Chapter XXXVIII: Conclusion (5)

[1388] Cited by Hurst, Hist. of Rationalism, 3rd ed. p. 125. Outside Berlin, however, matters went otherwise till late in the century. Kurz tells (Gesch. der deutschen Literatur, ii, 461 b) that "the indifference of the learned towards native literature was so great that even in the year 1761 Abbt could write that in Rinteln there was nobody who knew the names of Moses Mendelssohn and Lessing."

[1389] Karl Hillebrand, Lectures on the Hist. of German Thought, 1880, p. 109.

[1390] Deutsche Merkur, Jan. and March, 1788 (Werke, ed. 1797, xxix, 1-144; cited by Stäudlin, Gesch. der Rationalismus und Supernaturalismus, 1826, p. 233).

[1391] Kurtz, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. 1864, ii, 224.

[1392] T. C. Perthes, Das Deutsche Staatsleben vor der Revolution, 262 sq., cited by Kahnis pp. 58-59.

[1393] See above, pp. 321, 328.

[1394] Kant distinguishes explicitly between "rationalists," as thinkers who would not deny the possibility of a revelation, and "naturalists," who did. See the Religion innerhalb der grenzen der blossen Vernunft, Stück iv, Th. i. This was in fact the standing significance of the term in Germany for a generation.

[1395] Letter to his brother, February 2, 1774.

[1396] Known as Zopf-Schulz from his wearing a pigtail in the fashion then common among the laity. "An old insolent rationalist," Kurtz calls him (ii, 270).

[1397] Hagenbach, Kirchengeschichte, i, 372; Gostwick, pp. 52, 54.

[1398] Philosophische Betrachtung über Theologie und Religion überhaupt, und über die Jüdische insonderheit, 1784.

[1399] Pünjer, i, 544-45.

[1400] Coleridge, Biographia Literaria, ch. ix, Bohn ed. p. 71.

[1401] See the details in Hagenbach, Kirchengeschichte, i, 368-72; Kahnis, p. 60.

[1402] Marokkanische Briefe. Aus dem Arabischen. Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1785. The Letters purport to be written by one of the Moroccan embassy at Vienna in 1783.

[1403] Briefe, xxi.

[1404] P. 49.

[1405] P. 232.

[1406] Das zum Theil einzige wahre System der christlichen Religion. It had been composed in its author's youth under the title False Reasonings of the Christian Religion; and the MS. was lost through the bankruptcy of a Dutch publisher.

[1407] Noack, Th. III, Kap. 9, p. 194.

[1408] Mauvillon further collaborated with Mirabeau, and became a great admirer of the French Revolution. He left freethinking writings among his remains. They are not described by Noack, and I have been unable to meet with them.

[1409] It was a test of the depth of the freethinking spirit in the men of the day. Semler justified the edict; Bahrdt vehemently denounced it. Hagenbach, i, 372.

[1410] Cp. Crabb Robinson's Diary, iii, 48; Martineau, Study of Spinoza, p. 328; Willis, Spinoza, pp. 162-68. Bishop Hurst laments (Hist. of Rationalism, 3rd ed. p. 145) that Herder's early views as to the mission of Christ "were, in common with many other evangelical views, doomed to an unhappy obscuration upon the advance of his later years by frequent intercourse with more skeptical minds."

[1411] On the clerical opposition to him at Weimar on this score see Düntzer, Life of Goethe, Eng. tr. 1883, i, 317.

[1412] Cp. Kronenberg, Herder's Philosophie nach ihrem Entwickelungsgang, 1889.

[1413] Kronenberg, p. 90.

[1414] Stuckenberg, Life of Immanuel Kant, 1882, pp. 381-87; Kronenberg, Herder's Philosophie, pp. 91, 103.

[1415] Kahnis, p. 78, and Erdmann, as there cited. Erdmann finds the pantheism of Herder to be, not Spinozistic as he supposed, but akin to that of Bruno and his Italian successors.

[1416] The chief sample passages in his works are the poem Das Göttliche and the speech of Faust in reply to Gretchen in the garden scene. It was the surmised pantheism of Goethe's poem Prometheus that, according to Jacobi, drew from Lessing his avowal of a pantheistic leaning. The poem has even an atheistic ring; but we have Goethe's own account of the influence of Spinoza on him from his youth onwards (Wahrheit und Dichtung, Th. III, B. xiv; Th. IV, B. xvi). See also his remarks on the "natural" religion of "conviction" or rational inference, and that of "faith" (Glaube) or revelationism, in B. iv (Werke, ed. 1866, xi, 134); also Kestner's account of his opinions at twenty-three, in Düntzer's Life, Eng. tr. i, 185; and again his letter to Jacobi, January 6, 1813, quoted by Düntzer, ii, 290.

[1417] See the Alt-Testamentliches Appendix to the West-Oestlicher Divan.

[1418] Heine, Zur Gesch. der Rel. u. Phil. in Deutschland (Werke, ed. 1876, iii, 92).

[1419] Wahrheit und Dichtung, Th. I, B. iv (Werke, ed. 1886, xi, 123).

[1420] Id. Th. III, B. xiv, par. 20 (Werke, xii, 159).

[1421] Id. pp. 165, 186.

[1422] Id. p. 184.

[1423] Cited by Baur, Gesch. der christl. Kirche, v, 50.

[1424] Compare, as to the hostility he aroused, Düntzer, i, 152, 317, 329-30, 451; ii, 291 note, 455, 461; Eckermann, Gespräche mit Goethe, März 6, 1830; and Heine, last cit. p. 93.

[1425] Eckermann, März 11, 1832.

[1426] Id. Feb. 4, 1829.

[1427] Hurst, Hist. of Rationalism, 3rd ed. p. 150.

[1428] Wahrheit und Dichtung, Th. III, B. viii; Werke, xi, 334.

[1429] Cp., however, the estimate of Krause, above, p. 207. Virchow, Göthe als Naturforscher, 1861, goes into detail on the biological points, without reaching any general estimate.

[1430] Remarked by Hagenbach, tr. p. 238.

[1431] Letter to Goethe, August 17, 1795 (Briefwechsel, No. 87). The passage is given in Carlyle's essay on Schiller.

[1432] In Die Sendung Moses.

[1433] See the Philosophische Briefe.

[1434] Carlyle translates, "No Rights of Man," which was probably the idea.

[1435] Letter to Goethe, July 9, 1796 (Briefwechsel, No. 188). "It is evident that he was estranged not only from the church but from the fundamental truths of Christianity" (Rev. W. Baur, Religious Life of Germany, Eng. tr. 1872, p. 22). F. C. Baur has a curious page in which he seeks to show that, though Schiller and Goethe cannot be called Christian in a natural sense, the age was not made un-Christian by them to such an extent as is commonly supposed (Gesch. der christl. Kirche, v, 46).

[1436] Cp. Tieftrunk, as cited by Stuckenberg, Life of Immanuel Kant, p. 225.

[1437] Id. p. 376. In his early essay Träume eines Geistersehers, erläutert durch Träume der Metaphysik (1766) this attitude is clear. It ends with an admiring quotation from Voltaire's Candide.

[1438] Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung? in the Berliner Monatschrift, Dec. 1784, rep. in Kant's Vorzügliche kleine Schriften, 1833, Bd. i.

[1439] For an able argument vindicating the unity of Kant's system, however, see Prof. Adamson, The Philosophy of Kant, 1879, p. 21 sq., as against Lange. With the verdict in the text compare that of Heine, Zur Gesch. der Relig. u. Philos. in Deutschland, B. iii (Werke, as cited, iii, 81-82); that of Prof. G. Santayana, The Life of Reason, vol. i, 1905, p. 94 sq.; and that of Prof. A. Seth Pringle-Pattison, The Philosophy of Religion in Kant and Hegel, rep. in vol. entitled The Philosophical Radicals and Other Essays, 1907, pp. 264, 266.

[1440] Stuckenberg, pp. 225, 332.

[1441] Cp. Haym, Herder nach seinem Leben ... dargestellt, 1877, i, 33, 48; Kronenberg, Herder's Philosophie, p. 10.

[1442] Cp. Hagenbach, Eng. tr. p. 223.

[1443] Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft, Stück iii, Abth. i, § 5; Abth. ii (ed. 1793, pp. 145-46, 188-89).

[1444] Work cited, Stück ii, Abschn. ii, Allg. Anm. p. 108 sq.

[1445] E.g. Stück iv, Th. i, preamble (p. 221, ed. cited).

[1446] Id. Stück iii, Abth. ii, Allg. Anm.: "This belief," he avows frankly enough, "involves no mystery" (p. 199). In a note to the second edition he suggests that there must be a basis in reason for the idea of a Trinity, found as it is among so many ancient and primitive peoples. The speculation is in itself evasive, for he does not give the slightest reason for thinking the Goths capable of such metaphysic.

[1447] Stück iii, Abth. i, § 5; pp. 137, 139.

[1448] Stück iii, Abth. ii, p. 178.

[1449] Kant explicitly concurs in Warburton's thesis that the Jewish lawgiver purposely omitted all mention of a future state from the Pentateuch; since such belief must be supposed to have been current in Jewry. But he goes further, and pronounces that simple Judaism contains "absolutely no religious belief." To this complexion can philosophic compromise come.

[1450] Stuckenberg, Life of Immanuel Kant, p. 329.

[1451] Borowski, Darstellung des Lebens und Charakters Immanuel Kant's, 1804, cited by Stuckenberg, p. 357.

[1452] Stuckenberg, pp. 359-60.

[1453] Stuckenberg, p. 361.

[1454] Cp. F. C. Baur, Gesch. der christl. Kirche, v, 63-66.

[1455] The first, on "Radical Evils," appeared in a Berlin monthly in April, 1792, and was then reprinted separately.

[1456] Stuckenberg, p. 361.

[1457] Ueberweg, ii, 141; Stuckenberg, p. 363.

[1458] Stuckenberg, pp. 304-309.

[1459] Religion innerhalb der Grenzen der blossen Vernunft, Stück iv, Th. 2.

[1460] Cp. Stuckenberg, p. 332; Seth Pringle-Pattison, as cited.

[1461] Stuckenberg, pp. 340, 346, 354, 468.

[1462] Letter of May 22, 1799, reproduced by Heine.

[1463] Zur Gesch. der Rel. u. Philos. in Deutschland. Werke, as cited, iii, 96, 98.

[1464] Stuckenberg, p. 311.

[1465] Id. p. 357.

[1466] Stuckenberg, p. 351. "It is only necessary," adds Stuckenberg (p. 468, note 142), "to develop Kant's hints in order to get the views of Strauss in his Leben Jesu."

[1467] Id. p. 375. Erhard stated that Pestalozzi shared his views on Christian ethics.

[1468] Stuckenberg, p. 358.

[1469] Cp. Weber, Gesch. der deutschen Literatur, 11te Aufl. p. 119; R. Unger, Hamann und die Aufklärung, 1911.

[1470] Bartholmèss, Hist. crit. des doctr. relig. de la philos. moderne, 1855, i, 136-40.

[1471] In demanding a "history of the human conscience" (Neue Anthropologie, 1790) Platner seems to have anticipated the modern scientific approach to religion.

[1472] Gespräche über den Atheismus, 1781.

[1473] Lehrbuch der Logik und Metaphysik, 1795.

[1474] W. Smith, Memoir of Fichte, 2nd ed. p. 10.

[1475] Id. pp. 12, 13, 20, 23, 25, etc.

[1476] Id. pp. 34-35.

[1477] Smith, p. 94.

[1478] Id. p. 34.

[1479] Adamson, Fichte, 1881, p. 32; Smith, as cited, pp. 64-65.

[1480] Letter to Kant, cited by Smith, p. 63.

[1481] Asserted by Stuckenberg, Life of Kant, p. 386.

[1482] Cp. Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 132-33; Adamson, Fichte, pp. 50-67; W. Smith, Memoir of Fichte, pp. 106-107.

[1483] Adamson, pp. 71, 73.

[1484] Grundzüge des gegenwärtigen Zeitalters, 16te Vorles. ed. 1806, pp. 509-510.

[1485] Compare the complaints of Hurst, Hist. of Rationalism, 3rd ed. pp. 136-37, and of Coleridge, Biographia Literaria, Bohn ed. p. 72. Fichte's theory, says Coleridge (after praising him as the destroyer of Spinozism), "degenerated into a crude egoismus, a boastful and hyperstoic hostility to Nature, as lifeless, godless, and altogether unholy, while his religion consisted in the assumption of a mere ordo ordinans, which we were permitted exotericé to call God." Heine (as last cited, p. 75) insists that Fichte's Idealism is "more Godless than the crassest Materialism."

[1486] Grundzüge, as cited, p. 502.

[1487] Cp. Seth Pringle-Pattison, as cited, p. 280, note.

[1488] Kurtz, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. 1864, ii, 225. Jahn was well in advance of his age in his explanation of Joshua's cosmic miracle as the mistaken literalizing of a flight of poetic phrase. See the passage in his Introduction to the Book of Joshua, cited by Rowland Williams, The Hebrew Prophets, ii (1871), 31, note 33.

[1489] R. N. Bain, Gustavus Vasa and his Contemporaries, 1894, i. 265-68.

[1490] A. Sorel, L'Europe et la révolution française, i (1885), p. 458.

[1491] See articles on Beethoven by Macfarren in Dictionary of Universal Biography, and by Grove in the Dictionary of Music and Musicians.

[1492] Grove, art. cited, ed. 1904, i, 224.

[1493] Jonckbloet, Beknopte Geschiedenis der nederl. Letterkunde, ed. 1880, p. 282.

[1494] Id. pp. 315-16.

[1495] Cp. Trinius, Freydenker-Lexicon, pp. 336-37; Colerus, Vie de Spinoza, as cited, p. lviii.

[1496] See Texte, Rousseau and the Cosmopolitan Spirit, Eng. tr. p. 29.

[1497] Briefe, 1752, p. 451.

[1498] This is the basis of Pope's reference to "illustrious Passeran" in his Epilogue to the Satires, 1738, ii, 124. The Rev. J. Bramstone's satire, The Man of Taste (1733), spells the name "Pasaran," whence may be inferred the extent of the satirist's knowledge of his topic.

[1499] Reprinted, in French, at London in 1749, in a more complete and correct edition, published by J. Brindley.

[1500] The copy in the British Museum is dated 1737, and the title-page describes Passerano as "a Piemontæse exile now in Holland, a Christian Freethinker." It is presumably a re-issue.

[1501] Warburton in a note on Pope (Epilogue, as cited) characteristically alleges that Passerano had been banished from Piedmont "for his impieties, and lived in the utmost misery, yet feared to practise his own precepts; and at last died a penitent." The source of these allegations may serve as warrant for disbelieving them. Warburton, it will be observed, says nothing of an imprisonment in England.

[1502] London ed. 1749, pp. 24-25.

[1503] Koch, Histor. View of the European Nations, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. p. 103. Cp. Crichton and Wheaton, Scandinavia, 1837, i, 383-96; Otté, Scandinavian History, 1874, pp. 222-24; Villiers, Essay on the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1836, p. 105. But cp. Allen, Histoire de Danemark, Fr. tr. i, 298-300.

[1504] Otté, pp. 232-36; Crichton-Wheaton, i, 398-400; Geijer, Hist. of the Swedes, Eng. tr. i, 125.

[1505] Koch, p. 104; Geijer, i, 129.

[1506] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322.

[1507] Ludwig Holberg, Baron Holberg, born at Bergen, Norway, 1684. After a youth of poverty and struggle he settled at Copenhagen in 1718, as professor of metaphysics, and attained the chair of eloquence in 1720. Made Baron by King Frederick V of Denmark at his accession in 1747. D. 1754.

[1508] Nicolai Klimii Iter Subterraneum novam telluris theoriam ac historiam quintæ monarchiæ ... exhibens, etc. Dr. Gosse, in art. Holberg, Encyc. Brit., makes the mistake of calling the book a poem. It is in Latin prose, with verse passages.

[1509] It was published thrice in Danish, ten times in German, thrice in Swedish, thrice in Dutch, thrice in English, twice in French, twice in Russian, and once in Hungarian.

[1510] Cap. vi, De religione gentis Potuanæ.

[1511] Cp. pp. 75-78, ed. 1754.

[1512] Cap. vi, p. 69; cp. cap. viii, De Academia, p. 101.

[1513] Id. p. 77.

[1514] He had visited England in his youth.

[1515] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322. On p. 159 a somewhat contrary statement is made, which obscures the facts. Cp. Schlosser, iv, 13, as to Christian's martinet methods.

[1516] Geijer, i, 324.

[1517] Id. p. 343; Otté, p. 292.

[1518] Geijer, i, 342. Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Eng. tr. ed. 1908, ii, 399; iii, 345-46.

[1519] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 88-89, and refs.

[1520] Cp. Ranke, as cited, ii, 407.

[1521] Work cited, pp. 288-89. This writer gives the only intelligible account of the private execution of Christina's secretary, Monaldeschi, by her orders. Monaldeschi had either passed over to other hands some of her letters to him, or kept them so carelessly as to let them be stolen. Id. p. 11. For her cruel act she shows no trace of religious or any other remorse. She was, in fact, a neurotic egoist. Cp. Ranke, ii, 394, 405.

[1522] Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartés., i, 449-50.

[1523] Geijer, i, 342.

[1524] See his treatise, Of the Nature and Qualification of Religion in Reference to Civil Society, Eng. tr. by Crull, 1698.

[1525] Heaven and Hell, 1758, §§ 353, 354, 464.

[1526] Translated as The Divine Providence.

[1527] §§ 235-264.

[1528] Work cited, § 241.

[1529] De cultu et amore Dei, 1745. tr. as The Worship and Love of God, ed. 1885, p. 18.

[1530] "When he was contradicted he kept silence." Documents concerning Swedenborg, ed. by Dr. Tafel, 1875-1877, ii, 564.

[1531] Cp. Swedenborg's letter to Beyer, in Documents, as cited, ii, 279.

[1532] For many years he seldom went to church, being unable to listen peacefully to the trinitarian doctrine he heard there. Documents, as cited, ii, 560.

[1533] W. White, Swedenborg: his Life and Writings, ed. 1867, i, 188.

[1534] Schweitzer, Geschichte der skandinavischen Literatur, ii, 175, 225; C.-F. Allen, Histoire de Danemark, Fr. tr. ii, 1900-1901; R. N. Bain, Gustavus Vasa and his Contemporaries, 1894, i, 226.

[1535] Correspondance de Grimm, ed. 1829-1831, vii, 229.

[1536] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 206.

[1537] Writing to his mother on his first visit to Paris, he takes her, ostensibly as a libre esprit, into his confidence, disparaging Marmontel and Grimm as vain. Joseph II in turn pronounced Gustavus "a conceited fop, an impudent braggart" (Bain, as cited, i, 266). Both monarchs set up an impression of want of balance, and the mother of Gustavus, who forced him to break with her, does the same.

[1538] Bain, as cited, i, 224-31.

[1539] Id. ii, 208-12.

[1540] Id. i, 267-68.

[1541] Cp. Bain, ii, 272, 287, 293-96.

[1542] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 335.

[1543] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322. Cp. pp. 161-63. Schlosser, iv, 15.

[1544] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 190; Otté, p. 322; C.-F. Allen, as cited, ii, 194-201; Schlosser, iv, 319 sq.

[1545] Cp. Mary Wollstonecraft's Letters from Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, 1796, Let. xviii. One of the grounds on which the queen was charged with unchastity was, that she had established a hospital for foundlings.

[1546] Trans. from the German, 1774; 2nd ed. 1825. See it also in the work, Converts from Infidelity, by Andrew Crichton; vols. vi and vii of Constable's Miscellany, 1827. This singular compilation includes lives of Boyle, Bunyan, Haller, and others, who were never "infidels."

[1547] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 190-91.

[1548] Work cited, Letter vii.

[1549] Id. Letter viii, near end.

[1550] Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 324.

[1551] He claimed that the remarks penned by him in an anti-atheistic work, challenging its argument, represented not unbelief but the demand for a better proof, which he undertook to produce. See Krasinski, Sketch of the Religious History of the Slavonic Nations, 1851, pp. 224-25. It is remarkable that the Pope, Innocent XI, bitterly censured the execution.

[1552] Fletcher, History of Poland, 1831, p. 141.

[1553] Fletcher, pp. 145-46.

[1554] Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1853, pp. 386-87.

[1555] L. Sichler, Hist. de la litt. Russe, 1887, pp. 88-89, 139. Cp. Rambaud, Hist. de Russie, 2e édit. pp. 249, 259, etc. (Eng. tr. i, 309, 321, 328).

[1556] R. N. Bain, The First Romanovs, 1905, pp. 136-51; Rambaud, p. 333 (tr. i, 414-17). The struggle (1654) elicited old forms of heresy, going back to Manicheism and Gnosticism. In this furious schism Nikon destroyed irregular ikons or sacred images; and savage persecutions resulted from his insistence that the faithful should use three fingers instead of two in crossing themselves. Many resisted to the death.

[1557] Prince Serge Wolkonsky, Russian History and Literature, 1897, pp. 98-101.

[1558] Morfill, History of Russia, 1902, p. 14; Bain, p. 201.

[1559] Cp. Wolkonsky, p. 101.

[1560] C. E. Turner, Studies in Russian Literature, 1882, p. 2.

[1561] Id. pp. 16, 17, 25, 26, 40; Sichler, p. 148.

[1562] Sichler, p. 139. Peter's dislike of monks won him the repute of a freethinker. Morfill, p. 97. He was actually attacked as "Antichrist" in a printed pamphlet on the score of his innovations. Personally, he detested religious persecution, and was willing to tolerate anybody but Jews; but he had to let persecution take place; and even to consent to removing statues of pagan deities from his palace. Bain, pp. 304-309.

[1563] Cp. Bain, p. 392.

[1564] Turner, p. 22. Kantemir was the friend of Bolingbroke and Montesquieu in Paris.

[1565] Sichler, p. 147.

[1566] Turner, pp. 40-41.

[1567] See the passages cited by Rambaud, p. 482, from her letter to Voltaire.

[1568] Seume, Ueber das Leben ... der Kaiserin Catharina II: Werke, ed. 1839, v, 239-40; Rambaud, pp. 482-84.

[1569] See Bishop Burnet's Letters, iv, ed. Rotterdam, 1686, pp. 187-91.

[1570] Zeller, Histoire d'Italie, pp. 426-32, 450; Procter, Hist. of Italy, 2nd ed. pp. 240, 268.

[1571] Burnet, as cited, pp. 195-97.

[1572] Prof. Flint, who insists on the deep piety of Vico, notes that he "appears to have had strangely little interest in Christian systematic theology" (Vico, 1884, p. 70).

[1573] Siciliani, Sul Rinnovamento della filosofia positiva in Italia, 1871, pp. 37-41.

[1574] Siciliani, p. 36.

[1575] Introduction (by Mignet?) to the Princess Belgiojoso's tr. La Science Nouvelle, 1844, p. cxiii. Cp. Flint, Vico, 231.

[1576] Ganganelli, Papst Clemens XIV, seine Briefe und seine Zeit, vom Verfasser der Römischen Briefe (Von Reumont), 1847, pp. 35-36, and p. 155, note.

[1577] See the Storia della economia pubblica in Italia of G. Pecchio, 1829, p. 61 sq., as to the claim of Antonio Serra (Breve trattato, etc. 1613) to be the pioneer of modern political economy. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii, 164-66. Buckle (1-vol. ed. p. 122, note) has claimed the title for William Stafford, whose Compendious or briefe Examination of certain ordinary Complaints (otherwise called A Briefe Conceipt of English Policy) appeared in 1581. But cp. Ingram (Hist. of Pol. Econ. 1888, pp. 43-45) as to the prior claims of Bodin.

[1578] Briefe, as before cited, p. 408.

[1579] Correspondence littéraire, ed. 1829-31, vii, 331. Cp. Von Reumont, Ganganelli, p. 33.

[1580] The Dei delitti e delle pene was translated into 22 languages. Pecchio, p. 144.

[1581] See in the 6th ed. of the Dei delitti (Harlem, 1766) the appended Risposta ad uno scritto, etc., Parte prima, Accuse d'empietà.

[1582] See his letter to the Abbé Morellet, cited by Mr. Farrer in ch. i of his ed. of Crimes and Punishments, 1880, p. 5. It describes the Milanese as deeply sunk in prejudices.

[1583] Pecchio, p. 123.

[1584] Cp. McCulloch, Literature of Political Economy, 1845, p. 64; Blanqui, Hist. de l'economie politique, 2e édit. ii, 432.

[1585] As to the genuineness of the Ganganelli letters, originally much disputed, see Von Reumont's Ganganelli, Papst Clemens XIV; seine Briefe und seine Zeit, 1847, pp. 40-44.

[1586] Lett. lvi, Eng. tr. 1777, i, 141-42. No. lxxii in Von Reumont's Ganganelli, 1847.

[1587] Lett. xiii, 1749. Eng. tr. i, 44-46; No. cxiv in Von Reumont's translation.

[1588] Lett. vi and xiv; Nos. ix and xxii in Von Reumont.

[1589] Lett. xxx, p. 83; No. xxxiv in Von Reumont.

[1590] Lett. xci; No. xcii in Von Reumont.

[1591] Lett. cxlvi; No. xiii in Von Reumont.

[1592] Lett. lxxxii, 1753 or 1754; No. lxi in Von Reumont.

[1593] Lett. cxxiv, 1769. This letter is not in Von Reumont's collection, and appears to be regarded by him as spurious--or unduly indiscreet.

[1594] Lett. lxxxiii, 1754; No. lxxiii in Von Reumont.

[1595] Corr. Litt. as cited, vii, 104.

[1596] Zeller, p. 473.

[1597] Zeller, pp. 478-79.

[1598] Julien Luchaire, Essai sur l'evolution intellectuelle de l'Italie de 1815 à 1830, 1906, p. 3.

[1599] Parini wrote a reproving Ode on the subject. (Henri Hauvette, Littérature Italienne, 1906, p. 371.) He was one of those disillusioned by the course of the Revolution. (Id. p. 375.)

[1600] Hauvette, pp. 391-93.

[1601] Coxe, Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain, ed. 1815, iv, 408.

[1602] Villanueva, Vida Literaria, London, 1825.

[1603] Buckle, iii, 547-48 (1-vol. ed. 599-600). The last victim seems to have been a woman accused of witchcraft. Her nose was cut off before her execution. See the Marokkanische Briefe, 1785, p. 36; and Buckle's note 272.

[1604] Letter of D'Alembert to Voltaire, 13 mai, 1773.

[1605] Grimm, Corr. Litt. x, 393.

[1606] Llorente, ii, 534.

[1607] As to which see Buckle, p. 607.

[1608] Llorente, ii, 544.

[1609] Id. ii, 544-47.

[1610] Grimm is evidently in error in his statement (Correspondance, ed. 1829-31, x, 394) that one of the main grievances against Olavidès was his having caused to be made a Spanish translation of Raynal's book, which was never published. No such offence is mentioned by Llorente. The case of Almodobar had been connected in French rumour with that of Olavidès.

[1611] Llorente, ii, 532.

[1612] Id. ii, 534-35.

[1613] Id. pp. 547-48.

[1614] Llorente, ii. 549-50.

[1615] Id. ii, 472-73.

[1616] Id. pp. 436-40.

[1617] Id. ii, 440-42. Llorente mentions that Clavijo edited a journal named The Thinker, "at a time when hardly anyone was to be found who thought." A Frenchman, Langle having asserted, in his Voyage d'Espagne, that the Thinker was without merit, the historian comments that if Langle is right in the assertion, it will be the sole verity in his book, but that, in view of his errors on all other matters, it is probable that he is wrong there also.

[1618] Llorente, p. 449.

[1619] Id. ii, 450-51. The book was prohibited, but a printer at Bayonne reissued it with an additional volume of the tracts written for and against it.

[1620] Id. ii, 469-72.

[1621] Buckle, p. 618.

[1622] Id. p. 612.

[1623] Id. p. 613.

[1624] Carnota, The Marquis of Pombal, 2nd ed. 1871, p. 242.

[1625] Id. p. 240.

[1626] Id. pp. 261-62.

[1627] Id. p. 262.

[1628] Id. p. 375.

[1629] Cp. P. Godet, Hist. litt. de la suisse française, 1900.

[1630] E. de Budé, Vie de François Turrettini, 1871, pp. 12-18. B. Turrettini was commissioned to write a history of the Reformation at Geneva, which however remains in MS. He was further commissioned in 1621 to go to Holland to obtain financial help for the city, then seriously menaced by Savoy; and obtained 30,000 florins, besides smaller sums from Hamburg and Bremen.

[1631] Cp. Budé, as cited, pp. 24 (birth-date wrong), 294; and the Avis de l'Éditeur to the Traité de la Verité de la Religion Chrétienne of J. A. Turretin, Paris, 1753.

[1632] Work cited, i, 8, note.

[1633] Lettre à Damilaville, 6 décembre, 1763. The reserved youth may have been either Jean-Alphonse, grandson of the Socinian professor, who was born in 1735 and died childless, or some other member of the numerous Turrettini clan.

[1634] Voltaire to Damilaville, 12 juillet, 1763. "Il faut que vous sachiez," explains Voltaire "que Jean Jacques n'a été condamné que parce qu'on n'aime pas sa personne."

[1635] Voltaire to Damilaville, 21 auguste, 1763.

[1636] Cp. i, 2, 16, 56, 58, 65, 68, 70, 71, 73, 94; ii, 290, etc.

[1637] For instance: "Je me recommande contr'eux [les prêtres] à Dieu le père, car pour le fils, vous savez qu'il a aussi peu de crédit que sa mère à Genève" (Lettre à D'Alembert, 25 mars, 1758).... "Une république où tout le monde est ouvertement socinien, exceptés ceux qui font anabaptistes ou moraves. Figurez-vous, mon cher ami, qu'il n'y a pas actuellement un chrétien de Genève à Berne; cela fait frémir!" (To the same, 8 fév. 1776.)

[1638] On this see the correspondence of Voltaire and D'Alembert, under dates 8, 28, and 29 janvier, 1757.

[1639] Lettre à D'Alembert, 27 août, 1757.

[1640] Lettres sur le Déisme, 1759, p. 6. Cp. pp. 84, 94, 103, 105, 412.

[1641] John Wesley in his Journal, dating May, 1737, speaks of having everywhere met many more "converts to infidelity" than "converts to Popery," with apparent reference to Carolina.

[1642] Such is the wording of the passage in the Autobiography in the Edinburgh edition of 1803, p. 25, which follows the French translation of the original MS. In the edition of the Autobiography and Letters in the Minerva Library, edited by Mr. Bettany (1891, p. 11), which follows Mr. Bigelow's edition of 1879, it runs: "Being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many points of our religious doctrine...."

[1643] Only in 1784, however, appeared the first anti-Christian work published in America, Ethan Allen's Reason the only Oracle of Man. As to its positions see Conway, Life of Paine, ii, 192-93.

[1644] Autobiography, Bettany's ed. pp. 56, 65, 74, 77, etc.

[1645] Letter of March 9, 1790. Id. p. 636.

[1646] Cp. J. T. Morse's Thomas Jefferson, pp. 339-40.

[1647] MS. cited by Dr. Conway, Life of Paine, ii, 310-11.

[1648] Memoirs of Jefferson, 1829, iv, 300-301. The date is 1817. These and other passages exhibiting Jefferson's deism are cited in Rayner's Sketches of the Life, etc., of Jefferson, 1832, pp. 513-17.

[1649] Memoirs of Jefferson, iv, 331.

[1650] Dr. Conway, Life of Paine, ii, 310.

[1651] Extract from Jefferson's Journal under date February 1, 1800, in the Memoirs, iv, 512. Gouverneur Morris, whom Jefferson further cites as to Washington's unbelief, is not a very good witness; but the main fact cited is significant.

[1652] Compare the testimony given by the Rev. Dr. Wilson, of Albany, in 1831, as cited by R. D. Owen in his Discussion on the Authenticity of the Bible with O. Bacheler (London, ed. 1840, p. 231), with the replies on the other side (pp. 233-34). Washington's death-bed attitude was that of a deist. See all the available data for his supposed orthodoxy in Sparks's Life of Washington, 1852, app. iv.

[1653] So far as is known, Paine was the first writer to use the expression "the religion of Humanity." See Conway's Life of Paine, ii, 206. To Paine's influence, too, appears to be due the founding of the first American Anti-Slavery Society. Id. i, 51-52, 60, 80, etc.

[1654] Cp. Conway's Life of Paine, ii, 205-207.

[1655] A letter of Franklin to someone who had shown him a freethinking manuscript, advising against its publication (Bettany's ed. p. 620), has been conjecturally connected with Paine, but was clearly not addressed to him. Franklin died in 1790, and Paine was out of America from 1787 onwards. But the letter is in every way inapplicable to the Age of Reason. The remark: "If men are so wicked with religion, what would they be without it?" could not be made to a devout deist like Paine.

[1656] Conway, Life of Paine, ii, 254-55.

[1657] See Dr. Conway's chapter, "The American Inquisition," vol. ii, ch. xvi; also pp. 361-62, 374, 379. The falsity of the ordinary charges against Paine's character is finally made clear by Dr. Conway, ch. xix, and pp. 371, 383, 419, 423. Cp. the author's pamphlet, Thomas Paine: An Investigation (Bonner). The chronically revived story of his death-bed remorse for his writings--long ago exposed (Conway, ii, 420)--is definitively discredited in the latest reiteration. That occurs in the Life and Letters of Dr. R. H. Thomas (1905), the mother of whose stepmother was the Mrs. Mary Hinsdale, née Roscoe, on whose testimony the legend rests. Dr. Thomas, a Quaker of the highest character, accepted the story without question, but incidentally tells of the old lady (p. 13) that "her wandering fancies had all the charm of a present fairy-tale to us." No further proof is needed, after the previous exposure, of the worthlessness of the testimony in question.

[1658] Conway, ii, 371.

[1659] See the details in Conway's Life, ii, 280-81, and note. He had also a scheme for a gunpowder motor (id. and i, 240), and various other remarkable plans.

[1660] Conway, ii, 362-71.

[1661] Testimonies quoted by R. D. Owen, as cited, pp. 231-32.

[1662] Conway, ii, 422.

[1663] Memoir of Sydney Smith, by his daughter, Lady Holland, ed. 1869, p. 49. Lady Holland remarks on the same page that her father's religion had in it "nothing intolerant."

[1664] Memoir of Sydney Smith, p. 142.

[1665] Julien Luchaire, Essai sur l'évolution intellectuelle de l'Italie, 1906, pp. 5-7.

[1666] Dr. Ramage, Nooks and Byeways of Italy, 1868, pp. 76, 105-13. Ramage describes the helplessness of the better minds before 1830.

[1667] Luchaire, pp. 35, 36.

[1668] Id. p. 30.

[1669] Doblado (Blanco White), Letters from Spain, 1822. p. 358.

[1670] Thus the traveller and belletrist J. G. Seume, a zealous deist and opponent of atheism, and a no less zealous patriot, penned many fiercely freethinking maxims, as: "Where were the most so-called positive religions, there was always the least morality"; "Grotius and the Bible are the best supports of despotism"; "Heaven has lost us the earth"; "The best apostles of despotism and slavery are the mystics." Apokryphen, 1806-1807, in Sämmtliche Werke, 1839, iv, 157, 173, 177, 219.

[1671] C. H. Cottrell, Religious Movements of Germany, 1849, p. 12 sq.

[1672] Cp. the author's Evolution of States, pp. 138-39.

[1673] When I thus planned the treatment of the nineteenth century in the first edition of this book, it was known to me that Mr. Alfred W. Benn had in hand a work on The History of English Rationalism in the Nineteenth Century; and the knowledge made me the more resolved to keep my own record condensed. Duly published in 1906 (Longmans, 2 vols.), Mr. Benn's book amply fulfilled expectations; and to it I would refer every reader who seeks a fuller survey than the present. Its freshness of thought and vigour of execution will more than repay him. Even Mr. Benn's copious work, however--devoting as it does a large amount of space to a preliminary survey of the eighteenth century--leaves room for various English monographs on the nineteenth, to say nothing of the culture history of a dozen other countries.

[1674] Lecky, Hist. of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, ed. 1892, iii, 382.

[1675] Cp. Conway's Life of Paine, ii, 252-53.

[1676] This translation, issued by "Sherwood, Neely, and Jones, Paternoster Row, and all booksellers," purports to be "with additions." The translation, however, has altered d'Holbach's atheism to deism.

[1677] By W. Huttman. The book is "embellished with a head of Jesus"--a conventional religious picture. Huttman's opinions may be divined from the last sentence of his preface, alluding to "the high pretentions and inflated stile of the lives of Christ which issue periodically from the English press."

[1678] Cp. Dynamics of Religion, pp. 208-209.

[1679] See Harriet Martineau's History of the Peace, ed. 1877, ii, 87, and Mrs. Carlile Campbell's The Battle of the Press (Bonner, 1899), passim, as to the treatment of those who acted as Carlile's shopmen. Women were imprisoned as well as men--e.g. Susanna Wright, as to whom see Wheeler's Dictionary, and last ref. Carlile's wife and sister were likewise imprisoned with him; and over twenty volunteer shopmen in all went to jail.

[1680] Hone's most important service to popular culture was his issue of the Apocryphal New Testament, which, by co-ordinating work of the same kind, gave a fresh scientific basis to the popular criticism of the gospel history. As to his famous trial for blasphemy on the score of his having published certain parodies, political in intention, see bk. i, ch. x (by Knight) of Harriet Martineau's History of the Peace.

[1681] Holyoake, Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life, i, 109-10. See p. 111 as to other cases.

[1682] Art. by Holyoake in Dict. of Nat. Biog. Cp. Sixty Years, per index.

[1683] Articles in Dict. of Nat. Biog.

[1684] Holyoake, Sixty Years, i, 47.

[1685] Kirkup, History of Socialism, 1892, p. 64.

[1686] "From an early age he had lost all belief in the prevailing forms of religion" (Kirkup, p. 59).

[1687] Reformers of almost all schools, indeed, from the first regarded Owen with more or less genial incredulity, some criticizing him acutely without any ill-will. See Podmore's Robert Owen, 1906, i, 238-42. Southey was one of the first to detect his lack of religious belief. Id. p. 222, n.

[1688] Podmore, i, 246.

[1689] Kirkup, as cited, p. 64.

[1690] Podmore, ii, 640.

[1691] "Extraordinary self-complacency," "autocratic action," "arrogance," are among the expressions used of him by his ablest biographer. (Podmore, ii, 641.) Of him might be said, as of Emerson by himself, "the children of the Gods do not argue"--the faculty being absent.

[1692] Pamphlet sold at 1 1/2d., and "to be had of all the Booksellers."

[1693] Of George Combe's Constitution of Man (1828), a deistic work, over 50,000 copies were sold in Britain within twelve years, and 10,000 in America. Advt. to 4th ed. 1839. Combe avows that his impulse came from the phrenologist Spurzheim.

[1694] See the details in his Last Trial by Jury for Atheism in England.

[1695] The Gospel its Own Witness, 1799. rep. in Bohn's ed. of The Principal Works and Remains of the Rev. Andrew Fuller, 1852, pp. 136-37.

[1696] See Prof. Flint's tribute to the reasoning power of Bradlaugh and Holyoake in his Anti-Theistic Theories, 4th ed. pp. 518-19.

[1697] See Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner's Charles Bradlaugh, i, 149, 288-89.

[1698] For a full record see Part II of Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner's Charles Bradlaugh.

[1699] After Bradlaugh had secured his seat, the noble lord even sought his acquaintance.

[1700] Though young Conservative members, after 1886, privately professed sympathy.

[1701] Work cited, p. 524.

[1702] Coquerel, Essai sur l'histoire générale du christianisme, 1828, préf.

[1703] Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, Diary in France, 1845, pp. 75-77.

[1704] "The miserable and deistical principle of the equality of all religions" (id. p. 188). Cp. pp. 151, 153.

[1705] Id. pp. 15, 37, 45, 181, 185, 190.

[1706] Id. pp. 157-61. As to the general vogue of rationalism in France at that period, see pp. 35, 204: and compare Saisset, Essais sur la philosophie et la religion, 1845; The Progress of Religious Thought as illustrated in the Protestant Church of France, by Dr. J. R. Beard, 1861; and Wilson's article in Essays and Reviews. As to Switzerland and Holland, see Pearson, Infidelity, its Aspects, etc., 1853, pp. 560-64, 575-84.

[1707] Louis Philippe sought to suppress this book, of which many editions had appeared before 1830. See Blanco White's Life, 1845, ii. 168.

[1708] Prof. E. Lavisse, Un Ministre: Victor Duruy, 1895 (rep. of art. in Revue de Paris, Janv. 15 and Mars 1, 1895), p. 117.

[1709] Id. pp. 99-105.

[1710] Id. pp. 107-118.

[1711] Id. pp. 118-27.

[1712] Llorente, Hist. crit. de l'Inquisition de l'Espagne, 2e édit, iv, 153.

[1713] Rapport of Ch. Fulpius in the Almanach de Libre Pensée, 1906.

[1714] Squier, Notes on Central America, 1856, p. 227.

[1715] Before 1840 the popular freethought propaganda had been partly carried on under cover of Radicalism, as in Carlile's Republican, and Lion, and in various publications of William Hone. Cp. H. B. Wilson's article "The National Church," in Essays and Reviews, 9th ed. p. 152.

[1716] Described as "our chief atheistic organ" by the late F. W. Newman "because Dr. James Martineau declined to continue writing for it, because it interpolated atheistical articles between his theistic articles" (Contributions ... to the early history of the late Cardinal Newman, 1891, p. 103). The review was for a time edited by J. S. Mill, and for long after him by Dr. John Chapman. It lasted into the twentieth century, under the editorship of Dr. Chapman's widow, and kept a free platform to the end.

[1717] Pastor W. Baur, Hamburg, Religious Life in Germany during the Wars of Independence, Eng. tr. 1872, p. 41. H. J. Rose and Pusey, in their controversy as to the causes of German rationalism, were substantially at one on this point of fact. Rose, Letter to the Bishop of London, 1829, pp. 19, 150, 161.

[1718] Id. p. 481.

[1719] Ueber die Religion: Reden an die gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern. These are discussed hereinafter.

[1720] Lichtenberger, Hist. of Ger. Theol. in the Nineteenth Cent. Eng. tr. 1889, pp. 122-23.

[1721] See the same volume, passim.

[1722] Karl von Raumer, Contrib. to the Hist. of the German Universities, Eng. tr. 1859, p. 79. The intellectual tone of W. Baur and K. von Raumer certainly protects them from any charge of "enlightenment."

[1723] Laing, Notes of a Traveller, 1842, p. 181.

[1724] C. H. Cotterill, Relig. Movements of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, 1849, pp. 39-40.

[1725] Id. pp. 27-28, 41-42.

[1726] Cp. Laing, as cited, pp. 206-207, 211.

[1727] Cotterill, as cited, p. 84.

[1728] Cotterill. as cited, pp. 43-47.

[1729] Rapport de Ida Altmann, in Almanach de Libre Pensée, 1906, p. 20.

[1730] The principal have been: Das freie Wort and Frankfurter Zeitung, Frankfort-on-Main; Der Freidenker, Friedrichshagen, near Berlin; Das freireligiöse Sonntagsblatt, Breslau; Die freie Gemeinde, Magdeburg; Der Atheist, Nuremberg; Menschentum, Gotha; Vossische Zeitung, Berlin; Berliner Volkszeitung, Berlin; Vorwärts (Socialist), Berlin; Weser Zeitung, Bremen; Hartungsche Zeitung, Königsberg; Kölnische Zeitung, Cologne.

[1731] Studemund, Der moderne Unglaube in den unteren Ständen, 1901, p. 14.

[1732] Id. p. 22.

[1733] A. D. McLaren, An Australian in Germany, 1911, pp. 181, 184.

[1734] Studemund, Der moderne Unglaube in den unteren Ständen, 1901, pp. 17, 21.

[1735] Glossen zu Yves Guyot's und Sigismund Lacroix's "Die wahre Gestalt des Christentums."

[1736] Studemund, p. 22.

[1737] Id. p. 23.

[1738] Id. p. 27.

[1739] Id. pp. 37-38.

[1740] Id. pp. 40-42. Cp. p. 43. Pastor Studemund cites other inquirers, notably Rade, Gebhardt, Lorenz, and Dietzgen, all to the same effect.

[1741] E.g. Pastor A. Kalthoff's Was wissen wir von Jesus? 1901. Since that date the opinion has found new and powerful supporters in Germany.

[1742] "The people in the country do not read; in the towns they read little. The journals are little circulated. In Russia one never sees a cabman, an artisan, a labourer reading a newspaper" (Ivan Strannik, La pensée russe contemporaine, 1903, p. 5).

[1743] Cp. E. Lavigne, Introduction à l'histoire du nihilisme russe, 1880, pp. 149, 161, 224; Arnaudo, Le Nihilisme, French trans. pp. 37, 58, 61, 63, 77, 86, etc.; Tikhomirov, La Russie, p. 290.

[1744] Tikhomirov, La Russie, pp. 325-26, 338-39.

[1745] Cp. Priestley, Essay on the First Principles of Government, 2nd ed. 1771, pp. 257-61, and Conway's Centenary History of South Place, pp. 63, 77, 80.

[1746] See Rev. Joseph Hunter, An Historical Defence of the Trustees of Lady Henley's Foundations, 1834; The History, Opinions, and Present Legal Position of the English Presbyterians (official), 1834; An Examination and Defence of the Principles of Protestant Dissent, by the Rev. W. Hamilton Drummond, of Dublin, 1842.

[1747] Conway, Autobiography, 1905, i, 123.

[1748] So Prof. William James, The Will to Believe, etc., 1897, p. 133.

[1749] Conway, Emerson at Home and Abroad, 1883, ch. vii.

[1750] Hagenbach, Kirchengeschichte des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts, 1848, ii, 422. Rationalism seems to have spread soonest in the canton of Zürich. Id. ii, 427.

[1751] Grote, Seven Letters concerning the Politics of Switzerland, pp. 34-35. Hagenbach (Kirchengeschichte, ii, 427-28) shows no shame over the insurrection at Zürich. But cp. Beard, in Voices of the Church in Reply to Dr. Strauss, 1845, pp. 17-18.

[1752] Cp. the rapport of Ch. Fulpius in the Almanach de Libre Pensée, 1906.

[1753] G. M. Theal, South Africa ("Story of the Nations" series), pp. 340, 345. Mr. Theal's view of the mental processes of the Boers is somewhat à priori, and his explanation seems in part inconsistent with his own narrative.

[1754] An English acquaintance of my own at Cape Town, who before the war not only was an orthodox believer, but found his chief weekly pleasure in attending church, was so astounded by the general attitude of the clergy on the war that he severed his connection, once for all. Thousands did the same in England.

[1755] I write on the strength of personal testimonies spontaneously given to me in South Africa, some of them by clergymen of the Dutch Reformed Church.

[1756] See the evidence collected in the pamphlet The Churches and the War, by Alfred Marks. New Age Office, 1905.

[1757] For the survey here reduced to outline I am indebted to two Swedish friends.

[1758] Cp. Lamon's Life of Lincoln, and J. B. Remsburg's Abraham Lincoln: Was he a Christian? (New York, 1893.)

[1759] Remsburg, pp. 318-19.

[1760] Personal information.

[1761] Remsburg, p. 324.

[1762] Of these the New York Truthseeker has been the most energetic and successful.

[1763] White, Warfare, i, 81.

[1764] White, Warfare, i, 84, 86, 314, 317, 318.

[1765] This view is not inconsistent with the fact that popular forms of credulity are also found specially flourishing in the West. Cp. Bryce, The American Commonwealth, 3rd ed. ii, 832-33.

[1766] As to the absolute predominance of rationalistic unbelief (in the orthodox sense of the word) in educated Germany in the first third of the century, see the Memoirs of F. Perthes, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. ii, 240-45, 255, 266-75. Despite the various reactions claimed by Perthes and others, it is clear that the tables have never since been turned. Cp. Pearson, Infidelity, pp. 554-59, 569-74. Schleiermacher was charged on his own side with making fatal concessions. Kahnis, Internal Hist. of German Protestantism, Eng. tr. 1856, pp. 210-11; Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, i, 181; and Quinet as there cited.

[1767] Aus Schleiermachers Leben: In Briefen, 1860, i, 42, 84. The father's letters, with their unctuous rhetoric, are a revelation of the power of declamatory habit to eliminate sincere thought.

[1768] Werke, 1843, i, 140.

[1769] See Kabnis, p. 214, and refs. as to his relations with Frau Grunow. "He belonged to the circle of Prince Louis, in which intellect and art, but not morality," reigned. Ib. Compare the sympathetic Lichtenberger, Hist. of Ger. Theol. in the Nineteenth Cent. Eng. tr. 1889, pp. 103-104. It was of course his clerical character that disadvantaged Schleiermacher in such matters.

[1770] Lichtenberger, as cited, p. 87.

[1771] Lichtenberger, as cited, p. 89.

[1772] Id. p. 109.

[1773] Id. pp. 123-24.

[1774] Id. p. 119.

[1775] Id. p. 129.

[1776] Strauss, Die Halben und die Ganzen, 1865, p. 18.

[1777] For estimates of his work cp. Baur, Kirchengeschichte des 19ten Jahrh., p. 45; Kahnis, as last cited; Pfleiderer, Development of Theology in Germany, 1893, bk. i, ch. iii; bk. ii, ch. ii; Lichtenberger, as cited; and art. by Rev. F. J. Smith in Theol. Review, July, 1869.

[1778] Reuss, History of the Canon, Eng. tr. 1890, p. 387. Cp. Strauss, Einleitung in Das Leben Jesu, § 10.

[1779] See a good account of the development in Strauss's Introductions to his two Lives of Jesus.

[1780] In a volume entitled Offenbarung und Mythologie.

[1781] Hebräische Mythologie des alten und neuen Testaments.

[1782] Evangeliencommentar, 1800-1804; Leben Jesu, 1828.

[1783] Probabilia de Evangelii et Epistolarum Joannis Apostoli indole et origine.

[1784] It is thus inaccurate--Strauss himself being the witness--to say, as does Dr. Conybeare (Hist. of N. T. Crit. p. 107), that Strauss was the first German writer to discern the unhistoricity of the Fourth Gospel.

[1785] Das Leben Jesu, pref. to first ed. end.

[1786] Hausrath, David Friedrich Strauss und die Theologie seiner Zeit, 1878, ii, 233-34.

[1787] Pref. to work cited. Eng. tr. 1875, i, 86, 89.

[1788] Lichtenberger, as cited, p. 391.

[1789] Kritik der evang. Gesch. der Synoptiker, ed. 1846, Vorrede, pp. v-xiii.

[1790] Baur, Kirchengesch. des 19ten Jahrh., pp. 388-89.

[1791] Gesch. der Politik, Kultur, und Aufklärung des 18ten Jahrh. 4 Bde. 1843-45; Gesch. der französ. Revolution, 3 Bde. 1847.

[1792] Russland und das Germanenthum, 1847.

[1793] Lichtenberger, p. 378.

[1794] Philo, Strauss, Renan, und das Urchristenthum, 1874; Christus und die Cäsaren, 1877.

[1795] Das Christenthum und die chr. Kirche, 1854, p. 34.

[1796] Das Leben Jesu für das deutsche Volk bearbeitet, § 41, 3te Aufl. p. 254, 1st par.

[1797] Id. ib.

[1798] Cp. Christianity and Mythology, pt. iii, div. ii, § 6.

[1799] Pref. to second Leben Jesu, ed. cited, p. xv.

[1800] Zeller, David Friedrich Strauss, 2te Aufl. p. 113.

[1801] Cheyne, Founders of Old Testament Criticism, 1893, p. 16. Eichhorn seems to have known Astruc's work only at second-hand, yet, without him, it might be contended, Astruc's work would have been completely lost to science. (Id. p. 23.)

[1802] See Dr. Cheyne's surveys, which are those of a liberal ecclesiastic--a point of view on which he has since notably advanced.

[1803] Cheyne, pp. 187-88.

[1804] Kuenen, The Hexateuch, Eng. tr. introd. pp. xiv-xvii.

[1805] Dr. Beard, in Voices of the Church in Reply to Strauss, 1845, pp. 16-17.

[1806] Zeller, D. F. Strauss, Eng. tr. 1879, p. 56.

[1807] See Gunkel, Zum religionsgeschichtlichen Verständnis des Neuen Testaments, 1903, pp. 1-2, note.

[1808] Mythen der alten Perser als Quellen christlicher Glaubenslehren, 1835; Der Mystagog, oder Deutung der Geheimenlehren, Symbole und Feste der christlichen Kirche, 1838; Rabbinische Quellen und Parallelen zu neutestamentlichen Schriftstellen, 1839; Biblische Mythologie des alten und neuen Testaments, 1842; Der Festkalender, 1847, etc.

[1809] Der Mystagog, 1838, p. vii, note, and p. 241.

[1810] See Nork's preamble on Hr. Fr. Daumer, ein kurzweiliger Molochsfänger, in his Biblische Mythologie, Bd. i.

[1811] After being acquitted in 1880. The first charge was founded on his Britannica article "Bible"; the second on the article "Hebrew Language and Literature," which appeared after the acquittal.

[1812] These utterances were noted for their "vigour and independence" by Kuenen, and also by Dr. Cheyne, who remarks that the earlier work of Kalisch on Exodus (1855) was somewhat behind the critical standpoint of contemporary investigators on the Continent. (Founders of Old Testament Criticism, p. 207.)

[1813] See his Introduction to the Study of the Old Testament, pref. "It is the spirit of compromise that I chiefly dread for our younger students," wrote Dr. Cheyne in 1893 (Founders, p. 247). His courteous criticism of Dr. Driver does not fail to point the moral in that writer's direction.

[1814] Conrad, The German Universities for the Last Fifty Years, Eng. tr. 1885, p. 74. See p. 100 as to the financial measures taken; and p. 105 as to the essentially financial nature of the "reaction."

[1815] Id. p. 103.

[1816] Id. p. 104.

[1817] Id. p. 112. See pp. 118-19 as to Austria.

[1818] Id. pp. 97-98.

[1819] White, Warfare, i, 239. In February, 1914, on a given Sunday, out of a Protestant population of over two millions, only 35,000 persons attended church in Berlin. Art. on "Creeds, Heresy-Hunting, and Secession in German Protestantism To-day," in Hibbert Journal for July, 1914, p. 722.

[1820] See Haeckel's Freedom in Science and Teaching, Eng. tr. with pref. by Huxley, 1879, pp. xix, xxv, xxvii, 89-90; and Clifford.

[1821] Büchner, for straightforwardly renouncing his connection with the State Church a generation ago, was blamed by many who held his philosophic opinions. In our own day, there has arisen a considerable Austrittsbewegung, or "Withdrawal Movement"; while creedless clerics strive to remain inside a Church bent on ejecting them. A. D. McLaren, in Hibbert Journal for July, 1914, art. cited.

[1822] Tracts for the Times, vol. ii, ed. 1839; Records of the Church, No. xxiv.

[1823] Tracts for the Times, No. 3.

[1824] Id. No. 32.

[1825] Cross's Life, 1-vol. ed. p. 79.

[1826] Account of the Printed Text of the Greek N. T., 1854, pref. and pp. 47, 112-13, 266.

[1827] A third brother, Charles Robert, became an atheist. This, as well as his psychic infirmity, insures him sufficiently severe treatment at the hands of his theistic brother in the introduction to the latter's Contributions Chiefly to the Early History of the late Cardinal Newman, 1891.

[1828] Latterly abandoned by the learned author, who before his death disclosed his name--W. R. Cassels.

[1829] See the testimonies of Pfleiderer, The Development of Theology since Kant, Eng. tr. 1890, p. 397, and Dr. Samuel Davidson, Introd. to the Study of the New Testament, pref. to 2nd ed.

[1830] Ptie. i, liv. i, ch. v.

[1831] Id. i, liv. iii, ch. ii.

[1832] It is further to be remembered, however, that Mr. Matthew Arnold saw fit to defend Chateaubriand, calling him "great," when his fame was being undone by common sense.

[1833] C. Wordsworth, Diary in France, 1845, pp. 55-56, 124, 204.

[1834] Essais sur la philosophie et la religion, 1845, p. 193.

[1835] Histoire, tom. vii, Renaissance, introd. § 6.

[1836] M. Faguet writes (Études sur le XIXe Siècle, p. 352) that "Michelet croit à l'âme plus qu'à Dieu, encore que profondément déiste. Les théories philosophiques modernes lui étaient pénibles." This may be true, though, hardly any evidence is offered on the latter head; but when M. Faguet writes, "Est-il chrétien? Je n'en sais rien ... mais il sympathise avec la pensée chrétienne," he seems to ignore the preface to the later editions of the Histoire de la révolution française. To pronounce Christianity, as Michelet there does, essentially anti-democratic, and therefore hostile to the Revolution, was, for him, to condemn it.

[1837] Letter to Sainte-Beuve, cited by Levallois, Sainte-Beuve, 1872, p. 14.

[1838] Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 951.

[1839] "L'incrédulité de Sainte-Beuve était sincère, radicale, et absolue. Elle a été invariable et invincible pendant trente ans. Voilà la vérité" (Jules Levallois, Sainte-Beuve, 1872, préf. p. xxxiii). M. Levallois, who writes as a theist, was one of Sainte-Beuve's secretaries. M. Zola, who spoke of the famous critic's rationalism as "une négation n'osant conclure," admitted later that it was hardly possible for him to speak more boldly than he did (Documents Littéraires, 1881, pp. 314, 325-28). And M. Lavisse has shown (as cited above, p. 406) with what courage he supported Duruy in the Senate against the attacks of the exasperated clerical party. See also his letter of 1867 to Louis Viardot in the avant-propos to that writer's Libre Examen: Apologie d'un Incrédule, 6e édit. 1881, p. 3.

[1840] That Wordsworth was not an orthodox Christian is fairly certain. Both in talk and in poetry he put forth a pantheistic doctrine. Cp. Benn, Hist. of Eng. Rationalism, i, 227-29; and Coleridge's letter of Aug. 8, 1820, in Allsopp's Letters, etc., of S. T. Coleridge, 3rd ed. 1864, pp. 56-57.

[1841] Leslie Stephen, George Eliot, p. 27.

[1842] Mr. Benn (Hist. of Eng. Rationalism, i, 226, 309 sq.) has some interesting discussions on Scott's relation to religion, but does not take full account of biographical data and of Scott's utterances outside of his novels. The truth probably is that Scott's brain was one with "watertight compartments."

[1843] At the age of twenty-five we find him writing to Gifford: "I am no bigot to infidelity, and did not expect that because I doubted the immortality of man I should be charged with denying the existence of God" (letter of June 18, 1813).

[1844] By the Court of Chancery, in 1822, the year in which copyright was refused to the Lectures of Dr. Lawrence. Harriet Martineau, History of the Peace, ii, 87.

[1845] W. Sharp, Life of Severn, 1892, pp. 86-87, 90, 117-18.