Chapter III: Introduction (2)

After Magistrates had been appointed in different parts, varying considerably _inter se_ in their knowledge of Zulu habits, customs and language, it was not long before the desirability of preparing for their use a Code of Native law (_i.e._ an attempt to codify Native tribal law) made itself felt. As matters stood, uniformity in judicial pronouncements was practically impossible. Such uniformity, essential in every community, is especially so among savages, who should at once be impressed with the idea of justice under British rule. The periodical meetings of Magistrates that were convened, were of much assistance in attaining consistency before promulgation of the Code in 1877. On being brought into practice, it was soon found that this Code, though ably drawn, was not sufficiently comprehensive (as a matter of fact, it was never intended to be comprehensive), but it was not until 1893 that a more elaborate instrument was enacted by Parliament. The Code, as then expanded, with sundry later amendments, is still the law by which the great majority of Native conditions of life are regulated. On the whole, the Code and the manner in which it has been administered have given considerable satisfaction to the Natives. At time of writing, it has not been extended to Zululand; to do so may facilitate administration, but it would probably result in disappointment and discontent among people happy enough under the proclamations issued from time to time whilst the territory was under immediate control of the Imperial Government.[32]

In addition to the Magistrates, over forty of whom had, by 1906, been appointed in Natal and Zululand, civil and criminal business of a more important character was dealt with by a Native High Court. This court, now consisting of four Judges, but originally of only one, was first created in 1875, to relieve the Supreme Court of a class of work it was incompetent, and had insufficient time, to deal with.

From what has been said, it is seen that, in 1906, and since 1893, when responsible government was granted, Native affairs were presided over by a Supreme Chief, appointed by the Imperial Government, though bound to conform to the advice of his ministers, except on certain important, rarely-occurring occasions. The portfolio of Native Affairs was held by one of the cabinet ministers, assisted by a permanent Under-Secretary and staff.

The Under-Secretary selected for the post was Mr. S.O. Samuelson. This painstaking officer, with an unsurpassed knowledge of the Zulu language and customs, did a vast amount of useful and varied work under difficult conditions. During his long tenure of office, which extended from 1893 to 1909, there were several changes of ministry and, with each, came a new Minister of Native Affairs, holding views sometimes, as it happened, widely differing from those of his predecessor. It seemed so strange to the Natives to have movable ministers in charge of their affairs, that they tended to focus their attention rather on Mr. Samuelson than on the minister, with the result that the former stood constantly in a false light, as unfair to himself as to the people. This mutation of ministers and frequent introduction of new policies, were radical defects in the Constitution Act of 1893. They opened the door, not only to modifications arising out of the personal predilections of the minister, but, what is far more important, to those dictated by the party in power for the time being in Parliament. As this party depended on the support of their constituents, needless to say, the latter, with brains ever active in devising solutions of the Native problem, and not unnaturally anxious to promote their own interests, brought pressure, through their members, to bear on highly-placed officials, and, through these, on Magistrates and other established officers, not excluding Native Chiefs--all with the cumulative effect of unsteadying the entire fabric of Native administration and imperilling the general welfare of the people.

After Zululand was annexed to Natal (December, 1897), the office of Resident Commissioner and Chief Magistrate of that territory was converted into one of Commissioner for Native Affairs. Under the Under-Secretary and Commissioner came the Magistrates, the thirty[33] of Natal proper, as _ex-officio_ Administrators of Native law, coming under the former, and the eleven of Zululand under the latter, officer. After the Magistrates came the Chiefs of tribes, 238 in Natal proper,[34] and 83 in Zululand. Salaries and allowances were paid to 227 of the Natal Chiefs,[35] and stipends to seven of those in Zululand.[36] All Chiefs were required to control their tribes in accordance with the tribal system and keep in close touch with the Magistrates of their respective wards.

Some attempt must now be made to describe the tribal or patriarchal system (analogous in many respects to that of the ancient Jews), the very backbone of Native administration and still the most prominent and radical feature of the South African Native population.[37]

Confining attention to the Zulus, we shall begin by observing that they are polygamists and occupy circular huts of beehive formation, invariably constructed of wattles, thatched with grass, and supported inside by poles. Each wife has a hut of her own. There are, especially in larger homesteads or kraals,[38] additional huts for the occupation of young men, storing grain, etc. If, then, a man has four wives, we shall expect to find him in possession of five or six huts. Now, it is universal custom to arrange these huts in circular formation, from which method, indeed, the word "kraal" has evidently been derived. For sanitary reasons, the rule is to select for the kraal-site slightly sloping ground, though, when this is done, the floor of each hut is carefully levelled. At the highest point of the site is built the hut of the head or principal wife, not necessarily the one first married, whilst subsequent wives' huts are placed in a sequence determined by the kraal-owner, who, however, is compelled to act in terms of rigid tribal practice. The intervals between the huts are so regulated as to preserve the symmetry of the kraal as a whole. But, in connection with the circular arrangement referred to, must be considered the indispensable cattle-pen or enclosure, locally known as a cattle-kraal. This, too, is invariably round or oval, the gate being at the lowest, with one or two wickets in the topmost, portion. When it is realized that cattle are given for every woman taken to wife, the close association of cattle and their milk with the huts becomes more intelligible, though the fact of the pen being inside rather than outside the huts as arranged, is possibly also accounted for by the numerous lions, leopards and other beasts of prey that existed before the introduction of firearms, not to refer to human foes.

The cattle handed over by the bridegroom to his bride's father are known as _lobolo_. For two or more generations it was customary for five, six or seven cattle to be so delivered (afterwards restricted by the Natal Government to a number not exceeding ten). This passing of cattle was not, as is commonly supposed, by way of purchase, but as compensation for loss of the girl's services, and, further, as a living and visible guarantee that she would receive proper treatment at the hands of her husband.

The next essential to consider is this. When a young man marries, he either continues for a time in his father's kraal (his wife, of course, having a hut of her own), or moves, along with his mother (if she can be spared), to some site at a distance, approved by the Chief or his representative, and there proceeds to act on the same principles that governed his father's domestic affairs. In time, other sons leave to establish themselves on similar lines. And so, like the pumpkin plant (a favourite simile among the people), the family expands, throwing out fruitful off-shoots here and there, only, in their turn, to do the same.

In the case of Chiefs, the number of wives is frequently beyond a dozen in number, and, in respect of Kings, without limit. Owing to this and other reasons, such as jealousy among the women and rivalry among the male children, it was and is still found convenient to erect different kraals, though on the same general lines as those already outlined.

So much for the domestic side. Let us now glance at the administrative.

The King was assisted by a privy council of some five or six members and a general assembly of non-elected and more or less elderly men. The latter deliberated in public, anyone being permitted to listen to, and even take part in, the proceedings. In view of the fact that the assembly included men of high rank, those of inferior status usually remained silent. But as, when the Rebellion broke out, there was no Native King, it is necessary to confine attention to the actual machinery in vogue at that time.

The King's place had been taken by the Supreme Chief (Governor), whilst the functions of the privy council were discharged by the executive council, and those of the assembly by the Legislative Assembly and Council. It is needless to remark that Native opinion, under such arrangement, where not only the Supreme Chief, but the councils consisted entirely of Europeans, and where no Native council existed at all, except occasional and partially representative gatherings called together by the Magistrates--more to assist the Government in communicating its laws or regulations than to discussing their necessity or suitability--did not find more than apologetic, and the feeblest, expression.

In regard to the various tracts of land specially set apart for Natives, the same tenure was in vogue as had existed under tribal rule from time immemorial. The land was held in common. And this rule applied as much to the Chief as to his humblest followers. There was no such thing as alienation of land; no freehold, no leasehold, no rents. Occupancy depended on good behaviour, together with ready and loyal discharge of all civic and military duties. Considerable care was taken by the Chief, in allotting building and garden sites, not to interfere with the commonage or existing rights. If these arrangements, in the face of an increasing population, were not always judicious, pressure of circumstances had begun to teach lessons, as it does all other nations.

Anything required by the Government to be done was communicated by Magistrates to the Chiefs, whose tribes varied greatly in size. These then passed the order on to responsible headmen--generally conveniently situated in different parts of the ward or wards[39]--who, in their turn, transmitted it to the various individual kraal-owners in their areas. When, on the other hand, anything of importance occurred in a Chief's ward, such as commission of crime or outbreak of disease, it was, under Native law, the duty of the one nearest whose kraal such incident had happened, to report to the headman, who, after taking such immediate action as appeared necessary and within his power, sent the intelligence on to the Chief, and so on to the local Magistrate. And it is wonderful with what rapidity these reports were transmitted, notwithstanding that Natives, as a rule, are unable to read or write, and are not possessors of horses or any other means of locomotion. The obligation resting on all, on pain of heavy penalty, to report crime, transformed members of every tribe into an organized and efficient police force. It is owing to this fact that the expenditure of the Colony on account of police was, in earlier years, as surprisingly small as it was.

Among the most important crimes was cattle-stealing. Every kraal-owner in regard to cattle--the greatest of all forms of Native property--was exceedingly vigilant, never allowing a beast to be driven past his kraal unless he knew where it had come from, where it was going to, etc. This principle of "collective responsibility," as it is called, had the effect of preserving order in the tribe and even guaranteeing to every member and the Chief that order would be maintained.

Enough has, perhaps, been said to enable the reader to infer that the position of women was a low one. They could not, except in rare cases, inherit or hold property. Generally speaking, they fell much into the background, and it devolved on them, not only to perform all domestic duties, draw water at the spring or stream and collect firewood, but to cultivate and keep clean the crops as well.

It can also be readily understood that the tribes of Natal and Zululand (whatever may have been their interrelation when Tshaka began his iron rule and the process of welding the nation together), had, in the main--albeit within a couple of centuries--sprung from but three or four parent stocks. It is this universal intermingling of types which, as in England, has gradually evolved a people well-nigh homogeneous and possessing a remarkable degree of solidarity. Although, in 1906, many feuds and differences--some of these dating back two or more generations--existed among many of the tribes, when anything powerful enough to inflame particular sections occurred, it required but little effort and time to bring on a conflagration of the whole. There is nothing puny or dilatory about a Zulu when he begins to sharpen his assegais and cut shields for war. It will be seen in a later chapter how strained the relations between Natives and Europeans became, and how the black race came to feel that the white man's civilization was oppressing it. With such resentment latent in a million warlike savages, living under such system as has been outlined above, the danger of the tribal system, as well as its meaning, become, perhaps, sufficiently clear; at any rate, for the understanding of the story narrated in these pages. And yet, of all people on this earth, the Zulus are the most respectful, the most amenable to discipline, and the most easily managed--chiefly because of the many excellences inherent in the tribal system.

Having regard to the profound differences in social organization between the Zulus and the British people, differences which, chiefly because of their immense scope and variety, have been but briefly indicated herein, it has, ever since Natal became a British Colony, been a problem of extreme difficulty to devise a method whereby, whilst safeguarding Native interests, their affairs could be managed in a completely satisfactory manner. The elimination of the higher machinery of Native government, _e.g._ the King and his councils, has imposed on an alien people, animated by vastly different ideals, the duty of controlling present Native progress, if such, in fact, it be. If evidences of imperfect grafting of the Native system of administration into our own have often been conspicuous during the last seventy years, it will surprise no one; nor will anyone be astonished to hear that strong Commissions have been appointed at different times specially to investigate the condition of the Natives. One of these bodies was at work in 1852-3, another in 1882-3, and yet another, in the interest of South African Natives as a whole, in 1902-4. What _is_ remarkable is the apparent apathy displayed by the public, its representatives and the Government, whenever the result of such investigations and reports thereon are in their hands. Not that the various recommendations should all be adopted, but one would think a little time could be spared to examine the development of a problem, probably greater than all other problems put together, that South Africa will ever be called on to deal with, and to consider seriously if such development is or is not proceeding on sound lines. A further Commission was appointed in 1906, on the conclusion of the Rebellion; it, indeed, fared better, but into the sincere and liberal administrative reconstruction brought about by the Government, it is unnecessary to go at this stage.

In the Constitution Act of 1893, provision was made whereby a sum of £10,000 a year was set apart "for the promotion of the welfare and education of the Natives." More than half this sum was, latterly, placed annually at the disposal of the Education Department for furthering Native education, whilst the balance was applied to other Native purposes, such as industrial training, cottage hospitals, irrigation, dipping tanks (East Coast Fever), and barrack or shelter accommodation. With the increase of Native population from 500,000 in 1893 to 945,000 in 1906,[40] this sum soon became inadequate, particularly when regard is had to the fact that the beneficiaries have contributed, on the average, about £250,000 per annum in direct taxation since the annexation of Zululand to Natal.

In addition to this contribution, however, the Government, as long ago as 1862, began making extensive grants of land upon trust to missionary societies, "that the same might be used for missionary work amongst the Natives by the ecclesiastical or missionary bodies named in the several deeds of grant."[41] By 1887 (the date of the last), seventeen of these reserves, aggregating 144,192 acres of the best agricultural land, had been so set apart. Numerous other, for the most part, smaller blocks have since been granted in Zululand. By way of still further assisting these societies, Parliament, in 1903, passed an Act transferring the administration of the trusts to the Natal Native Trust[42] and authorizing this body to charge rent from Natives living on the reserves.[43] One half of these monies was to be handed over to the missionaries for purposes of Native education and industrial training. It was not feasible to adopt such course in respect of the Zululand lots. Thus the education and general welfare of the people was promoted directly as well as indirectly.

Difficulty has always been experienced by the Government in inducing the people to take up industrial pursuits. On more than one occasion, large sums of money were voted and spent in erecting suitable buildings and providing instructors, but all to no purpose. Lack of enterprise on the part of the Natives was also exhibited in the matter of tree-planting, even when necessary for fuel, and this as to areas in regard to which they had every reason for thinking their occupancy would continue undisturbed for many years.

There are other directions in which difficulty has been met with when striving to promote material development. In some instances, disinclination to adopt European ideas is due to almost ineradicable superstitious notions.

Although Native law is in force in Natal, the Government, many years ago, foresaw the necessity of enabling individuals who had shown a disposition to adopt civilized habits, to obtain exemption therefrom. A law affording facilities, but, in practice, not free from difficulty, was accordingly passed in 1865.[44] Many men, women and children have availed themselves of its provisions.[45] It was also foreseen that these people, according as they conformed to civilized conditions of life, would stand in need of means whereby their voice could be given expression to. Hence, the passing of the law[46] under which a male Native, who has been resident in the Colony for a period of twelve years, who has the necessary property qualification, and has been exempted from the operation of Native law for a period of seven years, is entitled to be registered as a qualified elector in the district in which he possesses property qualification. In practice, but little advantage had been taken of this law. This tends to show that the Native _per se_ has no special desire to obtain European franchise.

There are two disabilities all classes of Natives suffer from, viz. the impossibility of possessing firearms, except with the special consent of Government, and of obtaining European liquor, except on the production of a medical certificate.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 20: Bird, _Annals of Natal_, i. 307.]

[Footnote 21: Among the reasons of the protest drawn up about May, 1837, were: That Natal was not part of the British dominions, but belonged to the resident European inhabitants; that the power given to Gardiner extended only to British subjects, and did not empower him to punish acts of aggression committed by Natives upon British residents; that Gardiner had been given no civil jurisdiction. The colonists, moreover, expressed the hope that the Imperial Government would take over the country and appoint Magistrates.--Bird, _Ibid._ i. 320.]

[Footnote 22: The military system, however, was not permitted to operate universally as in Zululand, though there was no objection to Chiefs maintaining a certain amount of military organization within their respective tribes.]

[Footnote 23: The policy was to distribute the refugees over the European farms. "Each farmer was allowed 5 families on his farm, but not any more without consent of the authorities."--_Proceedings_, Native Affairs Commission, 1852-3, i. 20, 25.]

[Footnote 24: Henry Cloete, _Evidence_, Native Affairs Commission, 1852-3, i. 18. 25.]

[Footnote 25: _Ibid._ i. 25. 27.]

[Footnote 26: Shepstone arrived in 1845, but did not begin to hold office till January, 1846.--_Proceedings_, Native Affairs Commission, 1852-3, i. 58.]

[Footnote 27: The very able report of this Commission was dated 30th March, 1847, and will be found _in extenso_ in i. pp. 62-67 of the publication referred to in the preceding note.]

[Footnote 28: Dated 27th April, 1864.]

[Footnote 29: _Memorandum_, T. Shepstone to Legislative Council, 18th June, 1849.]

[Footnote 30: _Ibid._]

[Footnote 31: Chiefs were called on by Magistrates to supply labourers according to the size of their tribes.]

[Footnote 32: Zululand was annexed to Natal in December, 1897, when practically the same system of Native administration in vogue at that time was permitted to continue.]

[Footnote 33: The statistics here given are for the year 1906.]

[Footnote 34: These include those (23) of the so-called Northern Districts--a tract of country annexed to Natal on the conclusion of the last Boer War.]

[Footnote 35: Total, £2,618 for the year.]

[Footnote 36: Total, £1,200, of which £500 was paid to Dinuzulu, £60 to each of three of his uncles, and £300 to Mciteki (formerly Zibebu).]

[Footnote 37: At the last Census (May, 1911), the total number of Natives in South Africa was 4,019,006 (males, 2,012,949; females, 1,996,057).]

[Footnote 38: The word "kraal" which will henceforth be used, is derived from the Dutch "coraal."]

[Footnote 39: For many years past, many Chiefs had portions of their tribes living in two, three or more Magisterial divisions. In such cases, a Chief was called on to nominate a headman, with powers almost equal to his own, to control each section. It was, moreover, the Government's policy, on the death of such Chief, to make an arrangement whereby the outlying sections would be absorbed by Chiefs actually resident in the Magisterial districts in which such sections happened to be.]

[Footnote 40: Zululand, with a Native population of about 170,000, became, as has been seen, a province of Natal in 1897.]

[Footnote 41: Preamble, Act No. 49, 1903.]

[Footnote 42: See p. 24. A separate Trust, though consisting of the same personnel, was created in 1909 for Zululand. In this territory alone, the area reserved for Native occupation amounts to nearly 4,000,000 acres.]

[Footnote 43: £3 a hut was at first levied, subsequently reduced to 30s.]

[Footnote 44: Law No. 28, 1865.]

[Footnote 45: Some 1,800 men, women and children had been exempted by 31st December, 1908.]

[Footnote 46: Law No. 11, 1865.]

III.

STATE OF MILITARY ORGANIZATION ON THE OUTBREAK OF REBELLION.

When it is borne in mind that the campaign which forms the subject of this history is probably the first to be conducted from start to finish by a British Colony, independently of other than merely moral assistance of Imperial troops, the contents of this chapter will probably prove of greater interest to the reader than would otherwise have been the case. No apology is, therefore, needed for attempting to describe the beginnings and development of military organization in Natal, and to show how it became possible for the Colony, aided to some extent by her sister Colonies, to deal as successfully as she did with the Rebellion.[47]

In 1893, when the Imperial Government granted responsible government to Natal, it was arranged that the Colony should assume direct control of her large Native population. It was, at the same time, decided that the garrison of Imperial troops should remain for a period of five years, so as to afford the colonists time within which to organize a defence force.

After the expiry of the five years, the Imperial Government began gradually to withdraw the troops.

A Volunteer Act was passed by Natal in 1895. The post of Commandant of Volunteers was conferred on Colonel (now Major-General Sir John) Dartnell, K.C.B., C.M.G., who, in addition to having for years controlled the various, though small, volunteer corps, had, for twenty-two years, been in command of the Natal Mounted Police. On his resignation from the former office in 1898, he was succeeded by his staff officer, Major W. Royston, who, promoted to the rank of Colonel, continued in command until his untimely death in 1902. Colonel H.P. Leader, of the Imperial Army, succeeded. He was assisted by the four District Adjutants who were in charge of a like number of military districts into which the Colony was divided.

Much useful work was accomplished between 1893 and 1902 towards increasing the strength and efficiency of the force, as well as placing it on a sound war footing. To Colonel Royston belongs a large measure of credit for the high degree of organization achieved, notably in connection with the Boer War. During this war, of course, all Natal troops took the field to assist in repelling invasion. The alacrity with which they responded to the calls, and the smartness with which the duties assigned them were carried out, were commented on in the most favourable terms by the distinguished general officers in charge of the operations. But, notwithstanding the promptness displayed, it was impossible to disguise the fact that, out of an available manhood of 12,000, only 2,000 were actually _liable_ for service.[48] It is, therefore, not surprising that Parliament should have been ready to provide for a better and more comprehensive system of defence than was possible under the Volunteer Act.

Organization proper, in the sense of exclusively local adjustment and systematization of local forces and _matériel_, could not and did not begin until some years after the bestowal of autonomy on Natal, and the first step in the process was the passing by the legislature of the Militia Act (1903) imposing on every class of the European inhabitants, between certain ages, the liability to undergo military training and service. By exacting compulsory service universally, with, of course, certain exceptions, a powerful instrument was placed in the hands of the Commandant of Militia, and one which enabled the Colony to be put in a more thorough-going state of defence than had ever before been attempted.

The word "organization" is used here in a precise and definite sense, and is taken to mean establishment of the requisite regiments or corps, personnel, horses, arms, transport, etc., and a placing of the same by constant training, inspection or otherwise, in a condition of readiness, with the object, on the outbreak of hostilities, of realizing, in the shortest possible time, the general purpose in the minds of those in authority. Connected with such organization is the ascertainment by the responsible officer of the resources of his command in regard to provisions, labourers, horses, the means of transporting troops and stores, and the obtaining of accurate knowledge of all the strategic features of the country, of fortified places, and the means of defence, the erection of lagers, making of roads and means of communication, and of every particular which may increase his power of acting with advantage against an enemy.[49] But it is one thing to enact a law and frame accompanying regulations, quite another to see that the various provisions are complied with by the three arms and administrative services in such way as will conduce to efficiency and the smooth working of every part when the force is called upon to take the field.

General peace organization, of course, in the way of holding annual camps of exercise, rifle meetings, sending of patrols from time to time through Native locations, arranging for the conveyance of camp equipment, saddlery, etc., by railway or by ox and mule waggon, purchase and hire of remounts, registration and insurance of horses, etc., continued just as they had done for years prior to the passing of the Militia Act, except that improvements on the efforts of preceding years were continually being introduced.

Having regard to the great importance of the new Act, it is proposed to allude briefly to the genesis thereof, to some of its principal features, and to the way in which it was administered. Unless the fundamental provisions are grasped at the outset, it is not unlikely that indistinct impressions will arise in the mind of the reader, with the result that the achievements of the Colony during an important crisis, full of meaning as they are and of lessons for the future, will be insufficiently appreciated.

In 1902, a motion, introduced into Parliament by Mr. (now Sir) Thomas Watt, K.C.M.G., member for Newcastle, in favour of universal compulsory service, was carried unanimously. A bill was next drafted and formally introduced by the Prime Minister, Sir Albert Hime, K.C.M.G., but was withdrawn. This was followed by the appointment of a Commission in November, 1902, under the chairmanship of Mr. Ernest L. Acutt, C.M.G., "to consider and report upon the general measures proper to be taken for the defence of the Colony and to advise as to the most suitable mode of constituting a defence force according to the general object of the bill (No. 36), which was introduced into Parliament at its last ordinary session."

This Commission reported in favour of compulsory military service, drafted another bill and recommended the enactment thereof. The recommendations were supported by the then Commandant of Volunteers (Colonel Leader, whose services had been specially lent to Natal by the Imperial Government). This officer was appointed to take command of the troops during the period of their transition from a volunteer to a militia force, or otherwise to institute such other radical changes as might appear imperative.

The bill was passed into law with but little opposition towards the end of 1903.[50] The labour of initiating, drafting and supporting in Parliament this statesmanlike measure was undertaken chiefly by Sir Thomas Watt.

Among its principal features were the following:

"That the Militia, with the Governor as Commander-in-Chief, and a Commandant of Militia, with the rank of Colonel, as responsible for the administration of all Militia and Defence matters, should consist of all the male inhabitants of European descent in the Colony, from the age of 18 to the age of 50 years inclusively ... not being aliens." Certain exemptions were allowed.

The Force was divided into four classes:

"(_a_) Active Militia, consisting of all men who may volunteer and who may be accepted for service in this class, and all other men who may be balloted for service.

"(_b_) Militia First Reserve, consisting of all unmarried men from 18 to 30 years of age inclusive, who are not in the Active Militia.

"(_c_) Militia Second Reserve, consisting of all married men between 18 and 30 years of age inclusive, and all men from 31 to 40 years of age inclusive, who are not in the Active Militia.

"(_d_) Militia Third Reserve, consisting of all men from 41 to 50 years of age inclusive, who are not in the Active Militia...."

The strength of the Active Militia was to be determined from time to time, by the Governor-in-Council, but, in time of peace, might not exceed 4,000 men.

Whenever called out for active service, it became competent for the Governor-in-Council to place the Militia "under the orders of the Commander of His Majesty's Regular Forces in the Colony, provided such officer shall not be below the substantive rank of Major-General in the Army."[51]

In the event of the Active Militia being mobilized for military service, the Commandant was required to advertise in the Government Gazette and the press for volunteers, and "should enough men have not volunteered and been accepted in any district to complete the quota required for that district," within the time specified, "the men enrolled in the Militia First Reserve shall be balloted for" and "any man balloted for ... shall be attached to such corps in his military district as the District Commandant may notify."

The period of service in time of peace was not less than three years, irrespective of age at time of enrolment.

The Militia Reserves were liable to be called out by the Governor-in-Council for active service in time of "war, invasion or insurrection, or danger of any of them." Their officers (designated Chief Leaders and Sub-Leaders) were appointed "at the instance of the Commandant of Militia in pursuance of a vote passed by a majority of the members of such Militia Reserves," in accordance with the regulations.

In so far as the Native, Indian or coloured male population (outnumbering the European by about 10 to 1) was concerned, the Act empowered the Governor to call out any portion thereof, being British subjects, for military training or service in time of peace, or for active service in time of war, and to form the same into contingents for employment as scouts, drivers, labourers, stretcher-bearers, etc., under officers subject to the Commandant of Militia.

An amending Act, passed in 1906, enabled the Commandant to call out the Reserves for training, and so introduce some degree of organization among them, impossible under the main Act.

Although, during 1906, the entire European population was under 100,000, it was found that 5,000 men (all volunteers) were at the disposal of the State as Active Militia, with about 15,000 Reserves, divided into the three classes referred to.

A defect in the principal Act was the concession to Reserves of the privilege of electing their own officers (Chief Leaders and Sub-Leaders), as the selections, in many cases, were not determined by the military knowledge, military service, firmness of character and so forth of the candidate, but simply by the degree of wealth possessed, or popularity enjoyed, by him in the district. When the Reserves of certain parts were called out for active service, the seriousness of this mistake speedily manifested itself, with the result that the best efforts of which some of the corps were capable were not put forth. Having regard to the numerical strength of the Reserves, it was of the greatest importance that only efficient officers should have been selected.

But, given the power of exacting compulsory service and the availability of _matériel_, there was wanting another and most important factor, namely, something which could so co-ordinate and systematize the heterogeneous elements as to weld them into that for which they were intended, namely, an engine of war, endowed with the power of life, movement and destruction. There was wanted, in short, an organizer. It was one thing for the legislature to provide the law, the money, the men, the horses, the equipment, ordnance and transport, but he that was to transform these masses of incongruous material into the desired entity could only be born, not made.

Without the active sympathy of a Government, an organizer can accomplish but little. To prepare for war is a task which, in order that it may be properly fulfilled, exacts tribute in numberless directions. Its dimensions are of universal scope and variety, and, unless the State is prepared to meet the reasonable demand of its agent, his efforts are foredoomed to failure. As the goal is to transform the material at hand into a living thing, it devolves on a Government to see that means are forthcoming or the efforts of the artificer become lacking both in efficiency and usefulness. This lesson the Government of Natal had learnt far better than did Canning and his Council at the time of the Indian Mutiny. Instead of refusing offers of assistance from local volunteers, every expedient was adopted by Natal to encourage volunteering; instead of an unsympathetic ruler, the Colony found in the Governor, Sir Henry McCallum, an ideal helmsman, who, supported by a strong and capable Ministry[52] and a far-seeing Commandant, strained every nerve to suppress the Insurrection in a swift and vigorous manner, well knowing that clemency and indecision would help only to aggravate the situation and imperil the State.

On the Militia Act becoming law in 1904, the Government appointed its Commandant of Volunteers, Col. H.P. Leader, as the first Commandant of Militia. He, thereupon, temporarily assumed the rank of Brigadier General. A District Commandant was also appointed to each of the three military districts into which the Colony was then divided.

Assisted by these officers, his staff and the various commanding officers of corps, the Commandant took early steps to establish the system envisaged by the Act.

It will be remembered that May 31st, 1902, saw the conclusion of hostilities between England and the South African Republics. In that great conflict, Natal had thrown all her regular volunteer forces, numbering only about 2000 men, into the field.[53] Such forces, distinctly well-organized, were maintained at a high state of efficiency as long as the war lasted.

There can be no question but that the exacting discipline undergone by the troops during the Boer War prepared them and the rest of the Colony for the compulsory service imposed by the 1903 Act. But for the serious risks and trials of that war, even though commonly said to have "killed volunteering" in Natal, it is highly probable greater objection would have been offered than was done when the Militia bill was debated in Parliament. The War was, indeed, a blessing in disguise for Natal. It taught her manhood what defensive warfare was, as well as the necessity of establishing an adequate and constantly efficient force. In these circumstances, Leader found his task much easier than it would have been under ordinary conditions. His commanding and other officers were all ready and eager to co-operate. If he was crippled for the want of funds, owing to the Colony passing through a time of severe financial depression, an excellent spirit prevailed, men being anxious to enrol in the various corps and help forward the realization of the general purposes of the Act.

Among the District Commandants was Lieut.-Col. (now Colonel), H.T. Bru-de-Wold, D.S.O., C.M.G., V.D., J.P.[54] This officer, whilst discharging the ordinary duties of his post, observed, not long after peace had been concluded with the Boers, what, no doubt, a number of other colonists also did, namely, that there was a certain amount of restlessness and disregard of authority among the younger sections of the Natives of his district which, on its south-western side, bordered on Pondoland. He made a point of visiting European homesteads in various parts, where he found his observations frequently corroborated, whilst his attention was drawn to other suspicious indications. He took steps to gather, from all available sources, information regarding the tribes, including those living along the border in the Cape Colony. Their probable fighting strength was ascertained, as also tribal differences, distinctions being drawn between hereditary blood-feuds and those of a minor character. Those tribes that had established intimate relations by marriage, etc., or were off-shoots of existing older stocks, though commonly designated by different names, were also noted. These particulars were tabulated so as to show which group was likely to take the field against another in the event of hostilities, and so on. By degrees, there grew up in his mind the idea that an open rupture between the white and the black races would occur in the near future, and on such presentiment appearing more reasonable and palpable as time went on, he set himself to consider how far he would be ready should any such contingency arise in his particular district. He prepared mobilization schemes on a small scale, that is to say, assumed a revolt had broken out at a particular point within the Colony, and then devoted himself to utilizing all available resources so as to grapple with the imaginary outbreak in the most effective manner. These schemes, along with others on somewhat similar lines by the other district officers, were submitted to headquarters. Those by Bru-de-Wold evoked a special interest, with the result that he was invited to prepare others. This time, he was not limited to the resources of his own district, but was instructed to lay under tribute those of the entire Colony. This "day-dreaming," as persons devoid of a military sense may choose to style it, soon turned out to be, not only an amusing and engrossing pastime, but the thing of all others that the Colony stood most in need of at that particular juncture. That this view is correct, will become clearer the further we proceed.

On the post of Commandant being vacated by Leader in August, 1905, Bru-de-Wold was appointed thereto with the rank of Colonel.

But, although Col. Bru-de-Wold was so mindful of the necessity of preparing for war, it is only fair to remember that the foundations of Militia organization were laid whilst the first Commandant was still in office, not to refer to the various other and important contributory efforts in earlier days. The organization of the Volunteers during the Boer War, for instance, was everything that could have been desired, though, of course, it differed in character from a scheme which had in view hostilities with savages, who might rise in a number of places at the same moment. Royston had in view and prepared for possible hostilities with civilized forces living _beyond the borders_ of the Colony, a very different undertaking to operating against barbarians residing _within_ the Colony. "For the latter, one must have each division complete in itself, but, in organizing for a European war, one knows perfectly well that he must collect his men together in the bulk before there is to be any resort to arms at all. So long as one's brigade is organized as a brigade, that is sound. In Native warfare, however, there should be organization practically of the individuals, for each of these might be called on to deal with a Native enemy in his immediate vicinity. Just before the Rebellion, each little unit was absolutely complete and prepared to take the field as it stood."[55]

Manuals of instruction based on those of the Imperial army, but adapted to local requirements, were prepared and issued. In these, the various duties of each arm, on receipt of an order to mobilize, were fully and clearly set forth.

Had Leader not felt obliged to resign, it is more than probable that with, for instance, so enthusiastic a lieutenant as Bru-de-Wold, the highly creditable system subsequently developed by the latter would have fully matured. But, whatever _may_ have happened in his time, cannot be allowed to obscure well-deserved distinction and prevent the bestowal of that meed of praise the Colony owes to the man who, if he did not actually initiate, took infinite pains, in season and out of season, assisted by an efficient and willing staff, to further the scheme, until it actually assumed the solidarity it did and that capacity for simultaneous and harmonious movement which are the leading characteristics of every sound system of defence. Natal, therefore, owes her gratitude to Col. Bru-de-Wold as to one who, keenly alive to her best interests, in the face of much political and other discouragement, resolutely held to the course he had embarked on, until the long-entertained idea had been fairly realized. Without him, it is conceivable, the Colony might have become so involved during the Rebellion as to have been unable to suppress it without appealing for help to the Mother Country, when the command of the whole of the operations would have passed automatically from her own hands to those of the Imperial Government. That is to say, a Colony which, but a dozen or so years previously, had deliberately resolved to take on the burden of responsible government and all attendant risks, would have been so far incapable of exercising control and utilizing her own resources as, at the first sign of trouble in connection with purely internal affairs, to seek the aid of external authority to set them in order. Had any such assistance been invoked and rendered, Natal must inevitably have forfeited, especially in the eyes of the Natives, much of the prestige she had so long enjoyed and which she was determined, if possible, to maintain. But let no one suppose these remarks to be made in any ungenerous spirit or unmindfully of that bond of sympathy and warm attachment that will for ever endure between the Motherland and her sons in Natal. It is impossible to gauge the degree to which Natal is indebted to the "old block" of which she is but a chip; her social system, laws, education, and institutions were, for the most part, "made in England," so, too, were many of the better features of the military system of which she is so justly proud. She is not oblivious of the instruction and encouragement her officers have received from innumerable representatives of His Majesty's army, in South Africa and at home, or of the keen interest that has constantly been shown in the general development of her forces.

COLONEL H.T. BRU-DE-WOLD, C.M.G., D.S.O., Commandant of Militia.

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR JOHN G. DARTNELL, K.C.B., C.M.G.

COLONL G. LEUCHARS, C.M.G., D.S.O.

SIR ABE BAILEY, K.C.M.G.]

COMPOSITION AND STRENGTH OF THE MILITIA.

_Active Militia._--The strength of the Active Militia was limited to 4,000 in time of peace. This figure, as a matter of fact, was never reached, owing to the severe financial depression the Colony passed through in the years 1902-1906, and later. Although the strength rose from 1,864 officers and men in 1902 to 3,449 in 1904--that it did not increase beyond the latter figure was due to Government fixing 3,500 as the temporary maximum strength--it decreased in 1906 to 2,854. Consequently, there was a shortfall of no less than 1,146 men on a maximum authorized peace establishment at the outbreak of the Rebellion. In his report, dated January, 1907, Bru-de-Wold says: "Assuming office in October, 1905,[56] during a period of great financial depression, I was confronted with the task of immediately reducing expenditure.... At the same time, I was convinced that, at no period since I became connected with the Defence Forces of the Colony, had there been a greater urgency for efficiency and readiness to take the field. I felt sure that the Native trouble, which I had seen for some years past drawing nearer and nearer, was now within a measurable distance, and in my own mind I fixed the latter end of May or June as the most probable time for the disturbance to break out. I was instructed to reduce the Active Militia to 2,500 of all ranks...."[57] Again: "To organize the Force with its reduced numbers, and still to retain its efficiency as an effective fighting force, I arranged a Peace and War establishment for each regiment, the ranks to be filled up when required for war purposes by supernumeraries, or special service men...."[58]

Nothing could show more clearly than the foregoing facts how severe must have been the financial depression through which the Colony passed in 1905 and 1906, and how great the risks run by being compelled to reduce to 2,500 men, the first line of defence of a Colony controlling about a million warlike savages. When, as then situated, Natal determined to deal with the trouble by means of her own resources, she took a bold and even hazardous course. But it was just such decision that appealed to the imagination of the staunchest of her colonists, and it was not long before she had the satisfaction of knowing that her courageous attitude was amply justified by the results.

Having decided, in 1904, to recruit to a figure falling short by 500 of the maximum peace strength authorized by law, and again, in 1905, directed a further reduction by 1,000 men, it would be thought the Government, on the first acts of rebellion occurring in February and April, would have been only too glad to avail themselves of the power to ballot for recruits,[59] to raise the depleted ranks to at least the maximum peace establishment. By rights, the final word as to when the ballot should be brought into force, should rest with the officer responsible for the defence of the country. Experience has shown that an elective ministry will not so act if it can possibly be avoided.[60] If not imperative, so as to restore the authorized establishment, such necessity certainly appeared to arise when the character of the _terrain_ selected by the rebels came to be closely considered. For operations in connection with Nkandhla forest alone--an area covering 100 square miles, _i.e._ equivalent to that of Greater London, some 10,000 European troops were declared by competent military advisers to be required. If others advised lesser numbers, it was because they were confident (though having no military reasons for saying so) that their extremely elusive foes could be hoodwinked at their own game, and in a country, too, as well-known to them as a cornfield is to the mice that run up and down and between the growing stalks.

The Government, of which The Hon. C.J. Smythe was Prime Minister and Sir Thomas Watt Minister of Defence, declined to use the ballot. The reasons for such paradoxical attitude were briefly these: Owing to the reports of unrest and threatened attack received almost daily from widely-separated parts, in some cases panic-stricken men, women and children taking refuge in lagers and clamouring for help, it was desirable to allay the panic; this alarm must have been greatly heightened had there been sudden recourse to the ballot, which the unexpected initial success of the April rising appeared to demand. Owing to there being no general organization among the rebels, it was highly probable outbreaks would occur here and there, until, having acquired sufficient momentum, a large force had been successfully massed on ground favourable to their tactics. Thus, to denude any particular district of men, was practically to offer it to the enemy as a convenient point of attack. It should be borne in mind that the scanty European population was so distributed as to be almost in every direction in the immediate vicinity of what are known as Native locations. These, laid off for the exclusive use of the Natives as far back as 1845, were made numerous and kept separate for the very reason that, through one large group of Natives gradually losing touch with the others, their power for mischief, in the event of hostilities, would be reduced, whilst Europeans, taking up their abode, either as farmers or as townsmen, on the intervening territory, would serve to leaven the aborigines with civilized habits, and promote their spiritual and material advancement.

On the other hand, it is no less true of savage than of civilized warfare, that the best defence consists in attacking the enemy wherever he may be found, and not leaving the initiative to be taken by him. The latter method, it is true, leaves exposed numerous vulnerable points, at each of which, owing to greater numbers, he ought in theory to succeed.

The Government decided to call for volunteers among the colonists and to attract the many soldiers of fortune and adventurous spirits in South Africa by offering them inducements to join specially-raised corps. It was in this way that the required number of men was obtained. Those Militia Reserves in the various districts who had not taken the field were thereupon able to assemble, elect officers, select lagers and take other measures for the defence of their respective districts.

_The Reserves._--In view of the necessity of hastening on the organization of the Active Militia, and of the difficulties in preparing rolls, as required by law, complete lists of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Reserves could not be made until the Rebellion was over and, indeed, not until after the conclusion of the Dinuzulu expedition (December, 1907 to March, 1908).

At the beginning of 1906, the numbers of the Reserves were approximately: First, 5,050, Second, 6,875, Third, 3,175; Total, 15,100.

In January and February, 1906, beginning at Dundee, meetings were convened for the purpose of electing Chief Leaders in terms of the Act. After the various classes of Reserves had been organized, Lieut.-Col. (now Colonel) A.T.G. Wales was placed in command.

Among these men were to be found many ex-soldiers and volunteers, who had fought in nearly all the campaigns of the preceding thirty years. There were also many Dutchmen who had fought against England during the Boer War, but who had since become valuable acquisitions to South Africa's fighting material.

Notwithstanding the presence of "old campaigners," it was soon patent that the majority of the men had not received any military training worthy the name. To remedy this serious defect, only one way seems to be open--do as Australia did later, in 1908, viz. compel every man and boy within the State to undergo a systematic course annually.

As in the case of the Militia, the Government was obliged to keep down expenses in regard to the Reserves. Such action was felt more by the latter forces than by established corps, and yet nothing was more reasonable than that the Active Militia should, whenever necessary, be in a position to draw without delay on the younger branches of the Reserves.

_Cadets._--See p. 65.