Chapter X: The Causes, Superstitions and Other Characteristics of the Matabele

REBELLION, 1896.

The Matabele War of 1893 came to an end owing to the King, Lobengula, fleeing from the country after his capital, Bulawayo, had been seized and burnt by the British South Africa Company's forces. He died in January, 1894. No one, of course, was appointed to succeed him. As many of the Natives desired to continue the war--a number of the regiments not having fought at all--it is not surprising that, although a settlement was arrived at, the people did not regard themselves as having been really conquered. Still less did they look on the Company as entitled to appropriate their cattle as they proceeded to do. These, indeed, all belonged to the King in theory. The Company held that, having conquered the country and expelled the King, right of possession had reverted to themselves. The cattle thereupon began to be confiscated by way of indemnity. A large number was taken, whilst the remainder, about 90,000, were branded with the Company's brand and allowed to remain with the Natives for the time being. Seizure of smaller lots took place periodically during 1894 and 1895. Had confiscation been made immediately and universally on the conclusion of the War, far less irritation would have been caused than actually occurred. As it was, it was believed the Company intended to so impoverish the people as to reduce them to a position of slaves and paupers.

There was in Matabeleland another class of Natives known as amaHole. These were found living there by the Matabele on arrival from the south with Mzilikazi (Moselekatze) about 1836. After conquering them, the latter proceeded to make slaves of them, and this was the position when the Chartered Company, taking advantage of concessions previously acquired, entered the country in considerable numbers in 1890 to prospect and mine for gold, etc. After the war, the Company recruited some 400 Natives, chiefly from the amaHole, and formed them into a police force. The latter, remembering their former subjection, were not slow to avenge themselves on the Matabele as opportunity offered. "In days gone by you had your turn," they jeeringly said to the Matabele, "it is ours now." And opportunities presented themselves in two principal ways. First in regard to the cattle question, by the police hunting about in all directions to see who possessed any. On secretly obtaining information, they conveyed it to the authorities, showing cause why the stock should be seized. Confiscation usually followed. Secondly, in regard to the labour regulations. The Company required each Chief to furnish periodically a certain number of labourers to work on the mines, etc. The police were employed on this duty by the Native Commissioners; the manner in which they dealt with the people was frequently exasperating.

Although, towards the end of 1895, the Company waived all further right to the cattle after receipt of two-fifths of the whole (70,000), much strong dissatisfaction continued to prevail on account of the tactics that had been employed. And this was accentuated by the disease rinderpest breaking out in 1895 and sweeping off many of the cattle still possessed by Natives. A plague of locusts and a long-continued drought added still further to their troubles. Underlying the whole was the deep resentment felt by men who, under their own regime, had held high rank, but were now condemned to inferior status, with corresponding loss of influence, material perquisites and opportunities for advancement. The feeling, moreover, was still latent that the nation had never been really conquered.

It being characteristic of all Bantu races, and particularly so of those of Matabeleland, _e.g._ Makalanga and Matabele, to resort to diviners (_izangoma_) to ascertain the causes of troubles as well as the remedies, it is not surprising something of the kind should have taken place at the present juncture. Perhaps the most famous of the oracles was one reputed to inhabit a cave in the well-known Matoppo Hills. To this cave many had repaired from time to time, in connection with their private troubles, such as cases of illness or other misfortune, mysterious loss of property, and so forth. So great was the reputation that had been acquired by this particular oracle and, under so weird circumstances and in so peculiar a manner did it impart the knowledge obtained, as believed, direct from the departed spirits (known by Matabeles as _amadhlozi_), that it was commonly referred to as Umlimo, that is, the Deity himself. Such Umlimo--really the god of the oldest residents of the country, the Makalangas--is said "to be able to speak all languages, as well as to be possessed of a faculty of roaring like a lion, crowing like a cock, barking like a dog, etc." The truth of the matter, however, is that the oracle was an _isangoma_, that is, an ordinary person who, whenever it was known anyone had come to seek advice, would stealthily proceed to the cave and there, on being consulted, communicate the reply to the inquirer. This reply was given by means of ventriloquism and, as the speaker was inside the cave and invisible, the voice appeared to the inquirer (who was outside) to issue from the very bowels of the earth. The extreme ingenuity of the device will be better appreciated when it is known that the spirits of the departed are universally believed by Natives to dwell in an underworld. For a ventriloquist to practise his calling as diviner in the foregoing manner is probably not unworthy of that oracle which Socrates himself felt it necessary to consult at Delphi.

On being appealed to by Mlugulu, one of the principal men in the country, and others, as to the troubles that were afflicting the people in general, the Umlimo directly attributed them to Europeans. It was they who were the sorcerers that had caused the disasters. But for their presence, neither locusts nor rinderpest would have invaded the country. The aborigines were thereupon exhorted to rise and deliver themselves from their thraldom. A recent total eclipse of the moon was said to portend that the white man's blood was to be spilt; Lobengula himself was not dead, but about to return from the north at the head of a huge army, whilst other armies were advancing to his assistance against the Europeans from the west and east. The tremendous potency of such a 'voice' at such a time can hardly be over-estimated. The reason why most obvious precautions, _e.g._ blocking the main road to Mangwe (50 miles south-west of Bulawayo) were not adopted by the rebels was said to be due to the Umlimo's explicit instruction "to give the white man an opportunity of escaping from the country." Possibly this also explains why the telegraph wire between Bulawayo and Mafeking was not cut. "It certainly seems very strange," says Selous,[366] "that no attempt has ever been made to stop waggons and coaches on this road, ... nor was Government House (less than three miles from the centre of Bulawayo) burnt, the reason for this being, it is said, because the Umlimo told the people that when Bulawayo had been destroyed, and all the white men in the country killed, they would find Lobengula sitting there, ready to rule them once more; for, be it said, Government House has been built in the centre of the old kraal of Bulawayo, just where the King's house once stood."

Another man, who claimed to be a prophet of the Umlimo, so influenced people through swallowing stones, dancing on ashes, putting burning coals into his mouth, etc., as to induce an _impi_ to take up their quarters where they were subsequently found by the troops "and there wait for the white men to attack them. They were on no account to endeavour to prevent their enemies from crossing the Umguza [a river some twelve miles north of Bulawayo] but were to offer them every encouragement to do so, 'for,' said the stone-swallower, 'once they have crossed to the east of the river, the Umlimo will strike them all blind; you will then be able to kill them without trouble, and go on and murder all the women and children in Bulawayo.'"

The rising in Mashonaland, which began in the middle of June, 1896, was probably "brought about by the leaders of the Matabele insurrection through the instrumentality of the Umlimos or prophets ... North-west of Salisbury there lives a prophetess," between whom and the leaders of the Matabele or agents of the Umlimo messages passed during the Rebellion.

In these circumstances, one can understand the observation commonly made as to the inscrutability of the Native mind. That it is a closed book to the vast majority of Europeans is proved by the fact that no adequate preparation was made by the Government to meet a possible rising, and that only one of the colonists had predicted that a rebellion would occur.

When, with the country seething with discontent, the people learned that the great majority of the European police had been withdrawn to assist Dr. Jameson in his raid from Mafeking towards Johannesburg, and that Dr. Jameson himself, who claimed to have conquered them in 1893, as well as his entire force, had been captured by the Boers, they felt that a unique occasion had arisen, and one of which immediate advantage should be taken.

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The population of Matabeleland in 1896 was: Europeans, about 4,000; Natives, about 120,000. About nineteen-twentieths of the latter rebelled, their fighting strength (independently of Mashonaland) being nearly 20,000.

The Rebellion started on the 20th March with the murder of a Native policeman. This, though evidently premature, became the signal for a simultaneous rising. European men, women and children were forthwith murdered in many outlying parts. A number of Native servants took part in the murders. It is computed that 205 persons were massacred during the rising, the great majority being killed before the end of March. Of this number, six were women and twenty children. In addition, ninety-nine were murdered in Mashonaland, chiefly about the middle of June; of these, four were women and three children. There seems to have been little or no mutilation of bodies by way of obtaining medicines, for warding off danger, obtaining ascendancy, etc.

The rebels had no settled plan, consequently community of action between the various groups was wanting. They seemed to be obsessed with the idea that supernatural aid would be derived by them in some way from the Umlimo.

A large number of Native police, especially such as had been less than a year in the force, joined the rebels, carrying off with them the Winchester repeaters with which they had been supplied. The older hands remained loyal, but were disarmed. On the other hand, the Makalanga people refrained from participating in the Rebellion. Such, indeed, was but in accordance with the neutral attitude observed by them during the War of 1893.

Hostilities did not terminate until the end of November, that is, after a campaign of about eight months. The combined forces employed in suppressing the Rebellion were 3,000 in Matabeleland and 2,200 in Mashonaland, including 1,200 Imperial troops.

The casualties among the troops were: Matabeleland--34 killed, 100 wounded; Mashonaland--7 killed, 18 wounded. The number of rebels killed is believed to have considerably exceeded that of the War, viz. 3,000.

On the conclusion of hostilities, the rebels were directed to hand in their guns and assegais. They were known to be in possession of several thousands of firearms--about 2,000 breech-loading rifles and many muzzle-loading guns. "The Matabele kept on evading [the order], promising to give up rifles one day, the next saying that in their own particular tribe there were none, and making all sorts of excuses. They were repeatedly told that, unless they came to a decision shortly and surrendered to our satisfaction, hostilities would be recommenced and they would be blockaded in the hills.... In [certain] districts they came to surrender, ... bringing in 200 or 300 rifles." As to the rest, only another hundred or so guns, with some 4,000 assegais, were given up, "each Chief professing he did not know where his men had put their [guns], and promising to bring all he could. Needless to say these promises were never fulfilled."[367]

"It is worthy of remark that whilst, in the first war, the Matabele attacked strong positions defended by artillery and Maxim guns, thereby suffering very heavy loss themselves but killing very few white men, in the present [rebellion] all the fighting has been amongst broken ground, and in country more or less covered with bush, and all the killing has been done with rifles; for, in the first war, the Natives learnt the futility of attacking fortified positions, and now only fight in the bush in skirmishing order, giving but little opportunity for the effective use of machine guns; so that, although a good many rounds have been fired from Maxims at long ranges, only a very small amount of execution has been done by them."[368]