Chapter V: Introduction (4)

Upon getting back to the royal kraal, the deputed regiment found a black bull had already been selected from among those of the King's cattle kept at a distance from the principal kraal. The beast chosen was large, full-grown and fierce. After being driven into the cattle enclosure, say, about 600 yards in diameter, it was tackled by the single, unassisted regiment, all the men being without shields or assegais. It was well chased about, prevented from going this way or that, and eventually, after being kept running about for two or three hours to tire it, it was rushed at about mid-day, caught and brought to earth by many taking hold of it simultaneously. The men then fastened on to it by its legs, tail, head, horns, ears, etc., whilst others proceeded as best they could to twist and eventually break its neck. As soon as it was dead, the war-doctors came up and drove all the warriors away for fear lest any disloyally inclined should cut off portions and carry them off to the King's enemies, whereby ascendancy might in some way be obtained over their own sovereign. The beast was now skinned and its flesh cut into long strips. These strips (known as _umbengo_, hence the name of the custom) were then roasted on a huge fire that had already been made of the wood gathered on the preceding day. After being roasted, the flesh was smeared with black powders, and pungent, bitter drugs. The names and identity of some of these drugs were kept carefully concealed from the troops. The very reputation of the doctor depended on his being secretive. By this time, 3 or 4 p.m., the regiments had all come up and were waiting "to eat the _umbengo_." They moved to near where the doctors were, and there built a great _umkumbi_, that is, formed themselves into a huge half-moon, the men at every part being many deep. The doctors came forward with the charred, half-cooked and medicated flesh. They and their assistants simultaneously started flinging the strips one after another into the air towards but above the heads of different sections of the troops, and in all directions. To do this satisfactorily, they passed through the _umkumbi_ at conveniently-situated and specially-prepared openings. The warriors all standing, each carrying weapons and shield in the left hand, were ready to catch with the other the flesh as it descended. There was a scramble to snatch every piece as it got within reach. The man catching, immediately bit off a lump and pitched the remainder back into the air to be again violently contended for, caught and similarly dealt with, one after another. In the meantime, the pieces bitten or torn off were chewed and spat on to the ground, the juice, however, being swallowed. Owing to many being hungry, and even ravenous, the flesh itself was often gulped down, although quite contrary to custom to do so. If any of the strips fell to the ground when being tossed about, it was not picked up, as supposed then to have lost its virtue. It not unfrequently happened for these discarded portions to be consumed by the half-famished during the excitement. Here and there one saw a weak man fall forward in a faint, and his shield and assegais go clattering to the ground as he did so. But for his friends, who rushed forward to help, he must have been trampled to death for all the others cared. The process of distribution continued until each had had his bite; no one was allowed to retire until the last had conformed to the custom.

One bull was sufficient for an entire army. Two were never killed. The entrails were secretly buried in what was known as the King's cattle enclosure (cut off from the main one), the grave being guarded all night by watchmen.

Boy mat-bearers and cooks who had not reached the age of puberty were then sought in all parts of the barracks and ordered to eat up such remains as were consumable, but all who were commandeered were obliged to sleep where the bull had been cut up and roasted, until the following morning. A further special requirement was that all so set apart had to refrain from passing water from the moment of coming up until permission was given to depart. For this reason, it was with considerable difficulty that boys could be found when wanted.

Every atom of the bull that remained over was afterwards burnt to cinders, including bones, hide, etc., etc. The doctors thereupon gathered together all the ashes and conveyed them to some large and deep pool into which they were thrown. This was done to guard, as before, against any portion being taken by strangers and used to obtain ascendancy over the King and nation.

After this observance, everyone who had taken part therein had to refrain from all intercourse with womenfolk. For this reason, as often as girls or women arrived at headquarters with bundles of food for fathers, brothers or husbands, they set them down and left for their homes forthwith without escort of any kind. The word having gone forth that all must arm was an absolute guarantee against interference of every kind. All who armed, including the ones detailed to remain as the King's bodyguard, were obliged to eat the _umbengo_, the general object of which was, not only to knit the people together, but to hearten and strengthen them.

Following upon these formalities was another, equally indispensable, viz. the eating of beasts offered as a sacrifice to the spirits of the King's departed ancestors. Such cattle were apportioned to the various regiments. They were killed and eaten at night, famous national chants being sung at the same time. The departed spirits were invoked by the various highly-placed officers and aristocrats, of whom there were at least a score, men of sufficient status to remonstrate with the King on great and critical occasions. The ancient, undisturbed graves of former Kings were also visited, the spirit being invoked at each.

By way of stimulating the troops to put forth their best efforts in war, the King would call a couple of regiments into the great cattle enclosure and there urge individuals of the one to challenge those of the other, one at a time. "I have," he would say, "summoned you all to hear how you mean to behave on coming in sight of the enemy." It is of melancholy interest to know that this practice was observed by the regiments Kandempemvu and Ngobamakosi, which proved so terribly destructive at Isandhlwana. After the King had spoken, the challenging proceeded in this way: Some man belonging to, say, the Ngobamakosi jumped up and shouted: "I can do better than you, son of ... (giving name); you won't stab a white man, before one has already fallen by my hand. If you do, you can carry off the whole of our kraal and the property attached (giving name of the kraal), or, you shall take my sister ... (giving her name, and implying marriage)." Having said this, he started to dance a _pas seul_, with a small shield and stick (on such occasions assegais and war-shields were not carried). The other man, stung by the words uttered in public, jumped up as smartly and, dancing towards and after his challenger as the latter retired, called out defiantly: "Well, if you can do better than I, you may take our kraal ... and my sister too ... (giving names)." As each danced, they were loudly applauded by their respective comrades. When a man, known by the King to be a brave fellow, sprang up and danced, the King might point and shake his hand at him approvingly. Others followed the same process, though by no means in monotonous or regular fashion; and so it went on until sunset. Occasionally the one addressed or "selected," as it was called, refrained from taking up the challenge. Such a fellow was called a coward, and, when the regiments had left the King, his failure was freely commented on. He was then made to suffer the usual indignities of cowards, viz. having his meat dipped in cold water, etc.

A day or two afterwards, two other regiments were pitted against one another. Again the process of "selection" and challenging went on excitedly until sunset.

After the fighting had taken place, the same challenging pairs of regiments were called before the King to "discuss" the campaign. (Such rule was, however, not followed during the Zulu War, for obvious reasons). Some young man then jumped up and accosting the one "selected" by him before hostilities occurred, shouted exultingly: "What did you do, son of ...? I did this and did that (reciting various deeds of valour or supposed valour). What have you to your credit?" The other replied. The man generally allowed by those assembled to have distinguished himself the more, was declared to have won the wager. The property, as a matter of fact, did not change hands, though, at first, it seemed as if it would do so. The stakes were merely figuratively referred to for heightening public interest in the achievements.

Cattle rewards to acknowledged heroes were made by the King when "war discussions" took place on the above lines.

When the circumstances were such that the troops had to march forthwith against the enemy, the ceremony known as _ukucelwa_ (to be sprinkled) was held. As with eating the _umbengo_, there were phases of the custom. The essential features were: Cleansing internally by using specially-prepared emetics and external cleansing by washing in the stream; dipping one's fingers into an open dish placed on the fire, containing hot liquid and drugs poured in by the war-doctor, and thereafter sucking them and suddenly spitting out what has been so sucked; uttering imprecations on the enemy when spirting the medicated liquid from one's mouth; being smoked with drugs whilst standing in a circle round the doctor; being sprinkled front and rear by the doctor with yet other drugs of a caustic character.

There were various ways in which these essentials were observed. Such variety was due to the fact that each medico to a certain extent kept his own drugs, and observed a procedure peculiar to himself.

As an illustration, let us take what occurred in 1883, after Cetshwayo had been attacked at Undi (Ulundi) by Zibebu. A couple of men who had escaped, returned to their tribe near St. Lucia Bay with an assegai that had been flung after them by Zibebu's men, but had failed to strike. This was handed to a well-known war-doctor, who, being called on to practise his arts on some forty _amaviyo_ then present, bent the blade, and at the bend tied a small round vessel containing charms. The assegai was stuck into the ground from 200 to 300 yards off by means of its wooden end, sharpened for the purpose. He then required the troops to approach, a _viyo_ at a time, when, whilst escorting the company, he shouted out (in Zulu), "Here's a marvel! Here is the one who shuts out! Here's the keeper of the door!" Each of these phrases, on being uttered alternately, had to be repeated by the _viyo_ in chorus. The doctor next directed each man, on filing past, to take hold of the vessel with his fingers, slightly shake it and, at the same instant, exclaim: "I have closed!" or "I shut!" The object of the performance was to cause all Zibebu's assegais to miss their mark or become blunt, and all his efforts against Dinuzulu and his allies to prove unavailing.

The same man, having later on caused the troops to form up in a circle round him, by way of finally preparing them for battle, strode hurriedly up and down and among the men holding something concealed in his right hand. "What is this?" he swiftly asked one, only to pass on similarly to another to put the same question. At the moment of asking, he opened his hand for the fraction of a second, when a glittering stone-like substance appeared, about two inches long, and as thick as one's thumb. "It is earth!" exclaimed those able to catch a glimpse. Upon which he said: "Did you see it?" "Yes, we did," was the reply. And so, ever moving, he went about, clothed in weird garb, asking the same questions in all directions, and always receiving the same answers: "What is this?" "Earth." "Did you see it?" "Yes, we did." The scene quickly became animated and exciting, due no doubt to the celerity of movement and abrupt questioning of the great doctor, with evident inability on the part of the warriors to know what the glittering substance, of which they kept on obtaining but the briefest glimpses, really was.

This was the man who was employed by Dinuzulu in 1888, shortly before scoring a signal victory over Zibebu within 1,000 yards of Nongoma magistracy in Zululand.

On leaving headquarters, after a stirring address by the King, the army marched in one great column, in order of companies. Upon reaching hostile territory it was split into two divisions of close formation, when competent men were selected for reconnaissance and advanced guard duty. This latter body, forming about ten companies, moved ahead of the column to which it was attached, at a distance of ten to twelve miles. The same was done in regard to the other division. The guard was made considerable, to give the enemy the impression, especially when in extended order, that it was the main body. It was held to be a serious breach in tactics for the column to fail to divide as stated, for, on being taken at a disadvantage, it was considered necessary for another force to be on the flank for creating a diversion and so relieve the situation.

The advanced guard purposely refrained from concealing itself. In addition to the guard, spies were sent out in twos and threes to locate the enemy, with a view to planning surprise or ambush. As soon as the guard found it had been perceived and was being moved against by the enemy, runners were at once dispatched to warn the main body.

The leading principle in attack was to endeavour to surround the enemy. To effect this, the men, on an engagement becoming imminent, were rapidly drawn up in semi-circular formation and instructed by the officer in supreme command. These instructions resolved themselves into specifying what regiments were to form the right "horn," as it was called, what the left, and what were to compose the "chest" or centre, as also the routes to be taken. The warriors, having been once more sprinkled with drugs to ward off injury, exhorted through lively recitation of praises of departed kings, and reminded of the challenges and promises made by them in the presence of the sovereign, dashed forward to realize the general plan or die in the attempt.

It was the rule to hold back a large force in reserve, for use in case of necessity. The commanding officer and his staff took up a position on high ground to watch the course of the battle, and issue any further necessary directions.

Pass-words and countersigns were frequently made use of, especially as much travelling about was necessary at night.

As it was only shortly before the Zulu War that firearms were acquired, the use of these was not sufficiently general to interfere with the national modes of warfare followed for over half a century.

The powers of endurance of the army when on the march were remarkable. Although living on scanty supplies of food, the men could, on emergency, travel forty miles in the course of a night and forthwith engage in battle. The provision-bearers and herds could not, of course, keep up with the column after the first day, with the result that each warrior was obliged to carry his own food and equipment. Men frequently rolled up their shields when marching, as they then became easier to carry. Those whose feet became sore and swollen were laughed at, including men who resorted to using sandals of ox-hide.

Let us conclude with a few customs formerly and still observed by individuals in war-time.

No warrior ever goes off to war without visiting his home, in order to "take the spirit" along with him, as it is called. The home is the shrine at which he worships, and where the friendly aid and protection of departed spirits are sought. When about to leave, two or three enter the cattle enclosure and, at the upper end thereof, invoke their ancestral spirits. In the meantime, an old woman has taken her stand at, though outside, the gate awaiting the men's departure. She holds in her hand an ordinary hand-broom of grass. With this she flicks the calf of each warrior as he goes forth, thereby metaphorically warding off the dangers towards which he is moving, but says nothing. The custom is general, though not invariably practised.

After the men leave, various customs are observed by the women. The huts just vacated by the men are carefully swept. A fire is forthwith kindled in each, so as to make everything there bright and cheery. This is done to encourage the return of the soldier and avert his remaining eternally away. With the same object, his mat is carefully shaken and rolled up, an ear of millet being put inside it. It is then stood upright at the end of the hut (the usual position in normal times is horizontal). And in such position it remains until the owner's return. If he is injured, it is taken down.

Quarrelling of all kinds is studiously refrained from, as such is supposed to draw the absent ones into danger. Not only women and girls, but the whole establishment, including little children, observe the most orderly and quiet behaviour, crying infants being hushed as speedily as possible.

Wives and mothers mark their faces by rubbing with a specially-prepared black paste of ashes, earth, etc. The marks are of various designs, the most general being a semi-circle over each eye, the two meeting at the top of the nose, or a 1-1/2 inch diameter circle on each cheek. The tops of their leather skirts, too, are reversed, i.e. the nap thereon is turned outwards.

Occasionally bitter-apple (_solanum_) berries are rolled slowly along that side of the hut on which the warrior was in the habit of sleeping, the berry being aimed to go out by the doorway and so carry all possibilities of harm along with it.

The same berries, two or three of them, may be threaded on to a cord, as also a rabbit tail, the whole being tied as a necklace round the throat to ward off evil.

Other customs, not less quaint, are observed by mothers-in-law.

A sprig of wild asparagus is often stuck in the thatch over the doorway of a hut to safeguard the home.

The black markings on the face and the wearing of the berries represent formal suppression of ordinary personal feeling or the deliberate assumption of an ugly, callous, and unsympathetic disposition.

When husbands or sons are killed, various other customs are conformed to by women.

Turning to the soldiers themselves, we find that when any of the enemy are killed in battle, those responsible for the deaths proceed to rip open the deceased's stomach. This is done as it is feared the deceased's unreleased spirit will invest the one who slew him and turn him into a raving lunatic. He must also strip or, at least, partly strip the corpse of its clothing and wear it himself until, having cleansed himself in accordance with various formalities, he can resume his own.

Those who have killed others, eat and live entirely apart from the main body. This seclusion continues for many days. During this time, they observe other formalities before being finally washed with drugs and allowed to associate with their comrades. They are treated with great respect, the best and fattest portions of meat are served out to them, and they are entitled to wear the decorations previously referred to.

A coward, on the other hand, is subjected to the greatest indignities. His meat is handed to him after having been dipped in cold water. This causes girls to laugh at him. Not infrequently his fiancée will break off the engagement, on the ground that he has so far unmanned himself as to have become a woman. Being a woman, he naturally must not look to another woman to become his wife! To such extent is this carried, that one hears of cases where girls actually uncover themselves in his presence by way of shaming him.

* * * * *

And so one could go on describing the inner life of this remarkable race, but sufficient has been said to enable the reader to understand those with whom the Natal Government was, in 1906, called on to deal. The character of their tactics and military habits and customs has been roughly outlined in the foregoing sketch, which, as everyone who lives in the country knows, is descriptive not of a system of life gone by, but of one that was largely revived and practised by those who took part in the fighting, rebels as well as loyalists. The present is understood by studying the past, or, as a Zulu would say: _Inyati i buzwa kwa ba pambili_ (news of the buffalo is sought of those who are ahead). Thus the chapter which, at first, seemed to deal only with old bones is found, on examination, to be a picture of the people as they were at the beginning of the campaign.

NOTE.

THE REBEL ORGANIZATION IN 1906.

_State of affairs among the tribes._--On assuming the government of Natal, England found many disconnected tribes. This state of affairs has continued to exist to the present day, with the result that any attempts of Natives to organize among themselves have been confined chiefly to the limits of individual tribes. When Zululand was conquered, the principle of dissevering politically-connected tribes was followed, first by Sir Garnet Wolseley, later, and to greater extent, when the magistracies were established.

Although the policy of _divide et impera_ has failed to destroy much of the natural affinity between tribes, there is no doubt it has also helped to drive others still further apart. The animosities between many of them are proverbial. The efforts of any Chief at organization have, moreover, been checked by a provision in the Code which prescribes penalties for "summoning an armed assembly of his tribe" or "classing or causing to be classed, the men of his tribe into companies or regiments," without the permission of the Supreme Chief. Notwithstanding this, various Chiefs have, for many years, divided their men into regiments and companies. In some cases, this has been done innocently by loyal men, in others by men not so loyal. No harm, however, arose out of the practice until the Insurrection took place, and even then the Government gained more, perhaps, from loyal Chiefs who happened to be semi-organized, _e.g._ Sibindi, Mveli, Sitshitshili and Mfungelwa, than it suffered from those who were openly disloyal, _e.g._ Bambata and Sigananda.

The Poll Tax Act was, of course, a powerful agent in breaking down the long-standing differences referred to, whilst the order to kill off pigs and white fowls further influenced large numbers to unite and rebel. It was never possible to determine in any satisfactory way how many were prepared to join those actually in the field, even though approximate estimates of the latter could always be arrived at. It is enough, at this stage, to say that about 150 men struck the first decisive blow and that, although probably 1,000 adherents were gained at Nkandhla within the next two or three weeks, further accessions were determined rather by the successes met with than by a feeling that the methods adopted were the best available for securing the end in view. As these successes were insignificant, the rebels that joined did so in small lots at a time. Had the troops met with two or three reverses, especially at the beginning, it is probable thousands would have gone over, only to be followed by thousands of others if the efforts of these again had proved successful.

_Leaders._--Suitable and experienced leaders were wanting; not that capable men could not be found, but the most capable were the ones who best realized the difficulties of the undertaking and the poor chances of success. There is no doubt that many Chiefs espoused the cause whilst pretending to be personally loyal, and this when many members of their tribes had deserted to join the rebels.

_Arms and ammunition._--As there was no law forbidding the keeping of assegais and shields, it may be assumed nearly every Native in the Colony was fully armed, though many would not have been in possession of war shields.

The law was strict in regard to firearms. Natives in general on the south-west side of the Tugela possessed no more than 200 registered guns, if so many. In Zululand, there were as many as 5,105 in 1897;[75] by 1904, they had not increased beyond 5,126--all of them registered. Of the latter, about 90 per cent. were of the old Tower musket, smooth-bore, and other obsolete types.

Apart from legally held guns, Dinuzulu was in possession of a number which he had failed to register, some of them obtained at the time of the Boer War. He also had large quantities of ammunition of various kinds, obtained at the same time and in other ways. How many other guns were owned by his late tribe or other tribes associated therewith, as well as other Zululand and Natal tribes, it is quite impossible to say.

These facts are given to show what would have been available had the Insurrection become universal. How far the foregoing arms were used against the troops it is difficult to judge. The majority of those that were used were of the Martini-Henry, Snider, Lee-Metford and Mauser types.

_Food supplies._--But for the premature outbreak at "Trewirgie," the Rebellion would probably not have begun until after all the crops had been reaped, _i.e._ about May. To have waited until all the grain was in would have been but to act in accordance with custom. The rebels, therefore, were somewhat at a disadvantage in regard to grain supplies. Although the cattle disease, known as East Coast Fever, had already invaded Zululand in the north, it had not up to that time made its way across the Umhlatuze, consequently, abundant meat supplies (cattle as well as goats) were always obtainable in the vicinity of Nkandhla. The ways in which supplies were procured whilst fighting was going on at Nkandhla, will be set forth later.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 70: The main reason for outlining here a system suppressed in 1879 is that it was at a partial revival thereof that the rebels perpetually aimed. The character of their organization and warfare was generally in accordance therewith. Nor, seeing many of them had been obliged to conform thereto in earlier days, is this any cause for surprise. A description of the old and famous order becomes, therefore, the best and most illuminating introduction to their methods in 1906.

It will be remembered that when Tshaka set about conquering the various tribes of Zululand and Natal, some of the more important broke away and fled to far-off parts, _e.g._ Rhodesia, Lake Nyasa, Gasaland, etc. Having regard to the enormous prestige acquired by the Zulus, a prestige which outshone that of any other tribe in South Africa south of the Equator, not only did tribes adjoining those which had arrived find it in their interest to copy the habits and customs of the dominant race and learn their tongue, but more particularly to adopt the system by which the prestige had been won. Thus a description of the system has the added interest of perhaps throwing light on what, in point of fact, has become practically the basic idea or exemplar of all Native military organizations in South Africa.

Had a tolerably comprehensive sketch of the system and its connected customs been available, the present attempt would not have been made.]

[Footnote 71: Dingiswayo, Chief of the Mtetwa tribe (near St. Lucia Bay, Zululand), is, curiously enough, believed to have had one or more fundamental features of the system suggested to him, either from observing the organization of British soldiers, as might have been done in the Cape Colony at the beginning of the nineteenth century, or, at least, by obtaining a detailed account thereof from some person familiar therewith.]

[Footnote 72: At intervals, as the hair grew long, it would be removed, but only to enable it to be sewn closer to the head.]

[Footnote 73: The badge known as _tshokobezi_, worn especially by followers of Dinuzulu, is referred to later (p. 198, note).]

[Footnote 74: Separate bivouacs were appointed for fear of regiments fighting one another.]

[Footnote 75: Nearly all these were obtained prior to the Imperial Government's assumption of control in Zululand (May, 1887).]

V.

EVENTS AND CONDITIONS ANTECEDENT TO OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES.--MURDER OF HUNT AND ARMSTRONG.

About the year 1895 South Africa was invaded from the north by a plague of locusts. A succession of several abnormally dry seasons, peculiarly favourable for hatching the young, resulted in the swarms increasing to alarming proportions. Immense clouds of them swept over the land in all directions, sometimes so vast as to render dimmer the light of the sun. Natal, euphemistically though not untruly styled the Garden Colony, suffered, if anything, more than other parts, and this owing to the very abundance of her crops and almost tropical vegetation. Recurrent devastations of crops lasted until 1903 or 1904 when, through determined and systematic co-operation among Europeans in the several colonies, involving heavy outlays of public monies, the pest was successfully counteracted and stamped out. The Natives of Natal and Zululand, accustomed as they are to cultivating but small patches of maize and corn, barely sufficient for their wants even in plenteous seasons, suffered most. In connection with this "invasion" came a year of scarcity among them (1896), necessitating distribution by the Government, for their relief, of large supplies of grain at cost price and under,--in some cases, free of charge.

In 1897 a new cattle disease, known as rinderpest, began to make its appearance, and this, whilst the older and well-nigh endemic one, called lung-sickness, was still afflicting the cattle of white and black alike. It, too, had gradually come down from the north. More virulent in form than lung-sickness, it soon spread to all parts of Natal and Zululand, destroying large percentages of the herds wherever permitted to enter. Again did the scourge press more heavily on Natives than on Europeans, especially in Zululand, for the reason that, being a pastoral people, they were peculiarly dependent in many ways on cattle. It will, for instance, be recollected that cattle are used as an essential constituent in every marriage contract. Milk, moreover, is extensively used for feeding infants and children. The price of stock advanced 500% and more; even where sufficient money was earned by hard labour, the necessary _lobola_ cattle could not be purchased. It, therefore, became difficult for the young men to obtain wives. That a certain spirit of restlessness and discontent gradually grew up in them cannot be wondered at. Indeed, it is generally admitted these misfortunes, coming one on top of the other and closely affecting the life of the people, were, on the whole, met by them with singular fortitude and forbearance.

But more was to follow. About the end of the late War, through importation at Beira, it has been supposed, of fresh blood in the shape of cattle from Australia to re-stock Rhodesia, a fresh disease--even more disastrous than rinderpest--also previously unknown in South Africa, made its appearance among such stock as remained in that part, and thereafter slowly but surely spread in different directions. Rinderpest had, like a hurricane, swept through South Africa (leaving patches here and there unaffected), and eventually spent itself at the sea at Cape Town. The new disease, known as East Coast Fever, or Tick Fever, by reason of infection being carried by a species of tick, common almost to the whole of South Africa, was much more searching and destructive in its effects. It crept steadily south-ward, affecting European and Native cattle alike. After causing vast and widespread losses, it is still unconquered at time of writing, though, especially since the Union Government assumed control, the possibilities of its spreading have been greatly reduced.

Entering the Colony on the eastern section of its northern boundary, it moved from place to place, striking down herds wherever it appeared with a suddenness that hardly seemed possible from the slowness of its march. The Natives of Zululand were the first to feel the blow, but the still more numerous black and white population of Natal, though having greater time to organize resistance, did not suffer less. A fundamental characteristic of human nature showed itself in the complacency with which the disease was viewed whilst at a distance, and alarm and even panic when it actually invaded the Colony. Every precaution which science or quackery could suggest was adopted. Thousands of pounds were spent on a device, only a few weeks later to be displaced by another, even more expensive. Parliament passed one law after another, whose aggregate effect scarcely abated the evil, whilst the inconvenience to Natives through enforcement of regulations amounted, in some instances, to actual provocation. That they were unable to see eye-to-eye with the Veterinary Department or other controlling authority in the restrictions imposed within infected or supposed infected areas was due not to fictitious, but to genuine, belief. However, it was clear from the outset that European cattle were no more immune than their own. If their race suffered, so also did that of the white man. Irritating though the precautions were, the fact remained that Natives' cattle were being swept off wholesale, leaving the people in a greatly impoverished condition.

But there was another matter, and one of long standing, regarded by them as a still greater affliction. To this we must now turn.

Ever since farms were laid off in Natal for European occupation, rents had been collected from the Native tenants. There were many reasons, sentimental as well as arising out of actual necessity, to account for the presence of Natives on such farms. First, there was the kraal, and its family (with numerous old local associations) already _in situ_ when the farm was laid off; secondly, the farmer, who had no tenants, had, by the offer of inducements, obtained them; thirdly, Natives ejected for some reason from adjoining or other lands, who had come to apply for permission "to squat." There was variety, again, when the character of the tenancy is examined. One landlord had, as the basis of his contract, service in lieu of rent; another required certain service with a small rent; another, service for which he paid the market wage, leaving the tenant free for six months of the year, but charged rent; another wanted nothing but the rent. Without going too deeply into this exceedingly complex question, it is sufficient to remark that "service in lieu of rent" was generally demanded by the Dutch farmers, in many ways fairer and more sympathetic to their tenants than other landlords, whilst cash was generally required by British farmers. Where rents were charged, they were felt by many Natives to be burdensome. With a number of tenants on his farm, a landlord, of course, felt that where one man could raise the rent, all must be required to do so, otherwise chaos would result. Rents naturally varied in different parts, some places being more productive than others. The lowest amount was about £1 per hut, whilst the highest was as much as £12. The average, however, stood between £2 and £3. As the sizes of Native establishments varied, or facilities for cultivation or grazing and disposing of produce or stock were unequal, so the difficulties of a tenant obtaining the amount of his rent varied. None of the farmers, Boer or British, intended to be oppressive. Many of them were remarkably patient and considerate. The fact, however, remains, that for some time before the Rebellion, some were oppressive, although unintentionally so. This mercenary spirit, however, was exhibited not only by the farmers of Natal. Anyone who takes the trouble to read the official publications will find it prevailing in other parts of South Africa. It is, indeed, a characteristic of Western Civilization. Even where Natives themselves are in possession of farms, they, aping their masters, follow a policy not less exacting in regard to men of their own colour.

For several years prior to the Rebellion, the high rate of rents was generally felt as a burden. It was talked about, and talked about loudly. Every report on Native Affairs showed that such was the case. On the other hand, one heard not a word in regard to the hut tax imposed by the Government.[76] The justice of it was approved and its amount considered reasonable. As a matter of fact, the complaint that made itself heard, was not against the European farmers, but against the system which had initiated freehold, leasehold, or any other tenure, as distinct from the purely communal. Because the Natal Government did not abolish landlordism, or at least prohibit landlords from charging tenants more than, say £1 per hut, and ejectment on failure to pay, Natives considered they had just ground for complaint against the Government. In their ignorance of the history of freehold, they looked on the colonists as having initiated, and as being responsible for, a system that flourished in Europe long before Vasco da Gama sailed up the coast of South Africa to set eyes on and name the country occupied by their artless ancestors.

Associated with this question were those of usury and cruelly extortionate charges by certain members of the legal profession, notably such as practised in the "country districts." In consequence of many tenants being unable to meet their obligations, largely through loss of cattle from disease, they were driven to borrowing money. For many years past, it had been the practice for them to draw on their cattle to overcome temporary embarrassment. In the absence of a law regulating the interest chargeable on loans, a few of the lenders demanded and received fabulous rates. It would, however, be unfair to hold the administration responsible for not providing a law, practically unknown in civilized communities, until necessity therefor had actually revealed itself. However that may be, the position must be looked at as it was. Here was a people compelled in the main to meet their financial obligations, public and private, with no better means than the earnings of their sons. These sons, aware that their fathers were depending largely on them, instead of _vice versa_, began to assume an unusually independent attitude in respect, not only of their parents, but of everyone else. The parents complained to the Government and pressed for the application of correctives. What one of the correctives was will presently appear.[77]

This independence, indeed, was but a symptom characteristic of the age. Its growth had, for many years, been observable, though, in former days, not nearly so aggravated as it became in later ones. To such an extent did it develop by 1906, that contempt for authority, particularly Native authority, began to manifest itself in numerous ways, quickened and accentuated by the evil influences of European towns.

The principal means available to a kraal-head for obtaining money had, for years, been the sending of his sons to work in European towns and elsewhere. With the discovery of the Barberton and Johannesburg gold-fields, considerable inducements were offered in the higher wages there obtainable. It, therefore, followed that many accustomed up till then to find employment in Natal, went off to the new centres of industry. The more these centres developed, the greater became their attractions. The result was that, before long, many thousands repaired thither year after year. So large did the number of Natal and Zululand labourers become, that it became necessary to establish a Government Agent at Johannesburg, whose principal duty was to receive and remit to their respective homes the earnings of the workers. Had there been no such considerate provision, much of the money, urgently required as it was by the parents, must have been squandered, stolen or lost.[78]

At these gold-mining centres, however, especially Johannesburg, youths of Natal came into contact with thousands of Natives from all parts of South Africa. They there became acquainted with that insidious American Negro propaganda called Ethiopianism, as well as with unscrupulous, low-class Europeans of various nationalities. In such environment, it is not surprising that the already growing spirit of independence was developed, as well as vice of the worst possible types. These retrograde tendencies were not long in reacting on Natives in the locations and farms of Natal. Indeed, in conjunction with the local influences referred to above, they speedily became the most potent agents for setting at naught that wonderful tribalism of some of whose features an account has already been given. A deeply-rooted antagonism towards the white man on the part of some began to manifest itself, accompanied by a spirit of defiance that found expression in many ways. Hardly less subversive and disintegrating were the effects of coming into contact with thousands of British soldiers, and the ludicrously familiar attitude of the latter towards Natives during the Boer War.

Alive to the necessity of assisting parents in a matter of this kind, the Government--the Prime Minister then being the Hon. C.J. Smythe--had its own predicament to consider. The wave of great financial depression, brought on by the protracted War, had told severely on the Colony. The Treasury was empty. The credit of the Colony was falling. As much as 6% was being paid on temporary loans, instead of the average rate of 3-1/2% for years paid on public loans. A necessity for instituting new taxing measures was urgent. Already, whilst the preceding Sutton Ministry was in power, had the need for taxation made itself felt. Among the bills of that ministry was one that proposed the imposition of a poll tax, but beyond publication in the _Gazette_, no further steps had been taken in regard thereto.

When the Smythe Ministry came to look into the financial position, it decided to adopt some of its predecessor's taxing measures and to discard others. Among those discarded, was a Poll Tax Bill. Certain other bills, among them one dealing with unoccupied lands, were passed by the Legislative Assembly, only to be rejected by the Legislative Council. With the end of the session in view and no provision made for equalising revenue and expenditure, it became imperative to impose some other form of taxation. There was, however, no time to prepare a fresh bill. The most obvious forms of taxation had been attempted but had failed. In these circumstances, it was resolved to fall back on the Poll Tax Bill on account of its having already been gazetted as required by law. The Treasurer (Mr., now Sir, Thomas Hyslop, K.C.M.G.), having failed, owing to the adverse action of a nominated upper chamber, to pass measures that appeared to him suitable, it was decided the Prime Minister should take charge of the bill. It succeeded in passing through both Houses with comparatively little discussion. In August, 1905, it became law. It would not have become law but for the rejection of the other taxing measures that had been passed by the representatives of the people.

There are, it has been held, but two forms of direct taxation applicable to all sections of the community without discriminating between classes, namely a poll tax and a house tax. A house tax had been attempted, but, owing to loud and universal protest by the European community, it was not introduced.

Though difficult to justify a poll tax as an equitable mode of taxation among civilized people, it is not inappropriate when applied to Native races. If imposed on all sections of the community, it would, if standing alone, be an unfair tax; accompanied, however, by an income tax, which the Government proposed to bring forward during the following session, the unfairness would have ceased to exist.

There was strong feeling among many in the Colony that Natives were not bearing a fair share of taxation. The choice lay between increasing the hut tax payable by kraal-owners, or leaving the tax on them as before and imposing a fresh one on the younger men. It is a matter of opinion which was the better course to pursue, but, in any case, the poll tax of £1 per head on the unmarried man, and the hut tax of 14s. on the married man, cannot be regarded as unduly burdensome, especially when compared with the taxes imposed in the adjoining Colonies, Transvaal and Orange Free State. In the former, £2 was payable yearly by every adult male Native, and a further £2 by those having more than one wife for each additional wife;[79] in the latter, a poll tax of £1 was payable by all Natives. In neither of these cases, however, was there a hut tax as in Natal.

The poll tax was imposed on all sections, Europeans, Asiatics and Natives, but, in respect of the last, those already liable for hut tax were specially excepted. It accordingly fell on the young men, so many of whom, as we have seen, went to work at Johannesburg and were becoming more and more independent of their parents. Thus a class was taxed which had, to a large extent, escaped taxation, though generally speaking, assisting their fathers in finding money for hut tax and other purposes. Had the tax been imposed on the Natives alone, the bill would have had to be reserved for the King's approval. That would have meant delay; but the country could not afford to delay. Through adopting the course above indicated, the royal assent was unnecessary.

Before considering the manner in which the new law was received by the Natives, reference should be made to an incident, normal in civilized communities, but quite abnormal in those of barbarians. The Government resolved to take the census. Up to that time, no actual enumeration of the Natives had ever been attempted. Estimates only had been prepared from time to time, without any intimation of such fact being given to the Natives. These had been based primarily on the hut tax returns. The reason for not requiring coloured races to conform to the same law as Europeans in this respect was because of their suspicious temperament. There is nothing a Zulu will take umbrage at more quickly than when he, his family and belongings, are being counted. It appears to him tantamount to placing himself entirely in the hands of another, and of being "surrounded." This instinctive dread is deeply rooted, and its _raison d'être_ is seen in the mode of attack practised by him in actual warfare, whereby a force moves forward, theoretically in half-moon formation, with the object of _encircling_ the enemy.

It is, of course, absurd to think that the Natal Government, under which the Natives had lived peacefully for half a century, could have had any inimical motive in taking a census, but that the Natives felt some such motive was latent, is borne out by what happened when the regulations were explained by a Magistrate at a gathering of Chiefs and their followers near Greytown. A Native present put the question: "What guarantee have we that, in being enumerated in the fashion proposed, it is not in the mind of the Government, making use of the information gained, to do us an injury in the future?" The reply was: "The Government has no evil intentions whatever, the sun will sooner fall from the heavens than any evil come upon you, as a result of this census-taking. Europeans, including myself, will be counted along with you." This assurance which, from a European point of view, the official was fully justified in giving, was, however, soon made to bear an interpretation extremely difficult to reply to, and this in the very district where the Insurrection proper afterwards began. The census was taken in due course in 1904, meeting with murmuring here and there among the Natives in parts of the Colony. In the year following, the Poll Tax Act was passed and proclaimed. What was more natural than that they should associate that time-honoured practice of Western Civilization with the introduction of a form of taxation which, in their view, did them injury by imposing an additional financial burden, and, what was worse, accentuating and even legalizing the independence of children towards their fathers, an independence the sons themselves (free from control as many of them had become), veering round in their resentment, also condemned as subversive of their whole system of life. From the parents' point of view, it appeared as if their sons, already too independent, were being rendered still more so. And yet, in passing the Act, the Government was of the belief that one of the correctives above referred to was being provided, and would operate in favour of the parents. Had liability been laid on the father rather than on the son, the protests raised would probably not have been as loud as they were.

Early in the summer of the same year a curious phenomenon was observed in connection with the Kaffir corn or _mabele_ crops, particularly in those portions of the Colony that abutted on Zululand. The ears of corn were attacked by the aphis insect in such way as to give an impression of having been oiled. Whole fields glittered in the sun. Although the phenomenon was capable of complete explanation by scientists, it appeared mysterious to European laymen and still more so to Natives, who could recall nothing of the kind in previous years. As a result of inability to explain, the idea got about that Dinuzulu was the cause. The phenomenon was, therefore, taken as a sign that that Chief had something in mind which called for co-operation on their part. This impression became current also among a number of Natal tribes, notwithstanding that two generations had elapsed since the severance of their connection with the Zulu royal house. The crops in question are universally regarded by Natives as the most important, for it is of this grain that the national beverage and food _tshwala_ is made. As the corn-fields were attacked over wide areas in a manner at once mysterious and harmless, the characteristics accorded well with the supposition that Dinuzulu was the cause, for it was believed he had potent drugs of which he alone, assisted by various witch-doctors from afar, understood the use. The disease, for such it was, was widely talked of, and Dinuzulu was said to have brought it on for some inscrutable purpose to be revealed or not in the near future as he might choose.

Here again, we have an incident of no significance whatever among Europeans and yet regarded by numberless Natives as a sign of something important to come. The disease existed until after the Rebellion, when, strange to say, it vanished as suddenly as it had appeared.

There was yet another phenomenon which attracted widespread attention, and became invested by the Natives with special significance, namely, a hailstorm of unusual severity on the 31st May, 1905. It swept violently through the whole Colony, including large areas adjacent thereto. Not for more than a generation had there been anything so furious and destructive. At first the incident seemed to pass without any special comment, but towards the end of the year, about September or October, and just before the provisions of the Poll Tax Act were explained by the Magistrates, certain strange rumours, directly connected with the storm, began to make themselves heard. So curious were these, that one could not help pricking up his ears to listen, only, however, to laugh at their utter absurdity.

Owing to the fact that, ridiculous as they appeared to Europeans to be, the rumours were believed, and what is more, began to be acted on, by Natives in many parts, it is necessary to consider them seriously, and in so doing, it is possible that some light may be thrown on the inner workings of the black man's mind, and that some of the mystery which still enshrouds the underlying causes of the Rebellion may be removed.

The rumours were in the form of a fiat or command, and associated with a personality whose name was never revealed. Neither place nor time was given. All that was known was that the command existed, purported to have come from some one in supreme authority, and peremptorily demanded obedience. The following is the message, given as nearly as possible in the form in which it circulated among the Natives: "_All pigs must be destroyed, as also all white fowls. Every European utensil hitherto used for holding food or eating out of must be discarded and thrown away. Anyone failing to comply will have his kraal struck by a thunderbolt when, at some date in the near future, he sends a storm more terrible than the last, which was brought on by the Basuto king in his wrath against the white race for having carried a railway to the immediate vicinity of his ancestral stronghold._"