Chapter XXXIV: Marbod, Bishop of Rennes, 1035—1123 (8)

Jules Combarieu, _La musique et la magie_, 1909, p. 87, says in reference to the following incantation recommended by Marcellus, _tetunc resonco bregan gresso_, “Je remarque en passant qu’il faut frotter l’œil en disant ce _carmen_, et que dans le patois du Midi, _brégua_ ou _brége_, signifie frotter. Marcellus, si je ne me trompe, était de Bordeaux.”

Grimm, however (1847), p. 455, interpreted _bregan_ as “lies”—“breigan gen. pl. von breag lüge,” and the whole line as in modern Irish _teith uainn cre soin go breigan greasa_ (“fleuch von uns staub hinnen zu der lügen genossen!”).

[2326] Stephanus (1567), I, 347, _et seq._ For an English translation of the text see F. Adams, _The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta_, London, 1844-1847.

[2327] _Simia Galieni_, according to Guinther in his translation of Alexander of Tralles, Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2328] Milward (1733), 9-11.

[2329] John Friend (or Freind), _History of Physick_ (1725), I, 297.

[2330] Puschmann, _History of Medical Education_, 1891, p. 153.

[2331] Milward (1733), p. 11.

[2332] J. F. Payne, _English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times_, 1904, pp. 102-8.

[2333] Milward (1733), p. 19; Puschmann (1878), I, 104.

[2334] Ch. Daremberg, _Histoire des Sciences Médicales_, Paris, 1870, I, 242.

[2335] This general impression received from reading many classical and medieval works I was glad to find confirmed by Milward (1733), p. 29, in the particular case of Alexander of Tralles, of whom he writes: “As our author’s stile is excellent, so likewise is his method, and there is no respect in which he is more distinguished from the other Greek writers in physick than in this. The works of Hippocrates, Galen, and indeed of all of them except it be Aretaeus are not only very voluminous but put together with little or no order, as is evident enough to all such as have been conversant with them.”

[2336] Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9, said that a mass of MSS in a score of European libraries contained as yet unidentified Latin translations of Greek medical writers.

[2337] BN 10233, 7th century uncial; BN nouv. acq. 1619, 7-8th century, demi-uncial; BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 1-, Oribasii synopsis medica; CLM 23535, 12th century, fols. 72 and 112. V. Rose, _Soranus_, 1882, pp. iv-v, speaks of a sixth century Latin version of _Oribasius_.

[2338] _Tetrabiblos_, IV, iii, 15.

[2339] _Ibid._, I, iv, 9, where Galen is not cited, and III, i, 9, where Galen is cited. In Galen, _De simplicibus_, IX, ii, 19 (Kühn, XII, 207).

[2340] _Ibid._, I, ii, 170, where Galen is not cited; _De simplicibus_, XI, i, 1 (Kühn, XII, 311-4).

[2341] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 175; Kühn XII, 356-9. Galen is not cited in this, nor in any of the following passages from the _Tetrabiblos_ listed in the notes, unless this is expressly stated.

[2342] _Tetrabiblos_ at the beginning, pp. 6-7 in Stephanus (1567).

[2343] _Tetrabiblos_ IV, i, 33; Kühn XIV, 233, and XII, 250-1.

[2344] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 109; Kühn XII, 288.

[2345] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 253.

[2346] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 248, 284-5.

[2347] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 111; Kühn XII, 291-3.

[2348] _Tetrabiblos_ II, iv, 34; Kühn XII, 860. Perhaps a closer correspondence than this could be found. In his preceding 33rd chapter, headed _Curatio erosorum dentium ex Galeno_, Aëtius includes use of the tooth of a dead dog pulverized in vinegar, which is to be held in the mouth, or filling the ear next the tooth with “fumigated earthworms” or with oil in which earthworms have been cooked.

[2349] _Tetrabiblos_ I, ii, 49.

[2350] _Tetrabiblos_ IV, i, 39.

[2351] _Tetrabiblos_ III, iii, 35.

[2352] _Tetrabiblos_ II, ii, 12. Marcellus, cap. 20 (p. 188) also speaks of “those who often think that they are made sport of by an incubus.”

[2353] _Tetrabiblos_, I, ii, 177.

[2354] _Tetrabiblos_, IV, i, 86.

[2355] _Tetrabiblos_, I, iii, 164. This passage was printed separately in the _Uranologion_ of D. Petavius, Paris, 1630 and 1703.

[2356] Agathias, _De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani_, Paris, 1860, p. 149.

[2357] Milward (1733), p. 17, “he travel’d through Greece, Gaul, Spain, and several other places whose mention we find up and down in his works.”

[2358] Puschmann (1878), I, 288, διὸ καὶ γέρων λοιπὸν πειθαρχῶ καὶ κάμνειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενος....

[2359] Milward (1733), p. 25.

[2360] Puschmann (1878), I, 83.

[2361] Milward (1733), p. 27.

[2362] Puschmann (1891), 152-3.

[2363] Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2364] Friend (1725), I, 106.

[2365] Milward (1733), pp. 65-6, 57 _et seq._

[2366] _Ibid._, pp. 104, 92-3, 71.

[2367] _Ibid._, pp. 48-9.

[2368] See V. Rose, _Hermes_, VIII, 39; _Anecdota_, II, 108. I presume that BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 139, “Alexandri hiatrosofiste therapeut(i)con” (libri tres) is the free Latin translation in a Paris MS of the ninth century alluded to by Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9. Puschmann (1878) I, 91-2, in a blind and inadequate account of the Latin MSS, does not mention it, but lists a Monte Cassino codex (97) of the 9-10th century and an Angers MS of the 10-11th century. He also alludes to a MS at Chartres without giving any number or date for it, but probably has reference to Chartres 342, 12th century, fols. 1-139, “Libri tres Alexandri Yatros.” He alludes to BN 6881 and 6882, both 13th century, libri tres de morbis et de morborum curatione; but not to CLM 344, 12-13th century, fols. 1-60, libri III de medicina,—integra versio Latina Lugduni a. 1504 edita. Other MSS are: Gonville and Caius 400, early 13th century, fols. 4v-83v, “Inc. Alexander yatros sophista”; Royal 12-B-XVI, late 13th century, fol. 113, Practica Alexandri.

It will be noted that the text in all these Latin MSS is in only three books, but it follows the same order as the twelve books. It is also, at least in the edition of 1504, not as abbreviated as one might infer from Rose. Rather the later editors, Albanus Torinus and Guinther of Andernach, seem to have taken greater liberties with, and made unwarranted additions to Alexander’s text. At the same time the early Latin text treats of some topics such as toothache which are not included in Puschmann’s Greek text, and also includes (II, 79-103, and 104-50) treatments of diseases of the abdomen and spleen for which there seems to be no genuine Greek text and which Puschmann, _Nachträge_, 1886, has published separately as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius, medical writers of the first and fourth centuries. His chief reason seems to be that cap. 79 is entitled, _De reumate ventris filominis_, and cap. 104, _Ad splenem philogrius_, while cap. 151 is headed, _Causa que est ydropicie alexandri_. These passages are, however, found in the Latin MSS of Alexander’s work from the first, and the use of Romance words by the unknown Latin translator indicates that the translation was made in the early medieval period,—Puschmann (1886), p. 12.

[2369] Puschmann (1878), I, 91.

[2370] As in Vendôme 109, 11th century, fol. 1, Mulsa Alexandri (Tralliani), fol. 68v, “De reuma ventris, de libro Alexandri” (not here ascribed, it will be noted, to Philumenus), fol. 71, “De secundo libro Alexandri de cura nefreticorum.” The _Mulsa Alexandri_ is found also in two other 11th century MSS of the same library: Vendôme 172, fol. 1, and 175, fol. 2.

In Royal 12-E-XX, 12th century, fols. 146v-151v, “Incipit liber dietarum diversarum medicorum, hoc est Alexandri et aliorum.” This extract, made up of a number of Alexander’s chapters on the diet suitable in different ailments, is often found in the MSS, as here, with the Pseudo-Pliny and was printed as its fifth book in 1509 and 1516.

[2371] Puschmann (1878), I, 97.

[2372] Milward (1773), p. 179.

[2373] Thus in Vendôme 109 (see note 2, p. 577) besides the extracts from Alexander of Tralles we find at fol. 58, “Alexander (Aphrodisiensis) amicus veritatis in tertio libro suo ubi de febribus commemorat.” The Arabs seem to have confused these two Alexanders: see Steinschneider (1862), p. 61; Puschmann (1878), I, 94-5.

[2374] See the discussion by Choulant in _Janus_ (1845), p. 52, and Henschel in De Renzi (1852-9) II, 11, of a 12th century MS at Breslau, “Liber Alexandri de agnoscendis febribus et pulsibus et urinis”; also Puschmann (1878) I, 105-6, concerning BN Greek MS 2316, which seems to be a late Greek translation of it,—another instance that a Greek text is not necessarily the original.

[2375] Corpus Christi 189, 11-12th century, fols. 1-5, “Antidotum pigra magni Alexandri Macedonii quod facit stomaticis epilenticis.” Steinschneider, cited by Puschmann (1878) I, 106, has also noted the attribution in Hebrew MSS to Alexander the Great of a work on fever, urine, and pulse, presumably identical with that mentioned in the foregoing note.

[2376] Stephanus (1567) I, 176, 204, 216, 225; and Puschmann, II, 575, are a few specimens.

[2377] Amplon. Quarto 204, 12-13th century, fols. 90-5, Experimentorum Alexandri medici collectio succincta. Digby 79, 13th century, fols. 180-92v, “Alexandrina experimenta de libro percompendiose extractata meliora ut nobis visum est ad singulas egritudines.” Additional 34111, 15th century, fol. 77, “Experimenta Alexandri,” in English.

[2378] Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann II, 563.

[2379] Milward (1733), p. 168.

[2380] Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2381] Stephanus I, 345, see also 296 and 339; Puschmann I, 407, 437.

[2382] Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2383] Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann I, 565.

[2384] Stephanus I, 345; Puschmann I, 437.

[2385] Καὶ θαυμαστῶς ὅπως ἀντιπαθείᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγῳ ἀρρήτῳ.

[2386] For the passages in this paragraph see Stephanus I, 156-7, 313; Puschmann I, 561, 567-73.

[2387] Stephanus I, 312.

[2388] Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2389] Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2390] Stephanus I, 313.

[2391] Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2392] Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2393] Stephanus I, 314; Puschmann II, 585.

[2394] If the MSS, which I have not examined, agree with the 1504 edition.

[2395] Both in BN 6880 and the edition of Basel, 1536, “Marcellus vir inluster ex magno officio Theodosii Sen. filiis suis salutem d(icit).” In the MS, however, a later hand has written above the now faded line an incorrect copy in which “Theodosii Sen.” is replaced by “theodosiensi.” Helmreich (1889), on the other hand, has replaced “ex magno officio” by “ex magistro officio.” It is perhaps open to doubt whether the “Sen.” goes with “Theodosii” or “Marcellus.”

[2396] Cap. 20 (1889), p. 204.

[2397] In BN 6880 there are other headings written in capitals than those which mark the openings of the 36 chapters.

[2398] Cap. 29 (1889), pp. 304-6.

[2399] Cap. 35 (1889), p. 361.

[2400] Cap. 8 (1889), p. 80.

[2401] Cap. 5 (1889), p. 49.

[2402] For such mentions of experience and experiment see the following passages in the 1889 edition, numbers referring to page and line: 31, 7; 34, 3; 35, 14; 44, 2; 53, 1; 58, 21; 64, 34; 65, 30; 66, 26; 72, 22; 73, 7; 74, 2; 77, 9; 80, 28; 81, 29; 89, 3 and 29; 96, 14 and 31; 102, 27; 120, 32; 123, 15; 129, 21; 133, 10; 145, 33; 148, 25; 149, 26; 160, 18; 176, 5; 178, 25; 186, 15; 190, 20; 192, 31; 211, 1; 222, 18; 224, 31; 230, 3; 235, 15; 236, 14; 239, 8 and 26; 242, 8 and 23; 248, 20; 256, 9; 258, 5; 264, 21; 276, 35; 281, 19 and 27; 282, 15; 308, 21; 312, 6 and 19 and 22; 314, 25; 326, 28; 327, 13; 334, 29; 343, 23; 351, 23 and 25; 353, 4; 354, 19; 356, 6; 362, 32; 370, 22 and 37.

[2403] Cap. 15 (1889), p. 146.

[2404] Cap. 23 (1889), p. 239.

[2405] Caps. 20 and 24 (1889), pp. 208 and 244.

[2406] Cap. 26 (1889), pp. 264-6.

[2407] Cap. 29 (1889), p. 311; and see cap. 28, p. 298.

[2408] Cap. 12, p. 123.

[2409] Cap. 16, p. 166.

[2410] Cap. 23, p. 238.

[2411] Cap. 34, p. 357.

[2412] Cap. 8, p. 69.

[2413] Cap. 8, p. 66.

[2414] Cap. 12, p. 125.

[2415] Cap. 10, p. 113.

[2416] Cap. 10, p. 112; NH 30, 11.

[2417] Cap. 8, p. 68; NH 29, 38.

[2418] Cap. 29, p. 313.

[2419] Cap. 29, p. 314. Pliny has a similar procedure with a frog and a reed.

[2420] Cap. 22, p. 230.

[2421] Cap. 33, p. 347, “mulierem verendaque eius dum cum ea cois tange.”

[2422] Cap. 23, p. 239.

[2423] Cap. 1, p. 34.

[2424] Cap. 25, p. 247.

[2425] Cap. 12, p. 126.

[2426] Cap. 18, p. 178.

[2427] Cap. 17, p. 176.

[2428] Cap. 32, pp. 337, 338, 340.

[2429] Cap. 8, p. 70.

[2430] Cap. 12, p. 123.

[2431] Cap. 36, p. 379. Marcellus employs the phrase, of course, to indicate a private or personal incantation, and as a matter of fact it is somewhat less absurd than a number of others.

[2432] Cap. 28, p. 301.

[2433] Cap. 29, p. 310. For further instances of incantations and characters in the _De medicamentis_ see page 110, lines 18-27; 111, 26-33; 112, 29-113, 2; 116, 8-11; 133, 18-22, 26-31; 139, 17-26; 142, 19-26; 149, 4-11; 151, 18-33; 152, 9-14, 19-24; 180, 1-3; 220, 11-20; 221, 2-6; 223, 15-18; 241, 1-6, 14-22; 244, 26-28; 248, 16-19; 260, 22-24; 295, 18-22; 333, 9-15; 382, 16-18.

[2434] Daremberg (1870) I, 257-8.

[2435] _Plinii Secundi Iunioris de medicina libri tres_, ed. V. Rose, Lipsiae, 1875. V. Rose, “Ueber die Medicina Plinii,” in _Hermes_, VIII (1874) 19-66.

[2436] _C. Plinii Secundi Medicina_, ed. Thomas Pighinuccius, Rome, 1509.

[2437] Codex St. Gall 751; described by V. Rose, _Hermes_, VIII, 48-55; _Anecdota_ II, 106.

[2438] For the list of his six genuine works see above p. 222.

[2439] De nota aspirationis and De diphthongis, ed. Osann, Darmstadt, 1826, with _De orthographia_, a forgery by a sixteenth century humanist.

[2440] Περὶ ἑρμηνείας, sometimes printed as the third book of the _De dogmate Platonis_. Some scholars, however, regard it as genuine, and there are a number of MSS of it from the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries. See Schanz (1905), 127-8.

[2441] See above p. 290.

[2442] See Schanz (1905), 139-40.

[2443] See below p. 683. Schanz fails to mention it among the apocryphal works of Apuleius.

[2444] H. Köbert, _De Pseudo-Apulei herbarum medicaminibus_, Bayreuth, 1888. Schanz (1905) 138, mentions only continental MSS, although there are numerous MSS of it in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries, some of which have been used and others described by O. Cockayne in his edition of the _Herbarium_ and the other treatises accompanying it in his _Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England_, Vol. I (1864) in RS XXXV. Nor does Schanz note Cockayne’s book.

[2445] See Sloane 1975, a vellum MS of the 12th or early 13th century written in fine large letters and beautifully illuminated; Ashmole 1431, end of 11th century, and 1462, 13th century, fol. 45r. Harleian 4986, Apuleii Platonici de medicamentis cum figuris pictis, is another early illuminated English MS. Cockayne I, lxxxii, does not date it, but the MSS catalogue lists it as tenth century. In CU Trinity 1152, 14th century, James (III, 162-3) estimates the number of colored drawings as between 800 and 1000; he describes only a few. Singer (1921) reproduces a number of such illuminations from MSS of the _Herbarium_ and of Dioscorides.

[2446] Lucca 236, 9-10th century, “Herbarium Apuleii Platonici quem accepit a Chironi magistro Achillis et ab Escolapio explicit feliciter.” In Cotton Vitellius C-III, early 11th century, in Anglo-Saxon, although the title reads, “The Herbarium of Apuleius the Platonist which he received from Esculapius and Chiron the centaur, the master of Achilles,” a full page painting shows Plato and Chiron receiving the volume from Aesculapius (Cockayne, I, lxxxviii). And Sloane 1975 and Harleian 1585 speak of the _Herbarium_ as “Liber Platonis Apoliensis.” In a 15th century MS (Rawlinson C-328, fol. 113v-, Incipit de herbis Galieni Apolei et Ciceronis) Galen and Cicero, who perhaps replace Chiron and Aesculapius, are associated with Apuleius as authors.

[2447] Daremberg (1853), 11-12, said that the pagan incantations were preserved intact in a number of MSS at Oxford and Cambridge. Conjurations of herbs are not limited to the Pseudo-Apuleius in medieval MSS but sometimes occur singly as in Perugia 736, 13th century, where at fol. 267 a 14th century hand has added a passage in Latin which may be translated: “In the name of Christ, Amen. I conjure you, herb, that I may conquer by lord Peter etc. by moon and stars etc. and may you conquer all my enemies, pontiff and priests and all laymen and all women and all lawyers who are against me etc.” In Sloane 1571, 15th century, fols. 1-6, at the close of fragments of a Latin-English dictionary of herbs is a Latin prayer entitled, _Benedictio omnium herbarum_.

[2448] The above passages are from Sloane 1975 and the edition of 1547.

[2449] Ashmole 1431, 11th century, fol. 3r, “In nomine domini incipit herboralium apuleii platonis quod accepit ascolapio et chirone centauro magistro. Lege feliciter. Precantatio omnium herbarum ad singulas curas.” CU Trinity 1152, 14th century, fol. 1. Gonville and Caius 345, 14th century, fol. 89v.

[2450] Or Papyriensis Placitus.

[2451] Perhaps merely for “auctor.” ed. Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. XIII, 395-423, _Sexti Placiti liber de medicina ex animalibus_.

[2452] In Montpellier 277, 15th century, “Liber Sesti platonis de animalibus,” perhaps because the Apuleius of the _Herbarium_ is called a Platonist. In Digby 43, late 14th century, fol. 15, “Liber Septiplanti Papiensis de bestiis et avibus medicinalis.” In Rawlinson C-328, 15th century, fol. 128, “Incipit liber Papiriensis ex animalibus ex avibus.” The work is sometimes found in juxtaposition with a somewhat similar “Liber medicinalis de secretis Galieni,” concerning which see below, chapter 64, II, 761.

[2453] V. Rose (1875) 337-8 suggests that this is a fragment from a fuller work of Aesculapius to Augustus cited by Thomas of Cantimpré, Albertus Magnus, and Vincent of Beauvais. See also Peter of Abano, _De venenis_, cap. 5, “in epistola Esculapii philosophi ad Octavianum.” But perhaps these writers refer to the entire work of Sextus Papirius.

[2454] Ed. Ruellius, with Scribonius Largus, Paris, 1529.

[2455] In a later medieval vocabulary _taxus_ is given as a synonym for the animal called _camaleon_: _Alphita_, ed. Daremberg from BN 6954 and 6957 in De Renzi, _Collectio Salernitana_, III, 272-322.

[2456] Cotton Vespasian B, X, #6.

[2457] Harleian 3859, called tenth century in the Harleian catalogue which is often incorrect in its dating, but 11th or 12th century by d’Avezac, Mommsen in his edition of Solinus, and Beazley, _Dawn of Geography_, I, 523. Royal 15-B-II and 15-C-IV, both of the 12th century. For other MSS at Paris, Leyden, and Rome see Beazley, _op. cit._

[2458] But after all is Suetonius any more respectable a historian than Aethicus and Solinus are geographers?

[2459] Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, II, Appendix: “How M. Wuttke can attach any value to such a production is to me quite incomprehensible; still more that he should ascribe the translation to the great ecclesiastical writer,” Jerome. Bunbury believed that the work was not earlier than the seventh century. Beazley, _Dawn of Geography_, I, 355-63, is of the same opinion.

[2460] In his edition of Solinus, p. xxvii, he contends that certain passages which Wuttke pointed out as common to Aethicus and Solinus are borrowed by Aethicus from Isidore who died in 636.

[2461] Harleian 3859.

[2462] Steele, _Opera hactenus inedita_, 1905, Fasc. I, pp. 1-2.

[2463] CUL 213, 14th century, fols. 103v-14, “Qui hunc librum legit intelligat Ethicum philosophum non omnia dixisse que hic scripta sunt, set Solinus (so James, but _Jeronimus_ in d’Avezac, p. 237) qui eum transtulit sententias veritati consonas ex libro eiusdem excerpsit et easdem testimonias scripture nostre confirmavit. Non enim erat iste philosophus Christianus sed Ethnicus et professione Achademicus.”

[2464] Bridges I, 267-8.

[2465] Cited by d’Avezac, pp. 257 and 267.

[2466] Vienna 2272, 14th century, fol. 92, De vindemiis a Burgundione translatus: Pars Geoponicorum.

[2467] Such is the view set forth in PW _Geoponica_.

[2468] H. Beckh, _Geoponica sive Cassiani Bassi scholastici de re rustica eclogae_, Lipsiae, Teubner, 1895. PW criticizes this edition as “_leider völlig verfehlten_.” Its preface lists the earlier editions.

[2469] _Geoponica_, VII, 5; II, 15.

[2470] VII, 11; XV, 1.

[2471] I, 12; VII, 13; etc.

[2472] XV, 1.

[2473] R. Heim, _Incantamenta magica graeca latina_, in _Jahrb. f. class. Philologie_, Suppl. Bd. 19, Leipzig, 1893, pp. 463-576, drew from the _Geoponica_ 13 out of his total of 245 instances of incantations from Greek and Latin literature.

[2474] VII, 14.

[2475] XIII, 15.

[2476] The first two volumes, published at Berlin in 1907, 1906, covered the first four of the five genuine books. A previous attempt was K. Sprengel’s edition in vols. 25-26 of C. J. Kühn’s _Medici Graeci_, Leipzig, 1829. On the textual history and problems see further Wellman’s articles: “Dioskurides” in Pauly-Wissowa, and in _Hermes_, XXXIII, (1898) 360ff.

[2477] Περὶ βοτανῶν, περὶ ζῴων παντοίων, περὶ παντοίων ἐλαίων, περὶ ὕλης δένδρων, περὶ οἴνων καὶ λίθων, is another order suggested.

[2478] The MS is said by Singer (1921) 60, to have now been removed from Vienna to St. Mark’s Library at Venice; it was procured from Constantinople in 1555 for the future Emperor Maximilian II (1564-1576). A photographic copy was published in 1906 in the Leiden Collection, _Codices Graeci et Latini_, by A. W. Sijthoff, with an introduction by A. von Premerstein, C. Wessely, and J. Mantuani (C. Wessely, _Codex Anciae Iulianae_, etc., 1906). See also A. v. Premerstein in the Austrian _Jahrbuch_ (1903) XXIV, 105ff.

I have examined the facsimile of this MS and found the large but faded and partially obliterated illuminations which precede the text rather disappointing after having read the description of them in Dalton’s _Byzantine Art_, (1911) 460-61, which, however, I presume is accurate and so reproduce here. These large illuminations include a portrait of Juliana Anicia, an ornamental peacock with tail spread, groups of doctors engaged in medical discussions, and Dioscorides himself seated writing, and again seated on a folding stool receiving the herb mandragora (which, of course, was a medieval favorite) from a female figure personifying Discovery (Εὕρησις), “while in the foreground a dog dies in agony,” presumably from the fatal effects of the herb. There are rough reproductions of this last picture in Woltmann and Woermann, _History of Painting_, I, 192-3, and Singer (1921) 62. When the text proper begins the illuminations are confined to medicinal plants.

Other early Greek manuscripts are the _Codex Neapolitanus_, formerly at Vienna, now at St. Mark’s, Venice, an eighth century palimpsest from Bobbio, and a Paris codex, (BN Greek 2179) of the ninth century. An Arabic translation from the Greek seems to have been made about 850; a century later the Byzantine emperor sent a Greek manuscript of Dioscorides to the caliph in Spain.

For the full text of the _De materia medica_ we are dependent on MSS of the 11th, 12th, 13th and later centuries.

[2479] Περὶ δηλητηρίων φαρμάκων and περὶ ἰοβόλων, edited by Sprengel in Kühn (1830), XXVI, as was the Περὶ εὐπορίστων ἁπλῶν τε καὶ συνθέτων φαρμάκων. The Περὶ φαρμάκων ἐμπειρίας, (“Experimental Pharmacy”), of which a Latin version, _Alphabetum empiricum, sive Dioscoridis et Stephani Atheniensis ... de remediis expertis_, was edited by C. Wolf, Zürich, 1581, is an alphabetical arrangement by diseases ascribed to Dioscorides and Stephen of Athens (and other writers).

[2480] Max Wellmann, _Die Schrift des Dioskurides_ Περὶ ἁπλῶν φαρμάκων, 1914, and col. 1140 of his article “Dioskurides” in Pauly-Wissowa.

[2481] _De inst. div. lit._ cap. 31.

[2482] V. Rose in Hermes VIII, 38A. Harleian 4986, fol. 44v, “... marcelline libellum botanicon ex dioscoridis libris in latinum sermonem conversum in quo depicte sunt herbarum figure ad te misi....”

[2483] Heinrich Kaestner, _Kritisches und Exegetisches zu Pseudo-Dioskorides de herbis femininis_, Regensburg, 1896; text in _Hermes_ XXXI (1896) 578-636. Singer (1921) 68, gives as the earliest MS, Rome Barberini IX, 29, of 9th century. Some other MSS are: BN 12995, 9th century; Additional 8928, 11th century, fol. 62v-; Ashmole 1431, end of 11th century, fols. 31v-43, “Incipit liber Dioscoridis ex herbis feminis”; Sloane 1975, 12th or early 13th century, fols. 49v-73; Harleian 1585, 12th century, fol. 79-; Harleian 5294, 12th century; Turin K-IV-3, 12th century, #5, “Incipit liber dioscoridis medicine ex herbis femininis numero LXXI .../ ... Liber medicine dioscoridis de herbis femininis et masculinis explicit feliciter.”

In Vienna 5371, 15th century, fols. 121v-124v, is a briefer Latin treatise ascribed to Dioscordes, which begins with the herb _aristologia_ and mentions silk (_sericum_) at its close. I have not seen the MS but from the title, _Quid pro quo_, and the fact that the writer dedicates it to his uncle, one might fancy that it was a work written by Adelard of Bath’s nephew in return for the _Natural Questions_ of his uncle. (See below, chapter 36).

[2484] _Hermes_ VIII, 38, comparing _Etymologies_ XVII, 93, with cap. 30 of the _De herbis femininis_.

[2485] _Anecdota graeca et graeco-latina_, Berlin, 1864, II, 115 and 119; Hermes VIII, 38; Wellmann (1906), p. xxi.

[2486] BN 9332, 8th century; CLM 337, 9-10th century from Monte Cassino; ed. T. M. Auracher et H. Stadler, in _Rom. Forsch._ I, 49-105; X, 181-247 and 368-446; XI, 1-121; XII, 161-243.

[2487] Cod. Bam. L-III-9.

[2488] PW “Dioskurides.” A fairly early MS is CU Jesus 44, 12-13th century, fols. 17-145r, “diascorides per modum alphabeti de virtutibus herbarum et compositione olerum.” I have not seen it but, if correctly dated, it and Bologna University Library 378, 12th century, which is said to differ from the printed editions, are too early to be Peter of Abano’s version.

[2489] _Explicit dyascorides quem petrus paduanensis legendo corexit et exponendo quae utiliora sunt in lucem deduxit_, Colle, 1478. _Dioscorides digestus alphabetico ordine additis annotatiunculis brevibus et tractatu aquarum_, Lugduni, 1512. And see Chap. 70, Appendix II.

[2490] I have read it in BN 6820, fol. 1r, as well as in the 1478 edition.

[2491] A work by Serapion which Simon Cordo of Genoa translated from Arabic into Latin with the help of Abraham, a Jew of Tortosa. Serapion states at the beginning that his work is a combination of Dioscorides and of the work of Galen on medicinal simples. _Aggregator_ was printed in 1479, _Liber Serapionis aggregatus in medicinis simplicibus. Translatio Symonis Ianuensis interprete Abraam iudeo tortuosiensi de arabico in latinum._

[2492] Ruska (1912), p. 5, says that Dioscorides, V, 84-133, among other things describes “eine ganze Reihe von höchst zweifelhaften Steinen mit unglaublichen Wirkungen die in den Arabischen Arzneimittelverzeichnissen und Steinbüchern niederkehren.”

[2493] Amplon. Folio 41, fols. 36-7; Montpellier 277, caps. 46-67 of the treatise entitled, _Liber aristotelis de lapidibus preciosis secundum verba sapientium antiquorum_.

[2494] Sloane 3848, 17th century, fols. 36-40.

[2495] _Macer Floridus de viribus herbarum una cum Walafridi Strabonis, Othonis Cremonensis et Ioannis Folcz carminibus similis argumenti_, ed. Ludovicus Choulant, 1832.

[2496] V. Rose himself corrected (_Hermes_, VIII, 330-1) the strange statement which he had made (_Hermes_, VIII, 63) that the name “Macer” is not found in connection with this work until MSS of the 14th and 15th centuries. Both the treatise and the name are frequent in the earlier MSS.

[2497] Cotton, Vitellius C, III.

[2498] The Dane, Harpestreng, who died in 1244, translated and commented upon the poem; published by Christian Molbech, Copenhagen, 1826.

[2499] There are a large number in the MSS collections of the British Museum alone. Some said to be of the 12th century are Harleian 4346, and at Erfurt Amplon, Octavo 62a and 62b.

[2500] See the British Museum catalogue of printed books. I have used besides Choulant’s text of 1832 an illustrated octavo edition probably of 1489. The poem also appears in medical collections such as _Medici antiqui omnes_, Aldus, Venice, 1547, fols. 223-46.

[2501] Choulant (1832) Preface.

[2502] Choulant (1832) _Prolegomena ad Macrum_, p. 14.

[2503] See the description of _Ligusticum_, lines 900-6.

[2504] Often printed: ed. F. A. Reuss, Würzburg, 1834; in Migne PL 114, 1119-30.

[2505] H. Stadler, _Die Quellen des Macer Floridus_, in Sudhoff (1909).

[2506] Stadler, _op. cit._; Choulant (1832), p. 4.

[2507] “Macer scripsit metrico stilo librum. de viribus herbarum,”—Stadler (1909), 65.

[2508] It was, however, a good deal subject to later interpolation.

[2509] Choulant (1832) adds as _Macri spuria_ 487 lines concerning twenty herbs.

In Vienna 3207, 15th century, fols. 1-50, Macer Floridus, De viribus herbarum; fols. 50-52, Pseudo-Macer, De animalibus et lignis.

[2510] Lines 1901-2, _Quae, quamvis natura potens concedere posset Vana tamen nobis et anilia iure videntur_.

[2511] Lines 1881-3, _Hanc herbam gestando manu si queris ab egro Dic frater quid agis? bene si responderit eger, Vivet, si vero male, spes est nulla salutis_.

[2512] Herb 54, lines 1728-.

[2513] Herb 49, lines 1617-27.

[2514] Herb 67, lines 2095-.

[2515] Herb 51, lines 1685-9.

[2516] Herb 52.

[2517] Herb 34, lines 1135-8.

[2518] Herb 41, lines 1421-2.

[2519] Herb 50, lines 1641-63.

[2520] Herb 69, _Cyminum_, lines 2118-9, “Hoc orthopnoicis miram praestare medelam Experti dicunt cum pusce saepius haustum.”

[2521] Vienna 2532, 12th century, fols. 106-17, “Experimenta Macri. Ad dolorem capitis. Accipe balsamum et instilla .../ ... adde sucum celidonie et superpone vulneribus.”

Arundel 295, 14th century, fols. 222-33, “Experimenta Macri collecta sub certis capitulis a Gotefrido.”

[2522] R. L. Poole, _Medieval Thought_, 1884, pp. 19, 21.

[2523] Migne, PL 70, 1146.

[2524] _Anicii Manlii Severini Boetii Philosophiae Consolationis Libri quinque_, ed. R. Peiper, Lipsiae, 1871, pp. xxxix-xlvi, li-lxvii. See also Manitius (1911), pp. 33-5.

It was by seeking comfort in _The Consolation of Philosophy_ after the death of Beatrice that Dante was led into a new world of literature, science, and philosophy, as he tells us in his _Convivio_; cited by Orr (1913), p. 1.

[2525] Manitius (1911), pp. 29-32.

[2526] _Ibid._, 26-8. At the time I went through the various catalogues of MSS in the British Museum item by item it was not my intention to include Boethius in this investigation, and I am therefore unable to say whether the Museum has MSS which may throw further light upon the problems connected with the mathematical treatises ascribed to Boethius. Manitius mentions no English MSS in this connection, but there are likely to be some at London, Oxford, or Cambridge.

[2527] _Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy_, translated from the Latin by George Colville, 1556; ed. with Introduction by E. B. Box, London, 1897, p. xviii.

[2528] Manitius (1911) pp. 35-6; Usener, _Anecdota Holderi_, Bonn, 1877, pp. 48-59; E. K. Rand, _Der dem Boethius zugeschriebene Traktat De fide catholica_, 1901. The _De fide catholica_, however, is not mentioned by Cassiodorus and is regarded as spurious.

[2529] _De consol. philos._, III, 8, 21.

[2530] _De consol. philos._, IV, 1.

[2531] _Ibid._, III, 9, 1; III, 12, 14; III, 9, 10; III, 12, 99; II, 8, 13.

[2532] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 10, “In hac enim de providentiae simplicitate, de fati serie, de repentinis casibus, de cognitione ac praedestinatione divina, de arbitrii libertate quaeri solet.” To the ensuing argument are devoted the sixth and seventh chapters of Book IV and all of Book V.

[2533] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 21.

[2534] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 30.

[2535] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 48.

[2536] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 77.

[2537] _De consol. philos._, V, 4-6.

[2538] _Ibid._, IV, 6, 58.

[2539] _Ibid._, V, 2-3 and 6, 110, “tametsi nullam naturae habeat necessitatem atqui deus ea futura quae ex arbitrii libertate proveniunt praesentia contuetur.”

[2540] _Ibid._, V, 1.

[2541] _De musica libri quinque_, I, 1-2 and 27; in Migne, PL 63, 1167-1300.

[2542] Migne, PL 83, 963-1018. In Harleian 3099, 1134 A. D., the _Etymologies_ at fols. 1-154, are followed by the _De natura rerum_, the last chapter of which (fol. 164v) is numbered 42 instead of 48 as in Migne. But up to chapter 27, _Utrum sidera animam habeant_, the division into chapters seems the same as in the printed text.

[2543] Migne, PL 82, 73-728, a reprint of the edition of Arevalus, Rome, 1796. Large portions of the _Etymologies_ have been translated into English with an introduction of some seventy pages by E. Brehaut, _An Encyclopedist of the Dark Ages_; _Isidore of Seville_, 1912, in _Columbia University Studies in History_, etc., vol. 48, pp. 1-274. For Isidorean bibliography see pp. 17, 22-3, 46-7 of Brehaut’s introduction.

[2544] Manitius (1911), pp. 60-61; Brehaut (1912), p. 34.

[2545] To say, for example, that “so hospitable an attitude toward profane learning as Isidore displayed ... was never surpassed throughout the middle ages” (Brehaut, p. 31), is unfair to many later writers, as our discussion of the natural science of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries will show.

[2546] Brehaut (1912), p. 34.

[2547] Migne, PL 82, 73, “Opus de origine quarumdam rerum, ex veteris lectionis recordatione collectum, atque ita in quibusdam locis adnotatum, sicut exstat conscriptum stylo maiorum.”

[2548] See, for example, _Etymol._, VIII, 7, 3, “Vates a vi mentis appellatos, Varro auctor est.”

[2549] _Etymol._, XX, 2, 37.

[2550] Cassiodorus, however, urged the monks of the sixth century who cared for the sick to read Hippocrates and Galen as well as Dioscorides and Caelius Aurelianus; Brehaut (1912), p. 87, note, citing PL 70, 1146, in the _De instit. divin. litterarum_.

[2551] _Etymol._, XII, 4, 6 and 6, 34.

[2552] _Ibid._, XII, 4, 12.

[2553] _Ibid._, XII, 6, 56.

[2554] _Ibid._, XVII, 7, 17 and 9, 36; XIX, 17, 8.

[2555] _Ibid._, XVII, 9, 85.

[2556] _Ibid._, XVII, 9, 30.

[2557] _Etymol._, XVI, 15, 21-26.

[2558] _Ibid._, XI, 3, 4, “quod plurimis etiam experimentis probatum est.”

[2559] Brehaut (1912), p. 3.

[2560] _Etymol._, XVI, 26, 10, from Epiphanius, _Liber de ponderibus et mensuris_.

[2561] Hence, presumably, the _sextarii_, from _sex_.

[2562]

“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneni
Incantata perit....”

[2563] Migne, PL 83, 9.

[2564] For Rabanus’ account see Migne, PL 110, 1097-1110; Burchard, PL 140, 839 _et seq._; Ivo, PL 161, 760 _et seq._; Hincmar, PL 125, 716-29. Moreover, Burchard continues to follow Rabanus word for word for some ten columns after the conclusion of their mutual excerpt from Isidore, while Ivo is identical with Burchard for fifteen more columns. In “Some Medieval Conceptions of Magic,” _The Monist_, January, 1915, XXV, 107-39, I stated (p. 109, note 2) that I thought that I was the first to point out the identity of these four accounts with Isidore’s.

Since then, however, I have noticed that Manitius (1911), p. 299, notes the identity of Rabanus with Isidore, “Dass Hraban sich auch sonst ganz an Isidor anlehnt, beweist er in der Schrift _De consanguineorum nuptiis_ im Abschnitt _de magicis artibus_ (Migne, 109, 1097ff.) der aus _Etym._ 8, 9 stammt.” Also Mr. C. C. I. Webb, in his 1909 edition of the _Polycraticus_ notes John of Salisbury’s borrowings from Isidore and Ivo of Chartres. Finally, J. Hansen, _Zauberwahn, Inquisition, und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter_, 1900, at p. 49 notes that Isidore’s sketch of the history of magic keeps recurring in medieval writings, at p. 71 the dependence of Rabanus and Hincmar upon Isidore, and perhaps he somewhere notes the identity with the foregoing of the accounts of magic in Burchard and the other decretalists, but in the absence of an index to his volume I do not find such a passage. At p. 128, however, he notes that John of Salisbury’s description of magic is in part taken word for word from Isidore and Rabanus.

Professor Hamilton, in one of his papers on _Storm-Making Springs_, which appeared at about the same time as my article (_Romanic Review_, V, 3, 1914; but, owing probably to war conditions, this issue did not actually appear until after the number of _The Monist_ containing my article), came near noting the same thing when he spoke (p. 225) of Isidore’s chapter as “quoted at length” by Gratian—who seems to me, however, to give the substance of Isidore’s chapter rather than his exact wording—and further noted that four lines of Latin which he quoted were found alike in Rabanus, Hincmar, Ivo, and the _Polycraticus_ of John of Salisbury.

In my article I also stated: “Professor Burr, in a note to his paper on ‘The Literature of Witchcraft’ (_American Historical Association Papers_, IV (1890), p. 241) has described the accounts of Rabanus and Hincmar but without explicitly noting their close resemblance, although he characterizes Rabanus’ article as ‘mainly compiled.’” Professor Burr subsequently wrote to me, “That I did not mention the relation in my old paper on “The Literature of Witchcraft” was partly because they borrowed from other sources as well and partly because Isidore is himself a compiler. I hoped to come back to the matter in a more careful study of the whole genesis of these stock passages.”

[2565] See below, chapter 60 on Aquinas.

[2566] _Etymol._, VIII, 11, 15-17; _Differentiarum_, II, 14.

[2567] Indeed, _Differentiarum_, II, 39, he defines astrology as he had astronomy in _Etymol._, III, 27. In _Etymol._, III, 25, he ascribes the invention of astronomy to the Egyptians and that of astrology to the Chaldeans.

[2568] Caps. 14 and 27.

[2569] _De nat. rer._, III, 4; PL 83, 968.

[2570] _Ibid._, XIX, 2.

[2571] _Ibid._, XXII, 2-3.

[2572] _Ibid._, IX, 1-2.

[2573] _Ibid._, XXVI, 15; _Etymol._, III, 71, 16.

[2574] _Etymol._, XIV, 5, “vim sideris.”

[2575] _Ibid._, IX, 2, “secundum diversitatem enim coeli.”

[2576] _Ibid._, IV, 13, 4.

[2577] _De nat. rerum_, XVIII, 5-7.

[2578] _History of the Anglo-Saxons_, III, 403.

[2579] _Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought_, 1884, p. 20; p. 18 in 1920 edition.

[2580] Migne, PL 90, 293-4.

[2581] A few MSS, chiefly from France, earlier than the 12th century, are: BN 5543, 9th century; BN 15685, 9th century; BN nouv. acq. 1612, 1615, and 1632, all 9th or 10th century; Amiens 222, 9th century; Cambrai 925, 9th century; Ivrea 3, 9th century; Ivrea 6, 10th century; Berlin 128, 8-9th century; Berlin 130, 9-10th century; CLM 18158, 11th century; CLM 21557, 11th century.

I have not noted the MSS of Bede in the British Museum and Bodleian collections.

[2582] PL 90, 187-278; the text occupies but a small portion of these columns.

[2583] _Ibid._, Cap. 14.

[2584] _Ibid._, Cap. 24.

[2585] _Ibid._, Cap. 25.

[2586] _In Samuelem prophetam allegorica expositio_, IV, 7; PL 91, 701.

[2587] _De tonitruis libellus ad Herefridum_, PL 90, 609-14.

[2588] See below, chapter 29.

[2589] The _Aenigmatum Liber_ forms a part of the _Liber de septenario et de metris_ in Aldhelm’s works as edited by Giles, Oxford, 1844, and reprinted in Migne, PL 89, 183-99.

[2590] Cantimpré’s citations of Adhelmus seem almost certainly drawn from the _Aenigmata_ in the cases of _Leo_, _ciconia_, _hirundinus_, _nycticorax_, _salamander_, _luligo_ (or, _loligo_), _perna_, _draguntia lapis_ (_natrix_), _myrmicoleon_, _colossus_, and _molossus_. On the other hand, the citations concerning _onocentaur_ do not correspond to the riddle _De monocero sive unicorni_; the two accounts of Scylla are different; and I do not find _cacus_ or _onager_ or harpy or siren or locust or the Indian ants larger than foxes in the _Riddles_ as edited by Giles.

The passages in which Thomas of Cantimpré cites Adhelmus are printed together by Pitra (1855) III, 425-7.

[2591] Pitra (1855) III, xxvi. Only in the case of the salamander does Pitra say, “Thomas huc adduxit Adhelmi Shirbrunensis aenigma de Salamandra vatemque a philosopho clare distinxit.”

[2592] I have used the text in Migne, PL vol. 77.

[2593] _Variarum_ IV, _Epist._ 22-23, Migne, PL 69, 624-25.

[2594] I derive the following facts from E. C. Quiggin, “Irish Literature,” in EB V, 622 _et seq._, where further bibliography is given.

[2595] “The Gaelic medical MSS, whether preserved in Ireland, Scotland, or elsewhere, ... are all, or nearly all, of foreign origin”:—Mackinnon, in the _International Congress of Medicine_, London, 1913, p. 413.

[2596] G. Flügel, _Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit_, Leipzig, 1857.

F. Dieterici, _Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhundert_, Berlin, 1861.

O. Loth, _Al-Kindi als Astrolog._ in _Morgenländische Forschungen. Festschrift für Fleischer_, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 263-309.

A. Nagy, _Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis_, 1897 in _Beiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalt._, II, 5.

A. A. Björnbo and S. Vogl, _Alkindi, Tideus, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische Werke_, Leipzig, 1911, in _Abhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. Wiss._, XXVI, 3.

For further bibliography see the last-named work and Steinschneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906) 31-33.

_The Apology of Al Kindy_ (Sir Wm. Muir, London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.

[2597] _Astrorum iudicis Alkindi, Gaphar de pluviis imbribus et ventis ac aeris mutatione, ex officina Petri Liechtenstein: Venetiis, 1507._

[2598] Amplon. Quarto 151, fols. 17-19.

[2599] In the 1412 catalogue of Amplonius, Math. 48 was “Theorica Alkindi de radiis stellicis seu arcium magicarum vel de phisicis ligaturis”; and at present Amplon. Quarto 349, 14th century, fols. 47v, 65v, 66r-v, 16r-v, 29r, contains “Liber Alkindi de radiis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / Explicit theorica artis magis (_sic_). Explicit Alkindi de radiis stellicis.”

Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (#1166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, “de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi.”

Digby 91, 16th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stellarum, “Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”

Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.

Selden supra 76 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-60v, “Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”; Selden 3467, #4.

Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59, “Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stellatis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484....”

Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, “Incipit theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huiusmodi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. ‘Omnes homines qui sensibilia.’ ...”

BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A. D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.

CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.

Ste. Geneviève 2240, 17th century, fol. 32 (?)—since the treatise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively—“Alkyndus de radiis; de virtute verborum.”

Steinschneider (1906), 32, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cotton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, “Explicit Iacob alkindi de theorica planetarum,” the same treatise as _The Theory of the Magic Art_.

[2600] In Digby 91 Roger Bacon on Perspective is followed by Alkindi on the rays of the stars, while in Digby 183 a marginal note to Alkindi’s treatise reads “Nota hoc quod est extractum de libro Rogeri Bakun de celo et mundo, capitulo de numero celorum,” and following the work of Alkindi we have Bacon on the retardation of old age and perhaps also _de radiis solaribus_.

[2601] Edited by Nagy (1897). A MS of the late 12th or early 13th century which Nagy fails to note is Digby 40, fols. 15v-25, de somno et visionibus.

[2602] Nagy, p. 18, “Quare autem videamus quasdam res antequam sint? et quare videamus res cum interpretatione significantes res antequam sint? et quare videamus res facientes nos videre contrarium earum?”

[2603] Spec. astron. cap. 7. More fully the Incipit is, “Rogatus fui quod manifestem consilia philosophorum....”

[2604] Digby 68, 14th century, fols. 124-35, Liber Alkindii de impressionibus terre et aeris accidentibus. CU Clare College 15 (Kk. 4, 2), c. 1280, fols. 8-13, “In nomine dei et eius laude Epistola Alkindi de rebus aeribus et pluviis cum sermone aggregato et utili de arabico in latinum translata.”

Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title as _De impressionibus aeris_, and suggests that it is the same as a _De pluviis_ or _De nubibus_, which seems to be the case, as they have the same Incipit—Steinschneider (1905) 13—as does a _De imbribus_ in Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332, _De impressionibus planetarum_ was probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Alkindi’s treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 63v, “Explicit liber de impressionibus planetarum secundum iacobum alkindi.” See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482.

The opening words of an anonymous _Tractatus de meteorologia_ in Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction, _De subradiis planetarum_ or _De pluviis_, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. 12v; 93, fol. 183v; 147, fol. 117v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a brief _Haly de dispositione aeris_ (Digby 92, fol. 5) which Steinschneider listed separately.

[2605] Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”

136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris

139, Haomar de pluviis

139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum

140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento

140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris

141, Idem, De hora pluvie

141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus

142, Idem, De imbribus

143, Jergis, De pluviis

198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.

[2606] Their titles are listed by Steinschneider (1906) 99; 31-3. We may note BN 6978, 14th century, Incipit epistola Alkindi Achalis de Baldac philosophi de futurorum scientia; Corpus Christi 254, fol. 191, “de aspectibus”—a fragment from a 14th century MSS.

[2607] MSS of Robert’s translation of Alkindi’s _Judgments_ are numerous in the Bodleian library: Digby 91, fol. 80-; Ashmole 179; 209; 369; 434; and extracts from it in other MSS. It opens, “Quamquam post Euclidem.”

[2608] CLM 392, 15th century, fol. 80-; 489, 16th century, fols. 207-21.

[2609] O. Loth (1875), pp. 271-2; at 280-2 he gives the Latin of the passage in question from Albumasar, following the Arabic of Alkindi at 273-9.

[2610] E. Wiedemann in _Journal f. praktische Chemie_, 1907, p. 73, _et seq._; cited by Lippmann (1919) p. 399.

[2611] Bridges, _Opus Maius_, I, 262, note.

[2612] Steinschneider (1905), p. 47.

[2613] HL 21, 499-503.

[2614] _Spec. astron._ cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of the _Experiments_ of Albumasar as “Scito horam introitus” which serves to identify it with the following:

Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th century, fols. 1-18, liber experimentorum.

Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23v, “... incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimentorum....”

Ashmole 393, 15th century, fol. 95v, “Item Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis....”

BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302-333, “Revolutio annorum mundi.... Perfectus est liber experimentorum Albumasar....”

Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. 1-.

Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 104v.

Dijon 1045, 15th century, fol. 81-.

Other MSS containing _Experiments_ of Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are:

Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fol. 123-, Liber experimentorum.

Harleian 1, fols. 31-41, de experimentis in revolutione annorum mundi.

CLM 51, 1487, and 1503.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, following John of Spain’s translation of the _Introductorium magnum_ at fols. 1-85 and a _Liber magnarum coniunctionum_ at fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, “Liber experimentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore.” The Incipit here is “Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium” but the treatise is incomplete.

In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify the _Flores_ of Albumasar close with the statement that the book of Experiments will follow. A different hand then adds “The following work is Albumazar on the revolutions of years,” while a third hand adds the explanation, “And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one,” which is the case.

In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accompanies the _Experiments_. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is followed at fols. 18-27 by _Sentencie de revolucione annorum_, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 by _Liber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum collectus a floribus antiquorum philosophorum_, which is the same as the _Flores_.

[2615] The distinction between these various works is made quite clear in BN 16204, 13th century, where at pp. 1-183 is John of Spain’s translation of the _Liber introductorius maior_ in eight parts; at 183-302 the _Conjunctions_, also in eight parts; at 302-333 the _Revolutio annorum mundi_ or _Liber experimentorum_; at 333-353 the _Flores_, and at 353-369 the _De revolutione annorum in revolutione nativitatum_, which opens “_Omne tempus breve est operandi...._” At the same time the Explicit of this treatise bears witness to the ease with which these works of Albumasar are confused, for it was at first written, “_Explicit liber albumasar de revolutione annorum mundi_,” and some other hand has crossed out this last word and substituted “_nativitatis_.”

[2616] _Conciliator_, Diff. 156.

[2617] Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fols. 137-41, Liber Sadan, sive Albumasar in Sadan. “Dixit Sadan, Audivi Albumayar dicentem quod omnis vita viventium post Deum est sol et luna / Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasar.”

_Cat. cod. astrol. Graec._ V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, “Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasaris per Sadan discipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan.”

The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.

CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-33, Tractatus de nativitatibus, “Dixit Zadan: audivi Albumazar dicentem....”

[2618] Steinschneider (1906), 36-38.

[2619] _Cat. cod. astrol. Graec._ V, i, 142. In Vienna MS 10583, 15th century, 99 fols., we find a “de revolutionibus nativitatum” by Albumasar “greco in latinum.”

[2620] BN 7316, 15th century, #13, liber imbrium secundos Indos ... authore Jafar; so too BN 7329, 15th century, #6; BN 7316 #16, de mutatione temporum secundum Indos, seems, however, to be another anonymous treatise on the same subject. Perhaps the following, although not so listed in the catalogue, is by Albumasar.

Digby 194, fol. 147v- “Sapientes Indi de pluviis indicant secundum lunam, considerantes ipsius mansiones / quum dominus aspectus aspicit dominum vel est ei conjunctus.”

[2621] Corpus Christi 233, 13-15th century, fol. 122-“Japhar philosophi et astrologi Aegyptii. Cum multa et varia de nubium congregatione precepta Indorum traxit auctoritas....”

Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, “Incipit liber Gaphar de temporis mutatione qui dicitur Geazar Babiloniensis. Universa astronomiae iudicia prout Indorum....”

[2622] The text printed in 1507 and 1540 is Hugo’s translation. So is Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456) 14th century, fols. 20r-24r, “Incipit liber imbrium editum a Iafar astrologo et a lenio et mercurio (Cilenio Mercurio) correcto.” See also Savile 15 (Bernard 6561), Liber imbrium ab antiquo Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar editus, deinde a Cylenio Mercurio abbreviatus.

[2623] Digby 68, 14th century, fol. 116-“Ysagoga minor Japharis mathematici in astronomiam per Adhelardum Bathoniencem ex Arabico sumpta. Quicunque philosophie scienciam altiorem studio constanti inquireris....”

Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86v, according to Haskins in EHR (1913), but my notes, which it is now too late to verify, suggest that it is a fragment occupying less than a page at fol. 87.

[2624] By Carra de Vaux in _Journal asiatique, 9e série_, I, 386, II, 152, 420, with a French translation; and by Nix, Leipzig, 1900, with a German translation, also printed separately in 1894.

[2625] Galen, ed. Chart. X, 571; Constantinus Africanus, ed. Basel, 1536, pp. 317-21; Arnald of Villanova, _Opera_, Lyons, 1532, fol. 295, and also in other editions of his works; H. C. Agrippa, _Occult Philosophy_, Lyons, 1600, pp. 637-40.

[2626] HL XXVIII, 78-9.

[2627] _Idem._

[2628] Additional 22719, 12th century, fol. 200v, “Quesivisti fili karissime de incantatione adjuratione colli suspensione....” In view of this and the citations of the work by Albertus Magnus who wrote before Arnald of Villanova, I cannot agree with Steinschneider (1905), pp. 6 and 12, in denying that Constantinus translated the work and in ascribing the translation exclusively to Arnald.

[2629] Florence II, III, 214, 15th century, fols. 72-4, “Liber Unayn de incantatione. Quesisti fili karissime....”

[2630] _De vegetabilibus_, V, ii, 6.

[2631] _Mineral._ II, ii, 7, and II, iii, 6.

[2632] _Mineral_. II, iii, 6 (ed. Borgnet, V, 55-6).

[2633] I am not certain as to this word: it is _sizamelon_ in one text, _sesameleon_ in another.

[2634] “Quorum enim actio ex proprietate est non rationibus, unde sic comprehendi non potest. Rationibus enim tantum comprehenduntur que sensibus subministrantur. Aliquando ergo quedam substantie habent proprietatem ratione incomprehensibilem propter sui subtilitatem et sensibus non subministratum propter altitudinem sui magnam.” I doubt if these last three words refer to the influence of the stars.

[2635] _Liber de differentia spiritus et animae_, or _De differentia inter animam et spiritum_. The prologue opens: “Interrogasti me—honoret te Deus!—de differentia....”

[2636] Steinschneider (1866), p. 404; (1905), p. 43, “wovon ich das Original in Gotha 1158 erkannte.“

[2637] So in Corpus Christi 114, late 13th century, fol. 229, and at Paris in the following MSS of the 13th or 14th century mostly: BN 6319, #11; 6322, #11; 6323, #6; 6323A; 6325, #17; 6567A; 6569; 8247; 16082; 16083; 16088; 16142; 16490.

[2638] Specific illustrations of such confusions between the two names in the MSS are: BN 6296, 14th century, #15, “... authore filio Lucae Medici Constabolo”; Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 2784, 12th century, “Constaben”; Sloane 2454, late 13th century, “Liber differentiae inter animam et spiritum quem Constantinus Luce amico suo scriptori Regis edidit.”

[2639] Constantinus Africanus, _Opera_, Basel, 1536, pp. 307-17, “Qui voluerit scire differentiam, que est inter duas res .../ ... Hec igitur de differentiis spiritus et anime tibi dicta sufficiant, valeto.” Edited more recently by S. Barach, Innsbruck, 1878, pp. 120-39.

[2640] _Theorica_, III, 12.

[2641] Corpus Christi 154, late 13th century, pp. 356-74, ascribed to Augustine in both Titulus and Explicit.

[2642] S. Marco 179, 14th century, fols. 57-9, 83, Liber Ysaac de differentia spiritus et animae.

[2643] CU Gonville and Caius 109, 13th century, fols. 1-6v, “Avicenna de differencia spiritus et anime.”

[2644] So says Coxe, anent Corpus Christi 114, and Steinschneider (1905), p. 43.

[2645] Migne, PL 40, 779-832.

[2646] By Trithemius; but earlier so cited by Vincent of Beauvais (PL 40, 779-80). See also Exon. 23, 13th century, fol. 196v.

[2647] Migne, PL 40, 779-80.

[2648] Both passages were excerpted by Vincent of Beauvais, _Speculum naturale_, XXIX, 41.