Chapter XXXIV: Marbod, Bishop of Rennes, 1035—1123 (10)

For further bibliography see in the recent reprint of Harrington’s English translation, _The School of Salerno_ (1920), pp. 50-52.

[2922] Notably Daremberg.

[2923] II, 59 (MG. SS. III, 600).

[2924] S. de Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_, IV, 185, _Practica Petroncelli_, perhaps from an imperfect copy; IV, 315, Sulle opere che vanno sotto il nome di Petroncello. Heeg, _Pseudodemocrit. Studien_, in _Abhandl. d. Berl. Akad._ (1913), p. 42, shows that what Renzi printed tentatively as the table of contents and an extract from the third book of the _Practica_, is not by Petrocellus but by the Pseudo-Democritus, and that one MS of it dates from the ninth or tenth century.

[2925] Petrocellus, Περὶ διδάξεων, Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11-12 Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums herausg. v. M. Löweneck (in Anglo-Saxon and Latin), 1896, pp. viii, 57, Heft 12 in _Erlanger Beiträge z. englischen Philologie_. The treatise perhaps also contains selections from the _Passionarius_ of Gariopontus. It had been published before in Cockayne, _Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms_, 1864-1866, III, 82-143.

[2926] Payne (1904), pp. 155-6.

[2927] _Ibid._, p. 148.

[2928] The Latin text reads, “liver of a hedgehog,” and doubtless either would be equally efficacious.

[2929] Quoted by Payne (1904), p. 152, from Cockayne’s translation.

[2930] Renzi (1852-9), IV, 185.

[2931] Renzi, IV, 190, “Propterea fili karissime cum diuturno tempore de medicina tractassemus omnipotentis Dei nutu admonitus placuit ut ex grecis locis sectantes auctores omnium causarum dogmata in breviloquium latino sermone conscriberemus.”

[2932] For the two passages on epilepsy see Renzi, IV, pp. 235 and 293.

[2933] Renzi, I, 417-516, _Flos medicinae_, a text of 2130 lines; V, 1-104, the fuller text of 3526 lines; 113-72, Notice bibliographique; 385-406, Notes choisies de M. Baudry de Balzac au _Flos Sanitatis_.

[2934] “Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.” Some MSS have Francorum or Roberto instead of Anglorum.

[2935] Lines 2692-3.

[2936] K. Sudhoff, _Zum Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum_, in _Archiv f. Gesch. d. Medizin_, VII (1914), 360, and IX (1915-1916), 1-9.

[2937] Arnald de Villanova, _Opera_, Lyons, 1532, fol. 147v.

[2938] Lines 1918-9, 1932-3, 1973-4, 1985, in Renzi’s first text of 2130 lines; in the fuller version they are somewhat more widely separated: lines 3053, 3130, 3227, 3267.

[2939] Lines 1845-55 or 2873-83.

[2940] Renzi, V, 377-8.

[2941] _Ibid._, 372-3.

[2942] _Ibid._, 379-81.

[2943] _Ibid._, 350.

[2944] Professor T. Wingate Todd comments upon this passage: “Of course this is _post hoc propter hoc_, but it is the typical history of a case of Bell’s palsy occurring after a ‘chill.’”

[2945] Renzi, V, 371, “Involuntariam urine emissionem quidam patiebantur et adhuc multi patiuntur et maxime servi et ancille qui male induti et discalciati incedunt, unde frigiditate incensa vesica fit quasi paralitica cum urinam nequeat continere.”

[2946] Giacosa (1901), pp. 71-166.

[2947] Giacosa (1901), p. 146.

[2948] _Ibid._, p. 145.

[2949] Renzi, V, 331-2.

[2950] Many of the works listed by Peter the Deacon and some others which he does not name have been printed under Constantinus’ name, either in the edition of the works of Isaac issued at Lyons in 1515, or in the partial edition of the works of Constantinus printed at Basel in 1536 and 1539, or in an edition of Albucasis published at Basel in 1541.

An early MS containing several of Constantinus’ works is Gonville and Caius 411, 12-13th century, fol. 1-, Viaticum, 69- de melancholia, 77v- de stomacho, 98v- de oblivione, 100r- de coitu, (no author is named for 109v- liber elefantie, 113- de modo medendi), 121- liber febrium, (169- de inamidarium Galieni).

The chief secondary investigations concerning Constantinus Africanus are:

Daremberg, _Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux_, 1853, pp. 63-100, “Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad el-Monçafir en arabe, Ephrodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué dans les textes arabes et grecs à Abou Djafar, et dans le texte latin à Constantin.”

Puccinotti, _Storia della Medicina_, II, i, pp. 292-350, 1855, devoted several chapters to Constantinus and tried to defend him from the charge of plagiarism and to maintain that the _Viaticum_ and some other works were original.

Steinschneider, _Constantinus Africanus und seine arabischen Quellen_, in Virchow’s _Archiv für Pathologische Anatomie_, etc., Berlin, 1866, vol. 37, pp. 351-410. This should be supplemented by pp. 9-12 of his _Die europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen_ (1905).

[2951] _Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux_ (1853), p. 86.

[2952] _Histoire des Sciences Médicales_ (1870), I, 261.

[2953] Indeed Daremberg said in 1853 (p. 85, note) “dans le moyen âge beaucoup d’auteurs citent volontiers Constantine comme une autorité.”

[2954] Perhaps through the fault of the printer the list of the writings of Constantinus given by Peter the Deacon is defective as reproduced in tabular form by Steinschneider (1866), pp. 353-4. Steinschneider also incorrectly speaks of Leo of Ostia as well as Peter the Deacon as a source for Constantinus (p. 352, “Die Schriften Constantins sind bekanntlich von seinen alten Biographen, Petrus Diaconus und Leo Ostiensis verzeichnet worden”), since Leo’s portion of the _Chronicle_ ends before Constantinus is mentioned.

[2955] Peter was born about 1107 and was placed in the monastery of Monte Cassino by his parents in 1115. He became librarian. _Monumenta Germaniae, Scriptores_, VII, 562 and 565.

[2956] _Chronica Mon. Casinensis_, Lib. III, auctore Petro, MG. SS. VII, 728-9; Muratori, _Scriptores_, IV, 455-6 (lib. III, cap. 35).

[2957] _Petri Diaconi De viribus illustribus Casinensibus_, cap. 23, in Fabricius, _Bibl. Graec._, XIII, 123.

[2958] Yet modern compilers and writers of encyclopedia articles invariably repeat “Carthage” and “Babylon.”

[2959] BN 14700, fol. 171v, cited by Baur (1903), who also notes parallel passages in Al-Gazel, _Phil. tr._ I, 1; and Avicenna, _De divis. philos._, fol. 141.

[2960] Gundissalinus and Daniel Morley. Al-Farabi’s list of eight mathematical sciences, including “the science of spirits,” was also reproduced by Vincent of Beauvais in the thirteenth century, _Speculum doctrinale_, XVI.

[2961] Possibly there is some confusion with Galen’s similar experience with the physicians of Rome, which Constantinus may have reproduced in some one of his translations of Galen in such a way as to lead the reader to consider it his own experience.

[2962] The words are the same both in the _Chronicle_ and _Illustrious Men_: “quem cum vidissent Afri ita ad plenum omnibus (omnium?) gentium eruditum, cogitaverunt occidere eum.”

[2963] Pagel (1902), p. 644, “Vorher soll er kurze Zeit noch in Reggio, einer kleinen Stadt in der Nähe von Byzanz, als Protosekretär des Kaisers Constantinos Monomachos sich aufgehalten und das Reisehandbuch des Abu Dschafer übersetzt haben.” But Pagel gives no source for this statement.

Apparently the notion is due to the fact that a Greek treatise entitled _Ephodia_, of which there are numerous MSS and which seems to be a translation of the same Arabic work as that upon which Constantinus based his _Viaticum_, speaks of a Constantine as its author who was proto-secretary and lived at Reggio or Rhegium.

Daremberg (1853), p. 77, held that a Vatican MS of the _Ephodia_ was of the tenth century and therefore this Greek translation could not be the work of Constantinus Africanus in the next century, but Steinschneider (1866), p. 392, only says, “Die griechische Uebersetzung des Viaticum soll bis in die Zeit Constantins hinaufreichen.”

Another MS, Escorial &-II-9, 16th century, fol. 1-, contains a “Commeatus Peregrinantium” whose author is called “Ebrubat Zafar filio Elbazar,” which perhaps designates Abu Jafar Ahmed Ibn-al-Jezzar, whom Daremberg and Steinschneider call the author of the Arabic original of the _Viaticum_. The work is said to have been translated into Greek “a Constantino Primo a secretis Regis,” which suggests that Constantinus was perhaps first of the royal secretaries rather than of Reggio either in Norman Italy or near Byzantium. The translation from Greek into Latin is ascribed to Antonius Eparchus. The opening sentences of each book of this Latin version from the Greek by Eparchus differ in wording but agree in substance with those of the _Viaticum_ of Constantinus Africanus, if we omit some transitional sentences in the latter.

[2964] _Opera_ (1536), p. 215.

[2965] _De animalibus_, XXII, i, 1.

[2966] Rawlinson C, 328, fol. 3. It is accompanied by the legend, “This is Constantinus, monk of Monte Cassino, who is as it were the fount of that science of long standing from the judgment of urines, and it has exhibited a true cure in all the diseases in this book and in many other books. To whom come women with urine that he may tell them what is the cause of the disease.” The illumination shows Constantinus seated, holding a book on his knees with his left hand, while he raises his right hand and forefinger in didactic style. He wears the tonsure, has a beard but no mustache, and seems to be approached by one woman and two men carrying two jars of urine.

[2967] See Margoliouth, _Avicenna_, 1913, p. 49.

[2968] Only the ten books of theory are printed in the 1539 edition of Constantinus.

[2969] _Chirurgia_, at pp. 324-41.

[2970] _Opera omnia ysaac_ (1515), fol. 126v, “Liber decimus practice qui antidotarium dicitur in duas divisus partes.”

Isaac Israeli is the subject of the first chapter in Husik (1916), who calls him (p. 2) “the first Jew, so far as we know, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific discussions.”

[2971] Daremberg (1853), pp. 82-5, gives the prefaces of Ali and Constantinus in parallel columns.

[2972] Printed in 1492 with the works of Ali ben Abbas; Stephen’s translation was made at Antioch in Syria.

[2973] Steinschneider (1866), p. 359.

[2974] “Ultimam et maiorem deesse sensi partem, alteram vero interpretis callida depravatam fraude.”

[2975] Amplon. Octavo 62.

[2976] In his gloss to the _Viaticum_ of Constantinus.

[2977] _Berlin HSS Verzeichnis_ (1905), pp. 1059-65, to whom I owe the preceding references to Ferrarius and Giraldus.

[2978] Rose cites Bamberg L-iii-9. The two following MSS are perhaps also worth noting: The _Pantegni_ as contained in CU Trinity 906, 12th century, finely written, fols. 1-141v, comprises only ten books. The first opens, “Cum totius generalitas tres principales partes habeat”; the tenth ends, “Unde acutum oportet habere sensum ad intelligendum. Explicit.”

St. John’s 85, close of 13th century, “Constantini africani Pantegnus in duas partes divisus quarum prima dicitur Theorica continens decem libros secunda dicitur Practica 33 capita continens,” as a table of contents written in on the fly-leaf states. The ten books of theory end at fol. 100r, “Explicit prima pars pantegni scilicet de theorica. Incipit secunda pars scilicet practica et est primus liber de regimento sanitatis.” This single book in 33 chapters on the preservation of health ends at fol. 116v, and at fol. 117r begins the _Liber divisionum_ of Rasis.

[2979] In Berlin 898, a 12th century MS of Stephen’s translation of Ali’s _Practica_, this ninth section by Constantinus and John is for some reason substituted for the corresponding book of Stephen.

[2980] He calls himself, “iohannes quidam agarenus (Saracenus?) quondam, qui noviter ad fidem christiane religionis venerat cum rustico pisano belle filius ac professione medicus.”

[2981] The main objection to this theory is that Stephen of Pisa, translating in 1127, speaks as if the latter portion of Ali’s work was still untranslated. Rose therefore holds that John had not yet published his translation, although we have seen that he completed the surgical section by 1115.

[2982] In _Opera omnia ysaac_, Lyons, 1515, II, fols. 144-72, “Viaticum ysaac quod constantinus sibi attribuit”; in the Basel, 1536, edition of the works of Constantinus, pp. 1-167, under the title, “De morborum cognitione et curatione lib. vii”; in the Venice, 1505, edition of Gerardus de Solo (Bituricensis), “Commentum eiusdem super viatico cum textu”; and in the Lyons, 1511, edition of Rhazes, _Opera parva Albubetri_.

A fairly early but imperfect MS is CU Trinity 1064, 12-13th century.

Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 2, recognizes in its Titulus that the _Viaticum_ is a translation, “Incipit Viaticum a Constantino in Latinam linguam translatam.”

[2983] Steinschneider (1866), 368-9.

[2984] See above, page 745, note 2.

[2985] In the 1515 edition of Isaac’s works, I, 11-, 156-, and 203-. Peter the Deacon presumably refers to these three works in speaking of “Dietam ciborum. Librum febrium quem de Arabica lingua transtulit. Librum de urinis.” Whether the two initial treatises in the 1515 edition of Isaac, dealing with definitions and the elements, were translated by Constantinus or by Gerard of Cremona is doubtful.

[2986] See CLM 187, fol. 8; 168, fol. 23; 161, fol. 41; 270, fol. 10; 13034, fol. 49, for 13-14th century copies of Galen’s commentary upon the _Aphorisms_ of Hippocrates with a preface by Constantinus.

University College Oxford 89, early 14th century, fol. 90, Incipiunt amphorismi Ypocratis cum commento domini Constantini Affricani montis Cassienensis monachi; fol. 155, Eiusdem Prognostica cum Galeni commento, eodem interprete; fols. 203-61, Eiusdem liber de regimine acutorum cum eiusdem commento eodem interprete.

[2987] _De viris illustribus_, cap. 23, “... transtulit de diversis gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus praecipue ...”: _Chronica_, Lib. III, “... transtulit de diversorum gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus sunt hi praecipue....”

[2988] “Librum duodecim graduum” in _De viris illus._: in the _Chronicle_, “Liber graduum.”

[2989] Edition of Basel, 1536, at pp. 280-98 and 215-74 respectively.

[2990] It is found in Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 51v.

[2991] Edition of 1536, pp. 283-4.

[2992] See below, Chapter 64.

[2993] _Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol._ (1896), pp. 1098ff.

[2994] J. A. Endres, _Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft_, 1910, p. 35, in _Beiträge_, VIII, 3.

[2995] James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”

[2996] CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v, _Experimenta archiep. Salernitani_.

[2997] Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.

[2998] _De coitu_, edition of 1536, p. 306.

[2999] _Viaticum_, VI, 19.

[3000] _Practica_, X, 1; in Isaac, _Opera_, 1515, II, fol. 126.

[3001] _Ibid._, VII, 31; fol. 111r.

[3002] _Ibid._, IV, 37; fol. 96r.

[3003] _Ibid._, V, 17; fol. 99r.

[3004] _De melancholia_ (1536), p. 290.

[3005] _Practica_, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.

[3006] _Practica_, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.

[3007] Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in the _Viaticum_, I, 22; p. 20.

[3008] _Viaticum_, I, 22; p. 21.

[3009] _Viaticum_, VII, 13: _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 377.

[3010] According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especially _De melancholia_ (1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”

[3011] _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 378.

[3012] Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.

[3013] _Theorica_, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.

[3014] _Practica_, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.

[3015] Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.

[3016] _Spec. nat._, XVI, 49.

[3017] _De gradibus_ (1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”

[3018] _Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel_, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.

[3019] _De aegritudinum curatione tractatus_, Renzi, II, 81-386; _De febribus tractatus_, II, 737-68.

[3020] The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.

[3021] However, in an Oxford MS the _Liber aureus_ itself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.

[3022] Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of the _Mappe clavicula_ in a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” in _Archaeologia_, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius, _De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum_, in Mrs. Merrifield’s _Ancient Practice of Painting_, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.

[3023] Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.

[3024] Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.

[3025] _Ibid._, p. 18.

[3026] Berthelot (1893), I, 169.

[3027] Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.

[3028] _Ibid._, p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”

[3029] _Ibid._, p. 187.

[3030] _Traité des Arts Céramiques_, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”

[3031] For these works see Berthelot (1893), III, or Lippmann (1919), who follows him. I have not had access to E. Wiedemann, _Zur Chemie bei den Arabern_, in _Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Societät in Erlangen_, XLIII (1911); and his _Die Alchemie bei den Arabern_, in _Journal für praktische Chemie_, LXXVI (1907), 85-87, 105-23.

[3032] The full title is “Compositiones ad tingenda musiva, pelles et alia, ad deaurandum ferrum, ad mineralia, ad chrysographiam, ad glutina quaedam conficienda, aliaque artium documenta.” The MS, Bibliotheca capituli canonicorum Lucensium, Arm. I, Cod. L, was printed in Muratori, _Antiquitates Italicae_, II (1739), 364-87. It is described by Berthelot (1893), I, 7-22, whose comparison of it with previous treatises I follow.

[3033] Berthelot (1888), I, 12, note.

[3034] Text and some discussion thereof in _Archaeologia_, XXXII (1847), 183-244. Analyzed by Berthelot (1893), I, 23-65. On the Schlestadt MS of the 10th century, see Giry in _Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études_, XXXV (1878), 209-27.

[3035] See recipes 105-93.

[3036] Berthelot (1893), I, 57.

[3037] _Ibid._, 61. Others, however, would trace the discovery of alcohol back to Hippolytus. See above, p. 468.

[3038] “Accipies ad experimentum donec primitus discas non multum cum semel facias.”

[3039] “Absconde sanctum et nulli tradendum secretum neque alicui dederis propheta.”

[3040] Berthelot (1893), I, 303-4.

[3041] Item 265.

[3042] Item 290.

[3043] Item 289.

[3044] _De coloribus et artibus Romanorum_, I, iv. I have somewhat altered Mrs. Merrifield’s translation (I, 186).

[3045] _Ibid._, I, xi; Mrs. Merrifield (1849), I, 189-91.

[3046] _Ibid._, I, xii:

“Sed vim cristalli cruor antea temperet hirci
Sanguis enim facilem ferro facit his adamantem.”

Mrs. Merrifield (I, 194) has incorrectly rendered this passage, “But let the blood of a goat first temper it, for this blood makes the iron so hard that even adamant is soft compared to it.” What Heraclius says is,

“But first let the blood of a he-goat temper the force of the crystal,
For this blood makes adamant soft to the iron.”

[3047] _Schedula diversarum artium_, III, 98.

[3048] _Ibid._, III, 94.

[3049] _Ibid._, III, 21.

[3050] Berthelot (1893), I, 63. His French translation omits some of the Latin text as published in _Archaeologia_, cap. 288.

[3051] “Cardan’s concentric circles,” according to Berthelot (1893), I, 64.

[3052] Berthelot (1893), I, 55.

[3053] II, prologus (closing passage). “Huius ergo imitator desiderans fore, apprehendi atrium agiae Sophiae conspicorque cellulam diversorum colorum omnimodo varietate refertam et monstrantem singulorum utilitatem ac naturam. Quo mox inobservato pede ingressus, replevi armariolum cordis mei sufficienter ex omnibus, quae diligenti experientia sigillatim perscrutatus, cuncta visu manibusque probata satis lucide tuo studio commendavi absque invidia. Verum quoniam huiusmodi picturae usus perspicax non valet esse, quasi curiosus explorator omnibus modis elaboravi cognoscere, quo artis ingenio et colorum varietas opus decoraret, et lucem diei solisque radios non repelleret. Huic exercitio dans operam vitri naturam comprehendo, eiusque solius usu et varietate id effici posse considero, quod artificium, sicut visum et auditum didici, studio tuo indagare curavi.” Ilg’s Latin text (1874).

[3054] III, 47.

[3055] I have followed Ilg’s rather than Hendrie’s text; III, 48.

[3056] Hendrie (1847), pp. 432-3.

[3057] Ernst von Meyer, _History of Chemistry_, 1906.

[3058] Migne, PL 146, 583-4. Some accused the bishop of resort to magic arts: _Ibid._, 606.

[3059] W. Stubbs, in RS LXIII, p. cix. C. L. Barnes, _Science in Early England_, in Smithsonian Report for 1895, p. 732. Of the alchemy ascribed to Dunstan, Elias Ashmole remarked in his _Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum_, 1652, “He who shall have the happiness to meet with St. Dunstan’s work _De occulta philosophia_ ... may therein read such stories as will make him amazed to think what stupendous and immense things are to be performed by virtue of the Philosopher’s Mercury, of which a taste only and no more.”

[3060] Berthelot (1893), I, 234.

[3061] Karpinski (1915), pp. 26-30; Haskins, EHR, XXX (1915), 62-5.

[3062] Berlin 956, 12th century, “Hic incipit alchamia. Accipe CCCC ova gauline que generata sunt et facta in mense martii .../ ... ut recentiora sint semper et calidiora. Explicit alchamia.” The titles of the last three chapters are, “de iiii ollis, de cognitione, de observatione stestarum.” I have not seen the MS but follow Rose’s description in the Berlin MSS catalogue.

[3063] I have used the edition of Marbod’s poems in Migne, PL vol. 171, which also contains a life of Marbod. Two secondary accounts of Marbod are C. Ferry, _De Marbodi Rhedonensis Episcopi vita et carminibus_, Nemansi, 1877; L. V. E. Ernault, _Marbode, Évêque de Rennes, Sa vie et ses Œuvres_, in _Bull. et Mém. de la Société Archéologique du dept. d’Ille-et-Vilaine_, XX, 1-260, Rennes, 1889. See also V. Rose, _Aristoteles De Lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo_, in _Zeitsch. f. deutsches Alterthum_, XVIII (1875), p. 321, _et seq._; L. Pannier, _Les lapidaires français du moyen âge_, Paris, 1882. C. W. King, _The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems_, London, 1865.

[3064] CLM 23479, 11th century, fols. 4-10, Carmina de lapidibus eadem quae Marbodo tribuuntur sed alio ordine. Of CUL 768, 15th century, fols. 67-80, “Marbodi liber lapidum,” the Catalogue says, “This Latin poem has been often printed but it does not appear that the editors have collated this MS. The order of the sections is different from all those of which Beckmann speaks in his edition (Göttingen, 1799), answering, however, most nearly to his own.”

[3065] The full name of Tiberius was, of course, Tiberius Claudius Nero Caesar.

[3066] Library of Dukes of Burgundy 8890, 12th century, Evacis regis. BN 2621, 12th and 15th centuries, #6, Poemation de gemmis cuius author dicitur Evax, Rex Arabiae.

Montpellier 277, Liber lapidum preciosorum Evax rex Arabum.

Riccard. 1228, 12th century, fols. 41-54; Incipit prologus Evacis regis Arabie ad Neronem Tyberium de lapidibus. Incipit lapidarius Evacis habens nomina gemmarum lx.

BL Hatton 76 contains two letters of Evax, king of the Arabs, to Tiberius Caesar, on the virtues of stones, according to Cockayne (1864), I, xc and lxxxiv.

[3067] Printed by J. B. Pitra, III (1855), 324-35.

[3068] BN 7418, 14th century, fol. 116-, (D)amigeronis peritissimi de lapidibus. Since this is the sole MS known of the prose version (Rose, 1875, p. 326) and is of the 14th century, whereas we have numerous early MSS of Marbod’s poem, it would seem that this may be derived from Marbod rather than even from the earlier and fuller work which he is supposed to have used.

[3069] Namely, Leo, Cancer, Aries, Sagittarius, Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn.

[3070] See page 775, note 2.

[3071] King (1865), p. 7; Rose (1875), p. 335.

[3072] Ferry (1887), p. 69.

[3073] NH XXXVI, 56. Pliny, however, makes these statements about chelonia and not chelonitis which follows it.

[3074] The stones which I have taken as examples are numbers 1, 3, 5, 18, 19, 39, and 57 respectively.

[3075] See above, chapter 29, page 689.