Chapter XXXIV: Conclusion (1)

Any fuller survey of the intellectual history of the nineteenth century will but reveal more fully the signal and ever-widening growth of rational thought among all classes of the more advanced nations, and among the more instructed of the less advanced. The retrospect of the whole past tells of a continuous evolution, which in the twentieth century proceeds more extensively than ever before. There has emerged the curious fact that in our own country a measure of rational doubt has been almost constantly at work in the sphere in which it could perhaps least confidently be expected--to wit, that of poetry. From Chaucer onwards it is hard to find a great orthodox poet. Even Spenser was as much Platonist as Christian; and Marlowe, Shakespeare, Milton, Dryden, Pope, Burns, Wordsworth, Shelley, Byron, Coleridge, Keats, Tennyson, Arnold, and Browning (to name no others) in their various ways baffle the demand of faith. Latterly, the sex which has always been reckoned the more given to religion has shown many signs of adaptation to the higher law. In Britain, as in France, women began to appear in the ranks of reason in the eighteenth century. [2018] In the nineteenth the number has increased at a significant rate. Already in the fierce battles fought in the time of reaction after the French Revolution women took their place on the side of freedom; and Frances Wright (Madame d'Arusmont) played a notable part as a freethinking publicist and philanthropist. [2019] Since her day the names of Harriet Martineau and George Eliot tell of the continual gain of knowledge; and women rationalists are now to be counted by thousands in all the more civilized countries.

The same law holds of public life in general. Gladstone eagerly maintained in his latter years that politicians, in virtue of their practical hold of life, were little given to skepticism; but the facts were and are increasingly against him. The balance of the evidence is against the ascription of orthodoxy to either of the Pitts, or to Fox; and we have seen that the statesmen of the American Revolution, as of the French, were in general deists. Garibaldi [2020] in Italy, and Gambetta in France, were freethinkers; Lincoln and his opponent, Douglas, were deists; towards the close of the century, in New Zealand, Sir Robert Stout and the late Mr. John Ballance, avowed rationalists, were among the foremost politicians of their generation; and in the English Cabinet rationalism began to be represented in the person of Lord Morley.

While such developments have been possible in the fierce light of political strife, the process of disintegration and decomposition has proceeded in society at large till unbelief can hardly be reckoned a singularity. Within the pale of all the Christian Churches dogmatic belief has greatly dwindled, and goes on dwindling: and "Christianity" is made to figure more and more as an ethical doctrine which has abandoned its historical foundations, while preserving formulas and rituals which have no part in rational ethics. The mythical cosmogony out of which the whole originally grew is no longer believed in by any educated person, though it is habitually presented to the young as divine truth. Thousands of clergymen, economically gripped to a false position, would gladly rectify their professed creeds, but cannot; because the political and economic bases involve the consent of the majority, and changes cannot be made without angry resistance and uproar among the less instructed multitude of all classes. The Protestant Churches collectively dread to figure as repudiating the historic creed; while the Roman Catholic Church, conscious of the situation, maintains a semblance of rigid discipline and a minimum standard of instruction for its adherents, counting on holding its ground while the faculty of uncritical faith subsists. Only by the silent alienation of the more thoughtful and sincere minds from the priesthood can the show of orthodoxy be maintained even within the Catholic pale.

In all orders alike, nevertheless, the "practice" of religion decays with the theory. The Churches are constantly challenged to justify their existence by social reforms and philanthropic works: no other plea passes as generally valid; and it is only by reason of a general transference of interest from religious to social problems that the decay of belief is disguised. "Piety," in the old sense, counts relatively for little; and while orthodoxy is still a means of advantage in political life, religion counts for nothing in international relations. In the war of 1899-1902, "Bible-loving" England forced a quarrel on the most Bible-loving race in the world; and at the time of the penning of these lines six nations are waging the greatest war of all time irrespectively of racial and religious ties alike, though all alike officially claim the support of Omnipotence. In Berlin a popular preacher edifies great audiences by proclaiming that "God is not neutral"; and his Emperor habitually parades the same faith, with the support of all the theologians of Germany--the State supremely guilty of the whole embroilment, and the deliberate perpetrator of the grossest aggression in modern history. On the side of the Allies "Christianity" is less systematically but still frequently invoked. On both sides the forms of prayer are officially practised by the non-combatants, very much as the Romans in their wars maintained the practice of augury from the entrails of sacrificed victims; and "family prayer" is said to be reviving.

Everywhere, nevertheless, the more rational, remembering how in the "ages of faith" deadly wars were waged for whole generations in the very name of religion, recognize that Christianity furnishes neither control for the present nor solution for the future; and that the hope of civilization lies in the resort of the nations to human standards of sanity and reciprocity. The ties which hold are those of fellow-citizenship.

There can be no doubt among rationalists that if modern civilization escapes the ruin which militarism brought upon those of all previous eras, the principle of reason will continually widen its control, latterly seen to be everywhere strengthening apart from the dangerous persistence of militarist ideals and impulses. When it controls international relations, it will be dominant in the life of thought. In the words of a great fighter for freethought, "No man ever saw a religion die"; and there are abundant survivals of pre-Christian paganism in Europe after two thousand years of Christianity; but it seems likely that when the history of the twentieth century is written it will be recognized that what has historically figured as religion belongs in all its forms to the past.

The question is sometimes raised whether the age of decline will be marked by movements of active and persecuting fanaticism. Here, again, the answer must be that everything depends upon the general fortunes of civilization. It is significant that a number of clerical voices proclaim a revival of religion as a product of war, while others complain that the state of struggle has a sterilizing effect upon religious life. While organized religions subsist, there will always be adherents with the will to persecute; and from time to time acts of public persecution occur, in addition to many of a private character. But in Britain public persecution is latterly restricted to cases in which the technical offence of "blasphemy" is associated with acts which come under ordinary police jurisdiction. After the unquestionable blasphemies of Arnold and Swinburne had to be officially ignored, it became impossible, in the present stage of civilization, that any serious and decent literary indictment of the prevailing creeds should be made a subject of persecution; and before long, probably, such indictments will be abandoned in the cases of offenders against police regulations.

The main danger appears to lie in Catholic countries, and from the action of the Catholic hierarchy. The common people everywhere, save in the most backward countries, are increasingly disinclined to persecution. In Ireland there is much less of that spirit among the Catholic population than among that of Protestant Ulster. But the infamous execution of Francisco Ferrer in Spain, in 1909, which aroused passionate reprobation in every civilized country, was defended in England and elsewhere with extravagant baseness by Catholic littérateurs, who, with their reactionary priests, are the last to learn the lesson of tolerance. The indignation everywhere excited by the judicial murder [2021] of Ferrer, however, gives promise that even the most zealous fanatics of the Catholic Church will hesitate again to rouse the wrath of the nations by such a reversion to the methods of the eras of religious rule.

NOTES

[1] Stow's Annals, ed. 1615, pp. 570, 575.

[2] Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation, ed. Nares, ii, 179; iii, 289; Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, ed. 1848-54, ii, 100.

[3] The Marian persecutions undoubtedly did much to stimulate Protestantism. It is not generally realized that many of the burnings of heretics under Mary were quasi-sacrifices on her behalf. On each occasion of her hopes of pregnancy being disappointed, some victims were sent to the stake. See Strype, ed. cited, iii, 196, and Peter Martyr, there cited; Froude, ed. 1870, v, 521 sq., 539 sq. The influence of Spanish ecclesiastics may be inferred. The expulsions of the Jews and the Moriscoes from Spain were by way of averting the wrath of God. Still, a Spanish priest at Court preached in favour of mercy. Lingard, ed. 1855, v, 231.

[4] The number slain was certainly not small. It amounted to at least 190, perhaps to 204. Soames, Elizabethan Religious History, 1839, p. 596-98. Under Mary there perished some 288. Durham Dunlop, The Church under the Tudors, 1869, p. 104 and refs.

[5] Soames, as cited, pp. 213-18, and refs.

[6] Froude, Hist. of England, ed. 1870, x, 545 (ed. 1875, xi, 199), citing MSS. Ireland.

[7] Gloss to February in the Shepherd's Calendar, Globe ed. pp. 451-52.

[8] Euphues: The Anatomy of Wit, Arber's reprint, pp. 140, 153. That the reference was mainly to Oxford is to be inferred from the address "To my verie good friends the Gentlemen Schollers of Oxford," prefixed to the ed. of 1581. Id. p. 207.

[9] Id. p. 158.

[10] Id. pp. 161, 166.

[11] Essay Of Atheism.

[12] Lecky, Rationalism, i, 103-104. Scot's book (now made accessible by a reprint, 1886) had practically no influence in his own day; and King James, who wrote against it, caused it to be burned by the hangman in the next. Scot inserts the "infidelitie of atheists" in the list of intellectual evils on his title-page; but save for an allusion to "the abhomination of idolatrie" all the others indicted are aspects of the black art.

[13] "No woman ever lived who was so totally destitute of the sentiment of religion" (Green, Short History, ch. vii, § 3, p. 369).

[14] Cp. Soames, Elizabethan Religious History, 1839, p. 225. Yet when Morris, the attorney of the Duchy of Lancaster, introduced in Parliament a Bill to restrain the power of the ecclesiastical courts, she had him dismissed and imprisoned for life, being determined that the control should remain, through those courts, in her own hands. Heylyn, Hist. of the Reformation, ed. 1849, pref. vol. i, pp. xiv-xv.

[15] See above, vol. i, pp. 435, 446, 459.

[16] Collier's Reprint, p. 190.

[17] Camden, Annals of Elizabeth, sub. ann. 1580; 3rd ed. 1635, p. 218. Cp. Soames, p. 214.

[18] Hooker, Pref. to Ecclesiastical Polity, ch. iii, § 9, ed. 1850. Camden (p. 219) states that the Dutch teacher Henry Nichalai, whose works were translated for the sect, "gave out that he did partake of God, and God of his humanity."

[19] See above, i, 458, as to a much more pronounced heresy in 1549, which also seems to have escaped punishment. Camden tells that the books of the "Family of Love" were burnt in 1580, but mentions no other penalties. Stow records that on October 9, 1580, "proclamation was published at London for the apprehension and severe punishing of all persons suspected to be of the family of love." Ed. 1615, p. 687. Five of them had been frightened into a public recantation in 1575. Id. p. 679.

[20] May 13, 1579. The burning was on the 20th.

[21] Stow's Annals, ed. 1580, pp. 1, 194-95. Ed. 1615, p. 695.

[22] Stow, ed. 1615, p. 697; David's Evidence, by William Burton, Preacher of Reading, 1592 (?), p. 125.

[23] Stow, ed. 1615, p. 696.

[24] Burton, as cited. See below, pp. 7, 12, as to Kett's writings.

[25] Art. Matthew Hamond, in Dict. of Nat. Biog.

[26] Art. Francis Kett, in Dict. of Nat. Biog.

[27] Prof. Storojenko, Life of Greene, Eng. tr. in Grosart's "Huth Library" ed. of Greene's Works, i, 42-50. It is quite clear that Malone and the critics who have followed him were wrong in supposing the unnamed instructor to be Francis Kett, who was a devout Unitarian. Prof. Storojenko speaks of Kett as having been made an Arian at Norwich, after his return there in 1585, by the influence of Lewes and Haworth. Query Hamond?

[28] In Pierce's Supererogation, Collier's ed. p. 85.

[29] Rep. of Nashe's Works in Grosart's "Huth Library" ed. vol. iv, pp. 172, 173, 178, 182, 183. etc. Ed. McKerrow. 1904, ii, 114-129.

[30] MS. Harl. 6853, fol. 320. It is given in full in the appendix to the first issue of the selected plays of Marlowe in the Mermaid Series, edited by Mr. Havelock Ellis: and, with omissions, in the editions of Cunningham, Dyce, and Bullen.

[31] Act II, sc. i.

[32] Grosart's ed. in "Temple Dramatists" series, 11. 246-371. There is plenty of "irreligion" in the passage, but not atheism, though there is a denial of a future state (365-70). The lines in question strongly suggest Marlowe's influence or authorship, which indeed is claimed by Mr. C. Crawford for the whole play. But all the external evidence ascribes the play to Greene.

[33] Tamburlaine, Part II, Act II, sc. ii, iii; V, sc. i.

[34] Writing as Andrew Philopater. See Dict. of Nat. Biog., art. Robert Parsons, and Storojenko, as cited, i, 36, and note.

[35] Translated into Latin by Henri Estienne in 1562.

[36] Remains of Sir Walter Raleigh, ed. 1657, p. 123.

[37] Bk. i, ch. i, sec. 11.

[38] Bk. ii, ch. i, sec. 7.

[39] Essay on the Prometheus.

[40] Art. Raleigh, in Dict. of Nat. Biog., xlvii, 192.

[41] Id. pp. 200-201.

[42] Report in 1736 ed. of History of the World, p. ccxlix. "Harpool" seems an error for Harriott. Cp. Edwards, Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, 1868, i, 432, 436. It is after naming "Harpool" that the judge says: "Let not any devil persuade you to think there is no eternity in heaven."

[43] Ed. cited, p. xxviii.

[44] Id. p. xxiv.

[45] Id. p. xxii.

[46] Id. p. xvi.

[47] Cp. Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642, 10-vol. ed. i, 132-35; iii, 150, 152.

[48] Ed. cited, p. xxii.

[49] Title of verses appended to trans. of Achilles Shield, 1598. Chapman spells the name Harriots.

[50] Pref. to complete trans. of Iliad.

[51] Bk. v, ch. ii, §§ 1-4. Works, ed. 1850, i, 432-36.

[52] Exposition upon Nehemiah (1585) in Parker Soc. ed. of Works, 1812, p. 401.

[53] Work cited, pp. 8-11, 22.

[54] Works, i, 432; ii, 762-63.

[55] Eccles. Pol. bk. i, ch. vii; bk. ii, ch. i, vii; bk. iii, ch. viii, § 16; bk. v, ch. viii; bk. vii, ch. xi; bk. viii, § 6 (Works, i, 165, 231, 300, 446; ii, 388, 537). See the citations in Buckle, 3-vol. ed. iii, 341-42; 1-vol. ed. pp. 193-94.

[56] Supplication of Travers, in Hooker's Works, ed. 1850, ii, 662.

[57] Answer to Travers, id. p. 693.

[58] Some typical attempts of the kind are discussed in the author's two lectures on The Religion of Shakespeare, 1887 (South Place Institute).

[59] Shakespeare Commentaries, Eng. tr. 1863, ii, 618-19.

[60] Id. ii, 586.

[61] In the last edition I had written to that effect; but I have modified the opinion.

[62] The allusion to "popish ceremonies" in Titus Andronicus is probably from his hand. See the author's work, Did Shakespeare Write "Titus Andronicus"?, where it is argued that the play in question is substantially Peele's and Greene's.

[63] Shakespeare Soc. rep. 1853, pp. 14, 16-17, 18, 24, 28, etc.

[64] This has been shown to be his by Fleay and Mr. Crawford.

[65] See his Groatsworth of Wit Bought with a Million of Repentance.

[66] Compare the Jane Shore portions of his Edward IV with the close of A Woman Killed with Kindness. Note also the conclusion of The English Traveller.

[67] See the poem England's Elizabeth, 1631.

[68] Henslowe's Diary, ed. Greg, i, fol. 96.

[69] E.g., the lines,

The best of men
That e'er wore earth about him, was a sufferer,
A soft, meek, patient, humble, tranquil spirit,
The first true gentleman that ever breathed,

at the close of Part I of The Honest Whore; and the phrase, "Heaven's great arithmetician," at the close of Old Fortunatus.

[70] Green, Short Hist. ch. vii, § 7 end. Cp. Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies, Lect. iii, § 115.

[71] The old work of W. J. Birch, M.A., An Inquiry into the Philosophy and Religion of Shakspere (1848), is an unjudicial ex parte statement of the case for Shakespeare's unbelief; but it is worth study.

[72] The town paid for his bread and wine, no doubt by way of compliment.

[73] Cp. the author's Montaigne and Shakespeare, 2nd ed. sec. viii.

[74] A Woorke concerning the trewnesse of the Christian Religion, 1587. Reprinted in 1592, 1604, and 1617.

[75] As to the expert analysis of this play, which shows it to be in large part Fletcher's, see Furnivall, as cited, pp. xciii-xcvi.

[76] Cp. Seccombe and Allen, The Age of Shakspere, 1903, ii, 189.

[77] Alberti, Briefe betreffende den Zustand der Religion in Gross-Britannien, Hanover, 1752, ii, 429. Alberti reads "God" at the end of the passage; I follow Grosart's edition.

[78] Hallam, Lit. Europe, ii, 371, 376; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, 2nd ed. p. 286 sq.

[79] Pattison, as cited, p. 290; G. W. Johnson, Memoirs of John Selden, 1835, pp. 56-70.

[80] Memoirs cited, pp. 60-61. On the whole question see the Review appended by Selden to his History after a few copies had been distributed.

[81] Poems of Sir John Davies, ed. Grosart, 1876, i, 82, 83.

[82] Essaies Politicke and Morall, by D. T. Gent, 1608, fol. 9.

[83] Act iv, sc. 1.

[84] Act i, sc. 1. Jonson himself could have been so indicted on the strength of certain verses.

[85] He had been offered professorships of divinity at Saumur and Marburg.

[86] Gardiner, History of England, 1603-1642, 4th ed. ii, 128. Cp. Bayle, art. Vorstius, Note N. By his theological opponents and by James, Vorstius was of course called an atheist. He was in reality not a Socinian, but a "strict Arian, who believed that the Son of God was at first created by the Father, and then delegated to create the universe--a sort of inferior deity, who was nevertheless entitled to religious homage" (James Nichols, note to App. P. on Brandt's Life of Arminius in Works of Arminius, 1825, i, 218). Nichols gives a full survey of the subject, pp. 202-237. Fuller (Ch. Hist. B. x, cent. 17, sec. iv, §§ 1-5) tells the story, and pronounces the opinions of Vorstius "fitter to be remanded to hell than committed to writing."

[87] Bayle (art. cited, Note F) says both Universities, as does Fuller. At the Synod of Dort, however, the British representatives read only, it seems, a decree (dated Sept. 21, 1611) of the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, ordering the burning of the book there. (Nichols, Account of the Synod of Dort, in Works of Arminius, i, 497).

[88] Gardiner, pp. 129-30. Fuller (as last cited, §§ 6-14) gives a list of Legate's "damnable tenets." See it in Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner's Penalties upon Opinion, pp. 12-14.

[89] Gardiner, as cited. Fuller is cheerfully acquiescent, though he notes the private demurs, which he denounces. "God," he says, "may seem well pleased with this seasonable severity."

[90] In 1580 Stow records how one Randall was put on trial for "conjuring to know where treasure was hid in the earth and goods feloniously taken were become"; and four others were tried "for being present." Four were found guilty and sentenced to be hanged. Randall was executed, and the others reprieved. (Ed. 1615, p. 688.)

[91] Fuller actually alleges that "there was none ever after that openly avowed these heretical doctrines"--an unintelligible figment.

[92] All reprinted in 1816 for the Hanserd Knollys Society, with histor. introd. by E. B. Underhill, in the vol. Tracts on Liberty of Conscience and Persecution, 1614-1661. They do not speak of Legate or Wightman.

[93] Atheomastix, 1622, pref. Sig. B. 3, verso. The work was posthumous and incomplete.

[94] Bk. i, ch. i, p. 5.

[95] In the Advancement of Learning, bk. i (Routledge ed. p. 54), he himself notes how, long before his time, the new learning had in part discredited the schoolmen.

[96] Filum Labyrinthi--an English version of the Cogitata et Visa--§ 7.

[97] Cp. Huarte, cited above, p. 471.

[98] Nov. Org. bk. i. Aph. 62 (Works, Routledge ed. p. 271).

[99] Id. Aph. 65.

[100] Id. ib. Cp. the Advancement of Learning, bk. ii, and the De Augmentis, bk. ix, near end. (Ed. cited, pp. 173, 634.)

[101] Nov. Org. Aph. 89. Cp. Aph. 46, 49, 96; the Valerius Terminus, ch. xxv; the English Filum Labyrinthi, § 7; and the De Principiis atque Originibus (ed. cited, p. 650).

[102] Valerius Terminus, cap. i. (Ed. cited, p. 188.)

[103] Id. p. 187; Filum Labyrinthi, p. 209.

[104] Bk. ix, ch. i. (Ed. cited, p. 631.) Compare Valerius Terminus, ch. i (p. 186), and De Aug. bk. iii, ch. ii (p. 456), as to the impossibility of knowing the will and character of God from Nature, though (De Aug. last cit.) it reveals his power and glory.

[105] Advancement, bk. i (ed. cited, p. 45). Cp. Valerius Terminus, ch. i (p. 187).

[106] Advancement, bk. ii; De Augmentis, bk. iii, chs. iv and v; Valerius Terminus, ch. xxv; Novum Organum, bk. i, Aph. 48; bk. ii, Aph. 2. (Ed. cited, pp. 96, 205, 266, 302, 471, 473.)

[107] De Principiis atque Originibus. (Ed. cited, pp. 649-50.) Elsewhere (De Aug. bk. iii, ch. iv, p. 471) he expressly puts it that the system of Democritus, which "removed God and mind from the structure of things," was more favourable to true science than the teleology and theology of Plato and Aristotle.

[108] Id. pp. 651, 657.

[109] Id. p. 648.

[110] De Augmentis, bk. iii, ch. ii; bk. iv, ch. ii. (Ed. cited, pp. 456, 482.)

[111] Id. bk. ii, ch. i. (Ed. cited, p. 428.)

[112] De Augmentis, ed. cited, p. 73.

[113] No. xviii, Diomedes. Ed. cited, p. 841.

[114] De Principiis atque Originibus, p. 664.

[115] Nov. Org. i. 89; Filum Labyrinthi, § 7; Essay 16.

[116] Francis Osborn, pref. to his "Miscellany," in Works, 7th ed. 1673.

[117] Cp. Valerius Terminus, ch. i.

[118] This is noted by Glassford in his tr. of the Novum Organum (1844, p. 26); and by Ellis in his and Spedding's edition of the Works. (Routledge ed. pp. 32, 473, note.)

[119] De Augmentis, bk. iii, ch. iv, end.

[120] Essay 57, Of Anger.

[121] Valerius Terminus, ch. xxv.

[122] De Principiis, ed. cited, pp. 648-49. Cp. pp. 612-43.

[123] Id. p. 648.

[124] Valerius Terminus, ch. ii; De Augmentis, bk. v, ch. iv. Ed. cited, pp. 199, 517.

[125] Cp. Brewster, Life of Newton, 1855, ii, 400-404; Draper, Intel. Devel. of Europe, ed. 1875, ii, 258-60; Dean Church, Bacon, pp. 180-201; Fowler, Bacon, ch. vi; Lodge, Pioneers of Science, pp. 145-51; Lange, Gesch. d. Materialismus, i, 197 sq. (Eng. tr. i, 236-37), and cit. from Liebig--as to whom, however, see Fowler, pp. 133, 157.

[126] Novum Organum, ii, 46 and 48, § 17; De Aug. iii, 4; Thema Coeli. Ed. cited, pp. 364, 375, 461, 705, 709. Whewell (Hist. of Induct. Sciences, 3rd ed. i, 296, 298) ignores the second and third of these passages in denying Hume's assertion that Bacon rejected the Copernican theory with "disdain." It is true, however, that Bacon had vacillated. The facts are fairly faced by Prof. Fowler in his Bacon, 1881, pp. 151-52, and his ed. of Novum Organum, Introd. pp. 30-36. See also the summing-up of Ellis in notes to passages above cited, and at p. 675.

[127] Aubrey, Lives of Eminent Persons, ed. 1813, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 383.

[128] See notes in ed. cited, pp. 50, 53, 61, 63, 68, 75, 76, 84, 110.

[129] Fowler, ed. of Nov. Org. § 14, pp. 101-104.

[130] Id. § 14, p. 108; Ellis in ed. cited, p. 643.

[131] Rawley's Life, in ed. cited, p. 9; Osborn, as above cited; Fowler, ed. of Nov. Org. Introd. § 14; T. Martin, Character of Bacon, 1835, pp. 216, 227, 222-23.

[132] Cp. Fowler, Bacon, pp. 139-41; Mill, Logic, bk. vi, ch. v, § 5; Jevons, Princ. of Science, 1-vol. ed. p. 576; Tyndall, Scientific Use of the Imagination, 3rd ed. pp. 4, 8-9, 42-43; T. Martin, as cited, pp. 210-38; Bagehot, Postulates of Eng. Polit. Econ. ed. 1885, pp. 18-19; Ellis and Spedding, in ed. cited, pp. x, xii, 22, 389. The notion of a dialectic method which should mechanically enable any man to make discoveries is an irredeemable fallacy, and must be abandoned. Bacon's own remarkable anticipation of modern scientific thought in the formula that heat is a mode of motion (Nov. Org. ii, 20) is not mechanically yielded by his own process, noteworthy and suggestive though that is.

[133] Pref. Epistle.

[134] Works, ed. Dublin. 1766, p. 159; ed. 1910, p. 344.

[135] Kohlrausch, Hist. of Germany, Eng. tr. p. 385.

[136] Moritz Ritter, Geschichte der deutschen Union, 1867-73, ii, 55.

[137] Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, 3te Aufl. Cap. 416.

[138] Cp. Gardiner, Thirty Years' War, pp. 12-13; Kohlrausch, p. 438; Pusey, Histor. Enq. into Ger. Rationalism, pp. 9-25; Henderson, Short Hist. of Germany, i, ch. xvi.

[139] Kohlrausch, p. 439. A specially strong reaction set in about 1573. Ritter, Geschichte der deutschen Union, i, 19. Cp. Menzel, Cap. 433.

[140] Cp. Gardiner, Thirty Years' War, pp. 16, 18, 21; Kohlrausch, p. 370.

[141] As to this see Moritz Ritter, as cited, i, 9, 27; ii, 122 sq.; Dunham, Hist. of the Germanic Empire, iii, 186; Henderson, i, 411 sq.

[142] Freytag, Bilder aus d. deutschen Vergangenheit, Bd. ii, 1883, p. 381; Bd. iii, ad init.

[143] Cp. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 53-83.

[144] Freytag, Bilder, Bd. ii, Abth. ii, p. 378.

[145] The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. p. 260; French tr. p. 285.

[146] De Praestigiis Daemonum, 1563. See it described by Lecky, Rationalism, i, 85-87; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 76.

[147] By Dutch historians Wier is claimed as a Dutchman. He was born at Grave, in North Brabant, but studied medicine at Paris and Orleans, and after practising physic at Arnheim in the Netherlands was called to Düsseldorf as physician to the Duke of Jülich, to whom he dedicated his treatise. His ideas are probably traceable to his studies in France.

[148] His collected works (1632) amount to nearly 7,000 folio pages. J. Ten Brink, Kleine Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Letteren, 1882, p. 91.

[149] Ten Brink, p. 86. Jonckbloet (Beknopte Geschiedenis der Nederl. Letterkunde, ed. 1880, p. 148) is less specific.

[150] Ten Brink, pp. 89-90.

[151] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 83.

[152] Ten Brink, p. 87.

[153] Jonckbloet, Beknopte Geschiedenis, p. 149; Ten Brink, p. 91; Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Koornhert; Pünjer, Hist. of the Chr. Philos. of Religion, Eng. tr. p. 269; Dr. E. Gosse, art. on Dutch Literature in Encyc. Brit. 9th ed. xii, 93.

[154] Ten Brink, p. 91.

[155] Flint, Vico, p. 142.

[156] De Jure Belli et Pacis, proleg. §§ 11, 16.

[157] Bayle, art. Voelkel.

[158] Schlegel's note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 862.

[159] Nelson, Life of Bishop Bull, 2nd ed. 1714, p. 392.

[160] Nicéron, Mémoires pour servir, etc., xiv (1731), 340 sq. One of the replies is the Justa Detestatio sceleratissimi libelli Adriani Beverlandi De Peccato Originali, by Leonard Ryssen, 1680. A very free version of Beverland's book appeared in French in 1714 under the title Etat de l'Homme dans le Peché Originel. It reached a sixth edition in 1741.

[161] Nelson, Life of Bishop Bull, as cited, p. 280.

[162] Krasinski, Ref. in Poland, 1840, ii, 363; Mosheim, 16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 22. Budny translated the Bible, with rationalistic notes.

[163] Krasinski, p. 361.

[164] Mosheim, last cit. § 23, note 4.

[165] Krasinski, p. 367; Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. 1850, ii, 320.

[166] Bayle, art. Fauste Socin. Krasinski, p. 374.

[167] Krasinski, pp. 361-62. Fausto Sozzini also could apparently forgive everybody save those who believed less than he did.

[168] Cp. the inquiry as to Locke's Socinianism in J. Milner's Account of Mr. Lock's Religion out of his own Writings, 1706, and Lessing's Zur Geschichte und Literatur, i, as to Leibnitz's criticism of Sonerus.

[169] Enfield's History of Philosophy (an abstract of Brucker), ed. 1840, p. 537.

[170] In the dominions of Philip II there are said to have been 58 archbishops, 684 bishops, 11,400 abbeys, 23,000 religious fraternities, 46,000 monasteries, 13,500 nunneries, 312,000 secular priests, 400,000 monks, 200,000 friars and other ecclesiastics. H. E. Watts, Miguel de Cervantes, 1895, pp. 67-68. Spain alone had 9,088 monasteries.

[171] Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 484; 1-vol. ed. p. 564, and refs.

[172] Cp. Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 497-99; 1-vol. ed. pp. 572-73; La Rigaudière, Hist. des Perséc. Relig. en Espagne, 1860, pp. 220-26.

[173] Cp. Lewes, Spanish Drama, passim.

[174] "He inspires me only with horror for the faith which he professes. No one ever so far disfigured Christianity; no one ever assigned to it passions so ferocious, or morals so corrupt" (Sismondi, Lit. of South of Europe, Bohn tr. ii, 379).

[175] Ticknor, Hist. of Spanish Lit. 6th ed. ii, 501; Don Quixote, pt. ii, ch. liv; Ormsby, tr. of Don Quixote, 1885, introd. i, 58.

[176] Lafuente, Historia de España, 1856, xvii, 340. It is not quite certain that Lafuente expressed his sincere opinion.

[177] Llorente, ii. 433.

[178] Id. p. 420.

[179] Bouterwek, Hist. of Spanish and Portuguese Literature, Eng. tr. 1823, i, 331.

[180] Id. p. 151.

[181] Part II, ch. xxxvi.

[182] Bouterwek, whose sociology, though meritorious, is ill-clarified, argues that the Inquisition was in a manner congenital to Spain because before its establishment the suspicion of heresy was already "more degrading in Spain than the most odious crimes in other countries." But the same might have been said of the other countries also. As to earlier Spanish heresy see above, vol. i, p. 337 sq.

[183] Despite the many fallacies retained by Copernicus from the current astronomy, he must be pronounced an exceptionally scientific spirit. Trained as a mathematician, astronomer, and physician, he showed a keen and competent interest in the practical problem of currency; and one of the two treatises which alone he published of his own accord was a sound scheme for the rectification of that of his own government. Though a canon of Frauenburg, he never took orders; but did manifold and unselfish secular service.

[184] It was shielded by thirteen popes--from Paul III to Paul V.

[185] Galileo, Dialogi dei due massimi sistemi del mondo, ii (Opere, ed. 1811, xi, 303-304).

[186] A good study of Bruno is supplied by Owen in his Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. He has, however, omitted to embody the later discoveries of Dufour and Berti, and has some wrong dates. The Life of Giordano Bruno, by I. Frith (Mrs. Oppenheim), 1887, gives all the data, but is inadequate on the philosophic side. A competent estimate is given in the late Prof. Adamson's lectures on The Development of Modern Philosophy, etc., 1903, ii, 23 sq.; also in his art. in Encyc. Brit. For a hostile view see Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 105-111. The biography of Bartholmèss, Jordano Bruno, 1846, is extremely full and sympathetic, but was unavoidably loose as to dates. Much new matter has since been collected, for which see the Vita di Giordano Bruno of Domenico Berti, rev. and enlarged ed. 1889; Prof. J. L. McIntyre, Giordano Bruno, 1903; Dufour, Giordano Bruno à Génève: Documents Inédits, 1884; David Levi, Giordano Bruno, o la religione del pensiero: l'uomo, l'apostolo e il martire, 1887; Dr. H. Brunnhofer's Giordano Bruno's Weltanschauung und Verhängniss, 1882; and the doctoral treatise of C. Sigwart, Die Lebensgeschichte Giordano Brunos, Tübingen, 1880. For other authorities see Owen's and I. Frith's lists, and the final Literaturnachweis in Gustav Louis's Giordano Bruno, seine Weltanschauung und Lebensverfassung, Berlin, 1900. The study of Bruno has been carried further in Germany than in England; but Mr. Whittaker (Essays and Notices, 1895) and Prof. McIntyre make up much leeway.

[187] Cp. Bartholmèss, i, 49-53; Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 191-94 (Eng. tr. i, 232); Gustav Louis, as cited, pp. 11, 88.

[188] Berti, Vita di Giordano Bruno, 1889, pp. 40-41, 420. Bruno gives the facts in his own narrative before the Inquisitors at Venice.

[189] Berti, pp. 42-43, 47; Owen, p. 265.

[190] Not to Genoa, as Berti stated in his first ed. See ed. 1889, pp. 54, 392.

[191] Berti, p. 65. Owen has the uncorrected date, 1576.

[192] Dufour, Giordano Bruno à Génève: Documents Inédits, 1884; Berti, pp. 95-97; Gustav Louis, Giordano Bruno, pp. 73-75. Owen (p. 269) has overlooked these facts, set forth by Dufour in 1884. The documents are given in full in Frith, Life, 1887, p. 60 sq.

[193] The dates are in doubt. Cp. Berti, p. 115, and Frith, p. 65.

[194] See his own narrative before the Inquisitors in 1592. Berti, p. 394.

[195] McIntyre, Giordano Bruno, 1907, pp. 21-22.

[196] Frith, Life, p. 121, and refs.; Owen, p. 275; Bartholmèss, Jordano Bruno, i, 136-38.

[197] Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 111, note. As to Bruno's supposed influence on Bacon and Shakespeare, cp. Bartholmèss, i, 134-35; Frith, Life, pp. 104-48; and the author's Montaigne and Shakspere, pp. 132-38. Here there is no case; but there is much to be said for Mr. Whittaker's view (Essays and Notices, p. 94) that Spenser's late Cantos on Mutability were suggested by Bruno's Spaccio. Prof. McIntyre supports.

[198] His praise of Luther, and his compliments to the Lutherans, are in notable contrast to his verdict on Calvinism. What happened was that at Wittemberg he was on his best behaviour, and was well treated accordingly.

[199] As to the traitor's motives cp. McIntyre, p. 66 sq.; Berti, p. 262 sq.

[200] Noroff, as cited in Frith, p. 345.

[201] De l'Infinito, ed. Wagner, ii, 27; Cena de la Ceneri, ed. Wagner, i, 173; Acrotismus, ed. Gfrörer, p. 12.

[202] Cp. Berti, pp. 187-88; Whittaker, Essays and Notices, 1895, p. 89; and Louis's section, Stellung zu Christenthum und Kirche.

[203] Berti, pp. 297-98. It takes much searching in the two poems to find any of the ideas in question, and Berti has attempted no collation; but, allowing for distortions, the Inquisition has sufficient ground for outcry.

[204] Sigillus Sigillorum: De duodecima contractionis speciae. Cp. F. J. Clemens, Giordano Bruno und Nicolaus von Cusa, 1847, pp. 176, 183; and H. Brunnhofer, Giordano Bruno's Weltanschauung und Verhängniss, 1882, pp. 227, 237.

[205] In the treatise De Lampade combinatoria Lulliana (1587). According to Berti (p. 220) he is the first to employ this phrase, which becomes the watchword of Spinoza (libertas philosophandi) a century later.

[206] Berti, cap. iv; Owen, p. 249; Ueberweg, ii, 27; Pünjer, p. 93 sq.; Whittaker, Essays and Notices, p. 66. As to Bruno's debt to Nicolaus of Cusa cp. Gustav Louis, as cited, p. 11; Pünjer, as cited; Carriere, Die philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, p. 25; and Whittaker, p. 68. The argument of Carriere's second edition is analysed and rebutted by Mr. Whittaker, p. 253 sq.

[207] De Immenso, vii, c. 18, cited by Whittaker, Essays and Notices, p. 70.

[208] As to Bruno's own claim in the Eroici Furori, cp. Whittaker, Essays, p. 90.

[209] Documents in Berti, pp. 407-18; McIntyre, p. 75 sq.

[210] See the document in Berti, p. 398 sq.; Frith, pp. 270-81.

[211] Berti, p. 400 sq.

[212] See Berti, p. 396; Owen, pp. 285-86; Frith, pp. 282-83.

[213] The controversy as to whether Galileo was tortured leaves it clear that torture was common. See Dr. Parchappe, Galilée, sa vie, etc., 1866, Ptie. ii, ch. 7.

[214] Spaccio della bestia trionfante, ed. Wagner, ii, 120.

[215] Prof. Carriere has contended that a transition from pantheism to theism marks the growth of his thought; but, as is shown by Mr. Whittaker, he is markedly pantheistic in his latest work of all, though his pantheism is not merely naturalistic. Essays and Notices, pp. 72, 253-58.

[216] Italian versions differ verbally. Cp. Levi, p. 379; Berti, p. 386. That inscribed on the Bruno statue at Rome is a close rendering of the Latin: Majori forsan cum timore sententiam in me fertis quam ego accipiam, preserved by Scioppius.

[217] Avviso, in Berti, p. 329; in Levi, p. 386.

[218] Levi, pp. 384-92. Levi relates (p. 390) that Bruno at the stake was heard to utter the words: "O Eterno, io fo uno sforzo supremo per attrarre in me quanto vi tra di più divino nell'universo." He cites no authority. An Avviso reports that Bruno said his soul would rise with the smoke to Paradise (p. 386; Berti, p. 330), but does not state that this was said at the stake. And Levi accepts the other report that Bruno was gagged.

[219] Notably his comedy Il Candelaio.

[220] Owen, Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance, p. 357. A full narrative, from the documents, is given in R. C. Christie's essay, "Vanini in England," in the English Historical Review of April, 1895, reprinted in his Selected Essays and Papers, 1902.

[221] See it analysed by Owen, pp. 361-68, and by Carriere, Weltanschauung, pp. 496-504.

[222] Amphitheatrum, 1615, Exercit. xix, pp. 117-18.

[223] Amphitheatrum, Exercit. xxvii, p. 161.

[224] Id. pp. 72, 73, 78, 113, etc.

[225] P. 35. Machiavelli is elsewhere attacked. Pp. 36, 50.

[226] Julii Cæsaris Vanini Neapolitani, Theologi, Philosophi, et juris utriusque Doctoris, de Admirandis Naturæ Reginæque Deæque Mortalium Arcanis, libri quatuor. Lutetiæ, 1616.

[227] Mr. Owen makes a serious misstatement on this point, by which I was formerly misled. He writes (p. 369) that from the publisher's preface we "learn that the Dialogues were not written by Vanini, but by his disciples. They are a collection of discursive conversations embodying their master's opinions." This is not what the preface says. It tells, after a high-pitched eulogy of Vanini, that "nos publicæ utilitatis solliciti, alia eius monumenta, quæ avarius retinebat, per idoneos ex scriptores nancisci curavimus." In ascribing the matter of the dialogues to Vanini's young days, Mr. Owen forgets the references to the Amphitheatrum.

[228] "Alex. Sed in qua nam Religione verè et piè Deum coli vetusti Philosophi existimarunt? Vanini. In unica Naturæ lege, quam ipsa Natura, quæ Deus est (est enim principium motus)...." De Arcanis, as cited, p. 366. Lib. iv, Dial. 50. See Rousselot's French tr. 1842, p. 227. This passage is cited by Hallam (Lit. Hist. ii, 461) as avowing "disbelief of all religion except such as Nature ... has planted in the minds of men"--a heedless perversion.

[229] De Arcanis, pp. 354-60, 420-22 (Dial. 50, 56); Rousselot, pp. 219-23, 271-73.

[230] The special reference (lib. iv, dial. 56, p. 428) is to a story of an infant prophesying when only twenty-four hours old. (Amphitheatrum, Ex. vi, p. 38; cp. Owen, p. 368, note.) On this and on other points Cousin (cited by Owen, pp. 368, 371, 377) and Hallam (Lit. Hist. ii, 461) make highly prejudiced statements. Quoting the final pages on which the dialoguist passes from serious debate to a profession of levity, and ends by calling for the play-table, the English historian dismisses him as "the wretched man."

[231] Cp. Carriere's analysis of the Dialogues, pp. 505-59; and the Apologia pro Jul. Cæsare Vanino (by Arpe), 1712.

[232] See Owen's vindication, pp. 371-74. Renan's criticism (Averroès, pp. 420-23) is not quite judicial. See many others cited by Carriere, p. 516.

[233] It is difficult to understand how the censor could let pass the description of Nature in the title; but this may have been added after the authorization. The book is dedicated by Vanini to Marshal Bassompierre, and the epistle dedicatory makes mention of the Serenissima Regina aeterni nominis Maria Medicæa, which would disarm suspicion. In any case the permit was revoked, and the book condemned to be burned.

[234] Owen, p. 395.

[235] Mercure Français, 1619, tom. v, p. 64.

[236] Gramond (Barthélemi de Grammont), Historia Galliæ ab excessu Henrici IV, 1643, p. 209. Carriere translates the passage in full, pp. 500-12, 515; as does David Durand in his hostile Vie et Sentimens de Lucilio Vanini, 1717. As to Gramond see the Lettres de Gui Patin, who (Lett. 428, ed. Reveillé-Parise) calls him âme foible et bigote, and guilty of falsehood and flattery.

[237] Gramond, p. 210. Of Vanini, as of Bruno, it is recorded that at the stake he repelled the proffered crucifix. Owen and other writers, who justly remark that he well might, overlook the once received belief that it was the official practice, with obstinate heretics, to proffer a red-hot crucifix, so that the victim should be sure to spurn it with open anger.

[238] Stephen Phillips, Marpessa.

[239] Cp. Owen, pp. 389, 391, and Carriere, pp. 512-13, as to the worst calumnies. It is significant that Vanini was tried solely for blasphemy and atheism. What is proved against him is that he and an associate practised a rather gross fraud on the English ecclesiastical authorities, having apparently no higher motive than gain and a free life. Mr. Christie notes, however, that Vanini in his writings always speaks very kindly of England and the English, and so did not add ingratitude to his act of imposture.

[240] De Arcanis, p. 205. Lib. iii, dial. 30.

[241] Amphitheatrum, p. 17.

[242] De Arcanis, lib. iv, dial. 52, p. 379; dial. 51, p. 373. Cp. Amphitheatrum, p. 36; and De Arcanis, p. 20.

[243] De Arcanis, dial. 50 and 56. In the Amphitheatrum he adduces an equally skilful German atheist (p. 73).

[244] Dial. li, p. 371.

[245] Dial. liv, p. 407.

[246] Cp. Rousselot, notice, p. xi.

[247] Durand compiles a list of ten or eleven works of Vanini from the allusions in the Amphitheatrum and the De Arcanis.

[248] Reported by Gramond, as cited.

[249] Owen, pp. 393-94.

[250] Garasse, Doctrine curieuse des beaux esprits, 1623.

[251] De Arcanis, dial. vii, p. 36.

[252] Dial. iv, p. 21.

[253] Doctrine curieuse des beaux esprits de ce temps, 1623, p. 848.

[254] Karl von Gebler, Galileo Galilei and the Roman Curia, Eng. tr. 1879, pp. 36-37.

[255] This appears from the letters of Sagredo to Galileo. Gebler, p. 37. Cp. Gui Patin, Lett. 816, ed. Reveillé-Parise, 1846, iii, 758; Bayle, art. Cremonin, notes C and D; and Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. pp. 408-13. Patin writes that his friend Naudé "avoit été intime ami de Cremonin, qui n'étoit point meilleur Chrétien que Pomponace, que Machiavel, que Cardan et telles autres ... dont le pays abonde."

[256] Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 183 (Eng. tr. i, 220); Gebler, p. 25. Libri actually made the refusal; but all that is proved as to Cremonini is that he opposed Galileo's discoveries à priori. As to the attitude of such opponents see Galileo's letter to Kepler. J. J. Fahie, Galileo: his Life and Work, 1903. pp. 101-102.

[257] Fahie, Galileo, p. 100.

[258] Id. p. 127.

[259] Gebler, pp. 54, 129, and passim; The Private Life of Galileo (by Mrs. Olney), Boston, 1870, pp. 67-72.

[260] Galileo's letter to Kepler, cited by Gebler, p. 26.

[261] The Jesuits were expelled from Venice in 1616, in retaliation for a papal interdict.

[262] See it summarized by Gebler, pp. 46-60, and quoted in the Private Life, pp. 83-85.

[263] The measure of reverence with which the orthodox handled the matter may be inferred from the fact that the Dominican Caccini, who preached against Galileo in Florence, took as one of his texts the verse in Acts i: "Viri Galilaei, quid statis aspicientes in coelum," making a pun on the Scripture.

[264] See this summarized by Gebler, pp. 64-70.

[265] See The Private Life of Galileo, pp. 86-87, 91, 99; Gebler, p. 44; Fahie, pp. 169-70; Berti, Il Processo Originale de Galileo Galilei, 1878, p. 53.

[266] Gebler (p. 101) solemnly comments on this letter as a lapse into "servility" on Galileo's part.

[267] Gebler, pp. 112-13.

[268] Private Life, pp. 216-18; Gebler, pp. 157-62.

[269] Berti, pp. 61-64; Private Life, pp. 212-13; Gebler, p. 162.

[270] Gebler, p. 239; Private Life, p. 256.

[271] Gebler, pp. 249-63; Private Life, pp. 255-56; Marini, pp. 55-57. The "e pur si muove" story is first heard of in 1774. As to the torture, it is to be remembered that Galileo recanted under threat of it. See Berti, pp. 93-101; Marini, p. 59; Sir O. Lodge, Pioneers of Science, 1893, pp. 128-31. Berti argues that only the special humanity of the Commissary-General, Macolano, saved him from the torture. Cp. Gebler, p. 259, note.

[272] Gebler, p. 281.

[273] Private Life, pp. 265-60, 268; Gebler, p. 252.

[274] Berti, Il Processo di Galileo, pp. 111-12.

[275] Letter of Hobbes to Newcastle, in Report of the Hist. Mss. Comm. on the Duke of Portland's Papers, 1892, ii. Hobbes explains that few copies were brought over, "and they that buy such books are not such men as to part with them again." "I doubt not," he adds, "but the translation of it will here be publicly embraced."

[276] Gebler, pp. 312-15; Putnam, Censorship of the Church of Rome, i, 313-14.

[277] See Ueberweg, ii, 12, as to the conflicting types. In addition to Cremonini, several leading Aristotelians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were accused of atheism (Hallam, Lit. Hist. ii, 101-102), the old charge against the Peripatetic school. Hallam (p. 102) complains that Cesalpini of Pisa "substitutes the barren unity of pantheism for religion." Cp. Ueberweg, ii, 14; Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. p. 417. An Averroïst on some points, he believed in separate immortality.

[278] Gebler, pp. 37, 45. Gebler appears to surmise that Cremonini may have escaped the attack upon himself by turning suspicion upon Galileo, but as to this there is no evidence.

[279] Ueberweg, ii, 17.

[280] Epist. 36.

[281] See above, p. 45.

[282] Bartholmèss, Jordano Bruno, i, 49.

[283] Lange, Gesch. des Mater. i, 189-90 (Eng. tr. i, 228). Born in Valencia and trained at Paris, Vives became a humanist teacher at Louvain, and was called to England (1523) to be tutor to the Princess Mary. During his stay he taught at Oxford. Being opposed to the divorce of Henry VIII, he was imprisoned for a time, afterwards living at Bruges.

[284] See the monograph, Ramus, sa vie, ses écrits, et ses opinions, par Ch. Waddington, 1855. Owen has a good account of Ramus in his French Skeptics.

[285] Scholæ math. l. iii, p. 78, cited by Waddington, p. 343.

[286] "In many respects Galileo deserves to be ranked with Descartes as inaugurating modern philosophy." Prof. Adamson, Development of Mod. Philos. 1903, i, 5. "We may compare his [Hobbes's] thought with Descartes's, but the impulse came to him from the physical reasonings of Galileo." Prof. Croom Robertson, Hobbes, 1886, p. 42.

[287] Buckle, 1-vol. ed. pp. 327-36; 3-vol. ed. ii, 77-85. Cp. Lange, i, 425 (Eng. tr. i, 248, note); Adamson, Philosophy of Kant, 1879, p. 194.

[288] Cp. Lange, i, 425 (Eng. tr. i, 248-49, note); Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartésienne, 1854, i, 40-47, 185-86; Bartholmèss, Jordano Bruno, i, 354-55; Memoir in Garnier ed. of OEuvres Choisies, p. v, also pp. 6, 17, 19, 21. Bossuet pronounced the precautions of Descartes excessive. But cp. Dr. Land's notes in Spinoza: Four Essays, 1882, p. 55.

[289] Coll. of Philos. Writings, ed. 1712, pref. p. xi.

[290] Discours de la Méthode, pties. i, ii, iii, iv (OEuvres Choisies, pp. 8, 10, 11, 22, 24); Meditation I (id. pp. 73-74).

[291] Full details in Kuno Fischer's Descartes and his School, Eng. tr. 1890, bk. i, ch. vi; Bouillier, i, chs. xii, xiii.

[292] Buckle, 1-vol. ed. pp. 337-39; 3-vol. ed. ii, 94, 97.

[293] Buckle, pp. 327-30; ii, 81.

[294] Id. p. 330; ii, 82. The process is traced hereinafter.

[295] Kuno Fischer, Francis Bacon, Eng. tr. 1857, p. 74.

[296] For an exact summary and criticism of Gassendi's positions see the masterly monograph of Prof. Brett of Lahore, The Philosophy of Gassendi, 1908--a real contribution to the history of philosophy.

[297] Cp. Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, bk. v, ch. i (McCulloch's ed. 1839, pp. 364-65). It is told of him, with doubtful authority, that when dying he said: "I know not who brought me into the world, neither do I know what was to do there, nor why I go out of it." Reflections on the Death of Freethinkers, by Deslandes (Eng. tr. of the Réflexions sur les grands hommes qui sont morts en plaisantant), 1713, p. 105.

[298] For a good account of Gassendi and his group (founded on Lange, § iii, ch. i) see Soury, Bréviaire de l'hist. de matérialisme, ptie. iii, ch. ii.

[299] Voltaire, Éléments de philos. de Newton, ch. ii; Lange, i, 232 (Eng. tr. i, 267) and 269.

[300] Bayle, art. Pomponace, Notes F. and G. The complaint was made by Arnauld, who with the rest of the Jansenists was substantially a Cartesian.

[301] See it in Garnier's ed. of Descartes's OEuvres Choisies, p. 145.

[302] Id. pp. 158-64.

[303] Apparently just because the Jansenists adopted Descartes and opposed Gassendi. But Gassendi is extremely guarded in all his statements, save, indeed, in his objections to the Méditations of Descartes.

[304] See Soury, pp. 397-98, as to a water-drinking "debauch" of Gassendi and his friends.

[305] Rambaud, as cited, p. 154.

[306] Id. p. 155.

[307] Voltaire, Siècle de Louis XIV, ed. Didot, p. 366. "On ne l'eût pas osé sous Henri IV et sous Louis XIII," adds Voltaire. Cp. Michelet, La Sorcière, éd. Séailles, 1903, p. 302.

[308] Tr. into English in 1659, under the title The Vanity of Judiciary Astrology.

[309] Jenkin Thomasius in his Historia Atheismi (1692) joins Herbert with Bodin as having five points in common with him (ed. 1709, ch. ix, § 2, pp. 76-77).

[310] It might have been supposed that he was recalled on account of his book; but it was not so. He was recalled by letter in April, returned home in July, and seems to have sent his book thence to Paris to be printed.

[311] Autobiography, Sir S. Lee's 2nd ed. p. 132.

[312] The book was reprinted at London in Latin in 1633; again at Paris in 1636; and again at London in 1645. It was translated and published in French in 1639, but never in English.

[313] Compare the verdict of Hamilton in his ed. of Reid, note A, § 6, 35 (p. 781).

[314] For a good analysis see Pünjer, Hist. of the Christ. Philos. of Religion, Eng. trans. 1887, pp. 292-99; also Noack, Die Freidenker in der Religion, Bern, 1853, i, 17-40; and Lechler, Geschichte des englischen Deismus, pp. 36-54.

[315] See his Autobiography, as cited, pp. 133-34.

[316] De causis errorum, una cum tractate de religione laici et appendice ad sacerdotes (1645); De religione gentilium (1663). The latter was translated into English in 1705. The former are short appendices to the De Veritate. In 1768 was published for the first time from a manuscript, A Dialogue between a Tutor and his Pupil, which, despite the doubts of Lechler, may confidently be pronounced Herbert's from internal evidence. See the "Advertisement" by the editor of the volume, and cp. Lee, p. xxx, and notes there referred to. The "five points," in particular, occur not only in the Religio Gentilium, but in the De Veritate. The style is clearly of the seventeenth century.

[317] Sir Sidney Lee can hardly be right in taking the Dialogue to be the "little treatise" which Herbert proposed to write on behaviour (Autobiography, Lee's 2nd ed. p. 43). It does not answer to that description, being rather an elaborate discussion of the themes of Herbert's main treatises, running to 272 quarto pages.

[318] See below, p. 80.

[319] More Reasons for the Christian Religion, 1672, p. 79.

[320] It is to be remembered that the doctrine of the supremacy of the civil power in religious matters (Erastianism) was maintained by some of the ablest men on the Parliamentary side, in particular Selden.

[321] Leviathan, ch. iv, H. Morley's ed. p. 26.

[322] Cp. his letter to an opponent, Considerations upon the Reputation, etc., of Thomas Hobbes, 1680, with chs. xi and xii of Leviathan, and De Corpore Politico, pt. ii, c. 6. One of his most explicit declarations for theism is in the De Homine, c. 1, where he employs the design argument, declaring that he who will not see that the bodily organs are a mente aliqua conditas ordinatasque ad sua quasque officia must be himself without mind. This ascription of "mind," however, he tacitly negates in Leviathan, ch. xi, and De Corpore Politico, pt. ii, c. 6.

[323] De Corpore, pt. ii, c. 8, § 20.

[324] Cp. Bentley's letter to Bernard, 1692, cited in Dynamics of Religion, pp. 82-83.

[325] Leviathan, pt. i, ch. vi. Morley's ed. p. 34.

[326] Leviathan, pt. iii, ch. xxxiii.

[327] Above, p. 24.