[1333] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 43-44.

[1334] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 44.

[1335] See Chapter XII, pp. 323-4.

[1336] _Vita Plotini_, cap. 10.

[1337] _Vita_, cap. 10.

[1338] Cap. 10.

[1339] A748.

[1340] Shown in the article on “Jewelry” in the eleventh edition of the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, Plate I, Figure 50. The article says of the pendant, “Here we find the themes of archaic Greek art, such as a figure holding up two water-birds, in immediate connexion with Mycenaean gold patterns.” See further A. J. Evans in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1893, p. 197.

[1341] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912. p. 114, Fig. 20.

[1342] _Vita_, cap. 15. It will be noted that like some of the church fathers Plotinus attacked genethlialogy rather than astrology. Προσεῖχε δὲ τοῖς μὲν περὶ τῶν ἀστέρων κανόσιν οὐ πάνυ τι μαθηματικῶς, τοῖς δὲ τῶν γενεθλιαλόγων ἀποτελεστικοῖς ἀκριβέστερον. καὶ φωράσας τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τὸ ἀνεχέγγυον ἐλέγχειν πολλαχοῦ καὶ (τῶν) ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασιν οὐκ ὤκνησε.

[1343] _Ennead_ II, 3, Περὶ τοῦ εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ ἄστρα. Porphyry arranged his master’s treatises in the form of six enneads of nine each and perhaps somewhat revised them at the same time.

[1344] _Matheseos libri VIII_, ed. Kroll et Skutsch, Lipsiae, 1897. I, 7, 14-22.

[1345] See below, pp. 353-4.

[1346] _Ennead_ II, 3 (p. 242), Ὅτι ἡ τῶν ἄστρων φορὰ σημαίνει περὶ ἕκαστον τὰ ἐσόμενα ἀλλ’ οὐκ αὐτὴ πάντα ποιεῖ, ὡς τοῖς πολλοῖς δοξάζεται, εἴρηται μὲν πρότερον ἐν ἅλλοις. See also _Ennead_ III, 1, and IV, 3-4.

[1347] I, 18.

[1348] Cap. 19.

[1349] _Polycraticus_, II, 19, (ed. C. C. I. Webb, 1909, I, 112). Mr. Webb (I, xxviii) holds that John of Salisbury “certainly did not have Plotinus,” and derived some passages from his works through Macrobius and Augustine; but he is unable to state in what intermediate source John could have found the passage now in question. It does not seem to reflect Plotinus’ doctrine very accurately.

[1350] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 6 and 8.

[1351] _Ibid._, 30. Guthrie’s translation, “We have shown that memory is useless to the stars: we have agreed that they have senses, namely, sight and hearing,” is quite misleading, as caps. 40-42 make evident.

[1352] _Ennead_ II, iii, 6 and 13 (249-50).

[1353] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 31. ὅτι μὲν οὗν ἡ φορὰ ποιεῖ ... ἀναμφισβητήτως μὲν τὰ ἐπίγεια οὐ μόνον τοῑς σώμασιν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς τῆς ψυχῆς διαθέσεσι καὶ τῶν μερῶν ἕκαστον εἰς τὰ ἐπίγεια καὶ ὅλως τὰ κάτω ποιεῖ, πολλαχῇ δῆλον.

[1354] _Idem._ Guthrie heads the passage, “Absurdity of Ptolemean Astrology.” See also _Ennead_, II, iii, 1-5.

[1355] _Ennead_ II, iii, 6.

[1356] _Ennead_ II, iii, 4.

[1357] Guthrie’s translation, _Ennead_ IV, iv, 35. εἰ δὴ δρᾷ τι ὁ ἥλιος καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα εἰς τὰ τῇδε, χρὴ νομίζειν αὐτὸν μὲν ἄνω βλέποντα εἶναι.

[1358] _Idem._ καὶ ἐν τοῖς παρ’ ἡμῖν εἰσι πολλαί, ἃς οὐ θερμὰ ἢ ψυχρὰ παρέχεται, ἀλλὰ γενόμενα ποιότησι διαφόροις καὶ λόγοις εἰδοποιηθέντα καὶ φύσεως δυνάμεως μεταλαβόντα, οἷον καὶ λίθων φύσεις καὶ βοτανῶν ἐνέργειαι θαυμαστὰ πολλὰ παρέχονται.

[1359] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 34. καὶ ποιήσεις καὶ σημασίας ἐν πολλοῖς ἀλλαχοῦ δὲ σημασίας μόνον.

[1360] _Ennead_ II, iii (p. 256).

[1361] _Ibid._ (pp. 250-1).

[1362] _Ibid._, II, iii (pp. 243-6, 254-5, 263-5).

[1363] _Ennead_, II, ix, 13. τῆς τραγῳδίας τῶν φοβερῶν, ὡς οἴονται, ἐν ταῖς τοῦ κόσμου σφαίραις.

[1364] The references for the statements in this paragraph are in the order of their occurrence: _Ennead_, II, iii (pp. 257, 251-2); III, iv (p. 521); IV, iv (p. 813); II, iii (p. 260); III, iv (p. 520); IV, 3 (p. 711): in these cases the higher page-numbering is used.

[1365] Edited Venice, Aldine Press, 1497 and 1516; Oxford, 1678; by G. Parthey, Berlin, 1857. In the following quotations from it I have usually adhered to T. Taylor’s English translation, London, 1821.

[1366] Carl Rasche, _De Iamblicho libri qui inscribitur de mysteriis auctore_, Aschendorff, 1911, 82 pp.

[1367] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_ (1898), p. 599, citing Kroll, _De oraculis Chaldaicis_.

[1368] _De mysteriis_, I, 5.

[1369] VIII, 2.

[1370] I, 9.

[1371] I, 17 (Taylor’s translation).

[1372] IV, 6.

[1373] I, 10.

[1374] V, 10-12.

[1375] I, 20.

[1376] II, 6.

[1377] II, 7.

[1378] IV, 1.

[1379] IV, 2.

[1380] IV, 10.

[1381] II, 11.

[1382] II, 3.

[1383] V, 20.

[1384] I, 9; VI, 6; II, 11.

[1385] I, 11.

[1386] V, 23.

[1387] IV, 2.

[1388] I, 12.

[1389] I, 15; III, 24 (Taylor’s translation).

[1390] VII, 4.

[1391] VII, 5.

[1392] III, 29.

[1393] II, 10.

[1394] IV, 10.

[1395] IV, 12.

[1396] IV, 3.

[1397] IV, 10; III, 31.

[1398] IV, 7.

[1399] II, 10.

[1400] VI, 5; III, 25; III, 13.

[1401] II, 10.

[1402] E. S. Bouchier, _Syria as a Roman Province_, Oxford, 1916, p. 231.

[1403] _De abstinentia_, II, 48.

[1404] III, 1, 10.

[1405] III, 2-3.

[1406] III, 11.

[1407] III, 24; III, 17.

[1408] III, 14.

[1409] III, 25. Although, as stated above, one may be divinely inspired while diseased. But there is no causal connection between the two.

[1410] III, 26.

[1411] III, 15.

[1412] I, 17.

[1413] VIII, 4.

[1414] VIII, 6.

[1415] IX, 3-4.

[1416] I, 18.

[1417] Iamblichus, _In Nicomachi Geraseni arithmeticam introductionem et De fato_, published by Tennulius, Deventer and Arnheim, 1668.

[1418] Zeller, _Philos. d. Gr._, III, 2, 2, p. 608. cites passages to show Porphyry’s leanings towards astrology; but F. Boll, _Studien über Claudius Ptolemaeus_, 115-17, and Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 601-602, are inclined to the opposite view.

[1419] CCAG, _passim_.

[1420] Ed. Hieronymus Wolf, Basel, 1559, Greek and Latin.

[1421] III, 28.

[1422] III, 29.

[1423] Eusebius, _Praep. evang._, IV, 6-15, 23; V, 6, 11, 14-15; VI, 1, 4-5; etc., in Migne, PG, XXI.

[1424] Loeb Library edition of Julian’s works, I, 398, 412, 433.

[1425] I, 482, 498.

[1426] I, 405.

[1427] I, 374-75.

[1428] I, 366-67.

[1429] I, 368.

[1430] I, 419.

[1431] XXII, xii, 8.

[1432] XXI, i, 7.

[1433] XXVIII, iv, 24.

[1434] XXII, xvi, 17-18.

[1435] Published at Venice (Aldine), 1497, along with the _De mysteriis_, and other works edited or composed by Marsilius Ficinus. See also _Procli Opera_, ed. Cousin, Paris, 1820-1827, III, 278; and Kroll, _Analecta Graeca_, Greisswald, 1901, where a Greek translation accompanies the Latin text.

[1436] _Eusebii Caesariensis Opera_, _Pars II_, _Apologetica_, _Praep. Evang._, IV, 22; V, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14; VI, 1, 4; XIV, 10 (Migne, _Patrologia Graeca_, vol. 21).

[1437] X, 9-10.

[1438] Berthelot (1889), p. ix.

[1439] Περι ζώων ἰδιότητος. I have used both the _editio princeps_ by Gesner, Zurich, 1556, and the critical edition by R. Hercher, Paris, 1858, and Teubner, 1864. The work will henceforth be cited without title in the notes.

[1440] See PW, and Christ, _Gesch. d. griech. Litt._, for further details.

[1441] I, 22.

[1442] I, 24.

[1443] I, 35. D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, p. 57, notes that in the _Birds_ of Aristophanes, where the hoopoe appears, “the mysterious root in verse 654 is the magical ἀδίαυτον.”

[1444] I, 48.

[1445] I, 52.

[1446] I, 54.

[1447] II, 2 and 31; III, 5.

[1448] III, 17.

[1449] III, 23 and 25.

[1450] III, 26; in I, 45, the woodpecker similarly employs the virtue of an herb to remove a stone blocking the entrance to its nest.

[1451] III, 32 and 38.

[1452] IV, 10, 14, 17.

[1453] IV, 27.

[1454] IV, 29.

[1455] IV, 53.

[1456] V, 37.

[1457] VI, 4.

[1458] VI, 16.

[1459] VI, 33.

[1460] VI, 41.

[1461] VI, 59.

[1462] VII, 7-8.

[1463] VII, 14.