Chapter X: Book I (7)

Art. IV. Each subordinate council shall have power to adopt such by-laws, rules, and regulations, for its own government, as it may think proper, not inconsistent with the constitutions of the national and state councils.

FORM OF APPLICATION FOR A CHARTER TO ORGANIZE A NEW COUNCIL.

Post Office —— county,
Date ——.

To ——

President of the State Council of North Carolina:—

We, the undersigned, members of the Third Degree, being desirous of extending the influence and usefulness of our organization, do hereby ask for a warrant of dispensation, instituting and organizing us as a subordinate branch of the order, under the jurisdiction of the State Council of the State of North Carolina, to be known and hailed as Council No. ——, and to be located at ——, in the county of ——, State of North Carolina.

And we do hereby pledge ourselves to be governed by the Constitution of the State Council of the State of North Carolina, and of the Grand Council of the U. S. N. A., and that we will in all things conform to the rules and usages of the order.

Names. Residences.

FORM OF DISMISSION FROM ONE COUNCIL TO ANOTHER.

This is to certify that Brother ——, a member of —— Council, No. ——, having made an application to change his membership from this council to that of —— Council, No. ——, at ——, in the county of ——, I do hereby declare, that said brother has received an honorable dismission from this council, and is hereby recommended for membership in —— Council, No. ——, in the county of ——, N. C.; provided, however, that until Brother —— has been admitted to membership in said council, he is to be considered subject to the discipline of this council, to be dealt with by the same for any violation of the requirements of the order. This the —— day of ——, 185—, and the —— year of American Independence.

—— President, —— Council,
No. ——.

—— Secretary.

FORM OF CERTIFICATE FOR DELEGATES TO THE STATE COUNCIL.

—— Council, No. ——,
—— county of ——, N. C.

This is to certify that —— and —— were at the regular meeting of this council, held on the ——, 185—, duly elected delegates to represent this council in the next annual meeting of the state council, to be held in ——, on the 3d Monday in November next. And by virtue of the authority in me reposed, I do hereby declare the said —— and —— to be invested with all the rights, powers, and privileges of the delegates as aforesaid. This being the —— day of ——, 185—, and the —— year of our national independence.

—— —— President of
—— Council, No. ——

—— —— Secretary.

FORM OF NOTICE

_From the Subordinate Council to the State Council, whenever any Member
of a Subordinate Council is expelled._

—— Council, No. ——,
—— county of ——, N. C.

To the President of the State Council of North Carolina:

Sir:—This is to inform you that at a meeting of this council, held on the —— day of ——, 185—, —— —— was duly expelled from membership in said council, and thus deprived of all the privileges, rights, and benefits of this organization.

In accordance with the provisions of the constitution of the state council, you are hereby duly notified of the same, that you may officially notify all the subordinate councils of the state to be upon their guard against the said ——, as one unworthy to associate with patriotic and good men, and (_if expelled for violating his obligation_) as a perjurer to God and his country. The said —— is about —— years of age, and is by livelihood a ——.

Duly certified, this the —— day of —— 185—, and in the —— year of our national independence.

—— —— President of
—— Council, No. ——.

—— Secretary.

FIRST DEGREE COUNCIL.

To be admitted to membership in this order, the applicant shall be—

1st. Proposed and found acceptable.

2nd. Introduced and examined under the guarantee of secrecy.

3rd. Placed under the obligation which the order imposes.

4th. Required to enrol his name and place of residence.

5th. Instructed in the forms and usages and ceremonies of the order.

6th. Solemnly charged as to the objects to be obtained, and his duties.

[A recommendation of a candidate to this order shall be received only from a brother of approved integrity. It shall be accompanied by minute particulars as to name, age, calling, and residence, and by an explicit voucher for his qualifications, and a personal pledge for his fidelity. These particulars shall be recorded by the secretary in a book kept for that purpose. The recommendation may be referred, and the ballot taken at such time and in such a manner as the state council may prescribe; but no communication shall be made to the candidate until the ballot has been declared in his favor. Candidates shall be received in the ante-room by the marshal and secretary.]

OUTSIDE.

_Marshal._—Do you believe in a Supreme Being, the Creator and Preserver of the universe?

_Ans._—I do.

_Marshal._—Before proceeding further, we require a solemn obligation of secrecy and truth. If you will take such an obligation, you will lay your right hand upon the Holy Bible and cross.

(When it is known that the applicant is a Protestant, the cross may be omitted, or affirmation may be allowed.)

OBLIGATION.

You do solemnly swear (or affirm) that you will never reveal anything said or done in this room, the names of any persons present, nor the existence of this society, whether found worthy to proceed or not, and that all your declarations shall be true, so help you God?

_Ans._—“I do.”

_Marshal._—Where were you born?

_Marshal._—Where is your permanent residence?

(If born out of the jurisdiction of the United States, the answer shall be written, the candidate dismissed with an admonition of secrecy, and the brother vouching for him suspended from all the privileges of the order, unless upon satisfactory proof that he has been misinformed.)

_Marshal._—Are you twenty-one years of age?

_Ans._—“I am.”

_Marshal._—Were you born of Protestant parents, or were you reared under Protestant influence?

_Ans._—“Yes.”

_Marshal._—If married, is your wife a Roman Catholic?

(“No” or “Yes”—the answer to be valued as the Constitution of the State Council shall provide.)

_Marshal._—Are you willing to use your influence and vote only for native-born American citizens for all offices of honor, trust, or profit in the gift of the people, to the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, and Roman Catholics in particular, and without regard to party predilections?

_Ans._—“I am.”

INSIDE.

(The marshal shall then repair to the council in session, and present the written list of names, vouchers, and answers to the president, who shall cause them to be read aloud, and a vote of the council to be taken on each name, in such manner as prescribed by its by-laws. If doubts arise in the ante-room, they shall be referred to the council. If a candidate be dismissed, he shall be admonished to secrecy. The candidates declared elected shall be conducted to seats within the council, apart from the brethren. When all are present the president by one blow of the gavel, shall call to order and say:)

_President._—Brother marshal, introduce the candidates to the vice-president.

_Marshal._—Worthy Vice-President, I present to you these candidates, who have duly answered all questions.

_Vice-President_, rising in his place.—Gentlemen, it is my office to welcome you as friends. When you shall have assumed the patriotic vow by which we are all bound, we will embrace you as brothers. I am authorized to declare that our obligations enjoin nothing which is inconsistent with the duty which every good man owes to his Creator, his country, his family, or himself. We do not compel you, against your convictions, to act with us in our good work; but should you at any time wish to withdraw, it will be our duty to grant you a dismissal in good faith. If satisfied with this assurance, you will rise upon your feet (_pausing till they do so_), place the left hand upon the breast, and raise the right hand towards heaven.

(The brethren to remain seated till called up.)

OBLIGATION.

In the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, you do solemnly promise and swear, that you will never betray any of the secrets of this society, nor communicate them even to proper candidates, except within a lawful council of the order; that you never will permit any of the secrets of this society to be written, or in any other manner made legible, except for the purpose of official instruction; that you will not vote, nor give your influence for any man for any office in the gift of the people, unless he be an American born citizen, in favor of Americans ruling America, nor if he be a Roman Catholic; that you will in all political matters, so far as this order is concerned, comply with the will of the majority, though it may conflict with your personal preference, so long as it does not conflict with the Constitution of the United States of America, or that of the state in which you reside; that you will not, under any circumstances whatever, knowingly recommend an unworthy person for initiation, nor suffer it to be done, if in your power to prevent it; that you will not, under any circumstances, expose the name of any member of this order, nor reveal the existence of such an association; that you will answer an _imperative notice_ issued by the proper authority; obey the command of the state council, president, or his deputy, while assembled by such notice, and respond to the claim of a _sign_ or _cry_ of the order, unless it be physically impossible; and that you will acknowledge the State Council of —— as the legislative head, the ruling authority, and the supreme tribunal of the order in the state of ——, acting under the jurisdiction of the National Council of the United States of North America.

Binding yourself in the penalty of excommunication from the order, the forfeiture of all intercourse with its members, and being denounced in all the societies of the same, as a wilful traitor to your God and your country.

(The president shall call up every person present, by three blows of the gavel, when the candidates shall all repeat after the vice-president in concert:)

All this I voluntarily and sincerely promise, with a full understanding of the solemn sanctions and penalties.

_Vice-President._—You have now taken solemn oaths, and made as sacred promises as man can make, that you will keep all our secrets inviolate; and we wish you distinctly to understand that he that takes these oaths and makes these promises, and then violates them, leaves the foul, the deep and blighting stain of perjury resting on his soul.

_President._—(Having seated all by one blow of the gavel.)—Brother Instructor, these new brothers having complied with the demand of the order, are entitled to the secrets and privileges of the same. You will, therefore, invest them with everything appertaining to the first degree.

_Instructor._—Brothers: the practices and proceedings in our order are as follows:

We have pass-words necessary to be used to obtain admission to our councils; forms for our conduct while there; means of recognizing each other when abroad; means of mutual protection; and methods for giving notices to members.

At the outer door you will[4] (_make any ordinary alarm_ to attract the attention of the outside sentinel).

When the wicket is opened you will pronounce the (_words—what’s the pass_), in a whisper. The outside sentinel will reply (_Give it_), when you will give the term pass-word and be admitted to the ante-room. You will then proceed to the inner door and give (one rap). When the wicket is opened, give your name, the number of, and location of your council, the explanation of the term pass, and the degree pass-word.

If these be found correct, you will be admitted; if not, your name will be reported to the vice president, and must be properly vouched for before you can gain admission to the council. You will then proceed to the centre of the room and address the (_President_) with the countersign, which is performed thus (_placing the right hand diagonally across the mouth_). When this salutation is recognized, you will quietly take your seat.

This sign is peculiar to this degree, and is never to be used outside the council room, nor during the conferring of this degree. When retiring, you will address the (_Vice-President_) in the same manner, and also give the degree pass-word to the inside sentinel.

The “term pass-word” is (_We are_).

(The pass-word and explanation is to be established by each State Council for its respective subordinates.)

The “explanation” of the “term pass,” to be used at the inner door, is (_our country’s hope_).

The “degree pass-word” is (_Native_).

The “traveling pass-word” is (_The memory of our pilgrim fathers_).

(This word is changed annually by the President of the National Council of the United States, and is to be made and used only when the brother is traveling beyond the jurisdiction of his own state, district, or territory. It and all other pass-words must be communicated in a whisper, and no brother is entitled to communicate them to another, without authority from the presiding officer.)

“The sign of recognition” is (_grasping the right lappel of the coat with the right hand, the fore finger being extended inwards_).

The “answer” is given by (_a similar action with the left hand_).

The “grip” is given by (_an ordinary shake of the hand_).

The person challenging shall (_then draw the fore finger along the palm of the hand_). The answer will be given by (_a similar action forming a link by hooking together the ends of the fore finger_); when the following conversation ensues—the challenging party first saying (_is that yours?_). The answer, (_it is_). Then the response (_how did you get it?_), followed by the rejoinder (_it is my birthright_).

Public notice for a meeting is given by means of a (_piece of white paper the shape of a heart_).

(In cities[5] the *** of the *** where the meeting is to be held, will be written legibly upon the notice; and upon the election day said *** will denote the *** where your presence is needed. This notice will never be passed, but will be *** or thrown upon the sidewalk with a *** in the centre.)

If information is wanting of the object of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the inquirer will ask of an undoubted brother (_where’s when?_) The brother will give the information if possessed of it; if not it will be yours and his duty to continue the inquiry, and thus disseminate the call throughout the brotherhood.

If the color of _the paper_ (be _red_), it will denote actual trouble, which requires that you come prepared to meet it.

The “cry of distress”—to be used only in time of danger, or where the American interest requires an immediate assemblage of the brethren—is (_oh, oh, oh_). The response is (_hio, hio, h-i-o_).

The “sign of caution”—to be given when a brother is speaking unguardedly before a stranger—is (_drawing the fore finger and thumb together across the eyes, the rest of the hand being closed_), which signifies “keep dark.”

Brothers, you are now initiated into and made acquainted with the work and organization of a council of this degree of the order; and the marshal will present you to the worthy president for admonition.

_President._—It has no doubt, been long apparent to you, brothers, that foreign influence and Roman Catholicism have been making steady and alarming progress in our country. You cannot have failed to observe the significant transition of the foreigner and Romanist from a character quiet, retiring, and even abject, to one bold, threatening, turbulent, and despotic in its appearance and assumptions. You must have become alarmed at the systematic and rapidly augmenting power of these dangerous and unnatural elements of our national condition. So it is, brothers, with others beside yourselves in every state of the Union. A sense of danger has struck the great heart of the nation. In every city, town, and hamlet, the danger has been seen and the alarm sounded. And hence true men have devised this order as a means of disseminating patriotic principles, of keeping alive the fire of national virtue, of fostering the national intelligence, and of advancing America and the American interest on the one side, and on the other of checking the strides of the foreigner or alien, or thwarting the machinations and subverting the deadly plans of the papist and Jesuit.

Note.—The President shall impress upon the initiates the importance of secrecy, the manner of proceeding in recommending candidates for initiation, and the responsibility of the duties which they have assumed.

SECOND DEGREE COUNCIL.

_Marshal._—Worthy President: These brothers have been duly elected to the second degree of this order. I present them to you for obligation.

_President._—Brothers: You will place your left hand upon your right breast, and extend your right hand towards the flag of our country, preparatory to obligation. (Each council room should have a neat American flag festooned over the platform of the President.)

OBLIGATION.

You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting upon your right breast, and your right hand extended to the flag of your country, do solemnly and sincerely swear, that you will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass-words, or other secrets of this degree, except in open council for the purpose of instruction; that you will in all things conform to all the rules and regulations of this order, and to the constitution and by-laws of this or any other council to which you may be attached, so long as they do not conflict with the Constitution of the United States, nor that of the State in which you reside; that you will under all circumstances, if in your power so to do, attend to all regular signs or summons that may be thrown or sent to you by a brother of this or any other degree of this order; that you will support in all political matters, for all political offices, members of this order in preference to other persons; that if it may be done legally, you will, when elected or appointed to any official station conferring on you the power to do so remove all foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics from office or place, and that you will in no case appoint such to any office or place in your gift. You do also promise and swear that this and all other obligations which you have previously taken in this order shall ever be kept through life sacred and inviolate. All this you promise and declare, as Americans, to sustain and abide by, without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. So help you God and keep you steadfast.

(Each will answer “I do.”)

_President._—Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for instructions in the second degree of the order.

_Marshal._—Brother Instructor, by direction of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the secrets and mysteries of the second degree of the order.

_Instructor._—Brothers, in this degree we have an entering sign and a countersign. At the outer door proceed (_as in the first degree_). At the inner door you will make (_two raps_), and proceed as in the first degree, giving the second degree pass-word, which is _American_, instead of that of the first degree. If found to be correct, you will then be admitted, and proceed (_to the centre of the room_), giving the countersign, which is made thus (_extending the right arm to the national flag over the president, the palm of the hand being upwards_).

The sign of recognition in this degree is the same as in the first degree, with the addition of (_the middle finger_), and the response to be made in a (_similar manner_).

Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the worthy president for admonition.

_Marshal._—Worthy President, I now present these candidates to you for admonition.

_President._—Brothers, you are now duly initiated into the second degree of this order. Renewing the congratulations which we extended to you upon your admission to the first degree, we admonish you by every tie that may nerve patriots, to aid us in our efforts to restore the political institutions of our country to their original purity. Begin with the youth of our land. Instil into their minds the lessons of our country’s history—the glorious battles and the brilliant deeds of patriotism of our fathers, through which we received the inestimable blessings of civil and religious liberty. Point them to the example of the sages and the statesmen who founded our government. Implant in their bosoms an ardent love for the Union. Above all else, keep alive in their bosoms the memory, the maxims, and the deathless example of our illustrious WASHINGTON.

Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have severally taken in this and the first degree, I now pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membership in this the second degree of our order.

THIRD DEGREE COUNCIL.

_Marshal._—Worthy President, these brothers having been duly elected to the third degree of this order, I present them before you for obligation.

_President._—Brothers, you will place yourselves in a circle around me, each one crossing your arms upon your breasts, and grasping firmly each other’s hands, holding the right hand of the brother on the right and the left hand of the brother on the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical of the links of an unbroken chain, and of a ring which has no end.

Note.—This degree is to be conferred with the national flag elevated in the centre of the circle, by the side of the president or instructor, and not on less than five at any one time, in order to give it solemnity, and also for the formation of the circle—except in the first instance of conferring it on the officers of the state and subordinate councils, that they may be empowered to progress with the work.

The obligation and charge in this degree may be given by the president or instructor, as the president may prefer.

OBLIGATION.

You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, with your hands joined in token of that fraternal affection which should ever bind together the States of this Union—forming a ring, in token of your determination that, so far as your efforts can avail, this Union shall have no end—do solemnly and sincerely swear [or affirm] that you will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others if in your power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass-words, or other secrets of this degree, except to those to whom you may prove on trial to be brothers of the same degree, or in open council, for the purpose of instruction; that you do hereby solemnly declare your devotion to the Union of these States; that in the discharge of your duties as American citizens, you will uphold, maintain, and defend it; that you will discourage and discountenance any and every attempt, coming from any and every quarter, which you believe to be designed or calculated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken its bonds; and that you will use your influence, so far as in your power, in endeavoring to procure an amicable and equitable adjustment of all political discontents or differences which may threaten its injury or overthrow. You further promise and swear [or affirm] that you will not vote for any one to fill any office of honor, profit or trust of a political character, whom you know or believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union of these States, or who is endeavoring to produce that result; that you will vote for and support for all political offices, third or union degree members of this order in preference to all others; that if it may be done consistently with the constitution and laws of the land, you will, when elected or appointed to any official station which may confer on you the power to do so, remove from office or place all persons whom you know or believe to be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who are endeavoring to produce that result; and that you will in no case appoint such person to any political office or place whatever. All this you promise and swear [or affirm] upon your honor as American citizens and friends of the American Union, to sustain and abide by without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. You also promise and swear [or affirm] that this and all other obligations which you have previously taken in this order, shall ever be kept sacred and inviolate. To all this you pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors. So help you God and keep you steadfast.

(Each one shall answer, “I do.”)

_President._—Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the instructor for final instruction in this third degree of the order.

_Marshal._—Instructor, by direction of our worthy president, I present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the secrets and mysteries of this the third degree of our order.

_Instructor._—Brothers, in this degree as in the second, we have an entering pass-word, a degree pass-word, and a token of salutation. At the outer door (_make any ordinary alarm_. The outside sentinel will say _U_; you say _ni_; the sentinel will rejoin _on_). This will admit you to the inner door. At the inner door you will make (_three_) distinct (_raps_), Then announce your name, with the number (or name) and location of the council to which you belong, giving the explanation to the pass-word, which is (_safe_). If found correct, you will then be admitted, when you will proceed to the centre of the room, and placing the (_hands on the breast with the fingers interlocked_), give the token of salutation, which is (_by bowing to the president_). You will then quietly take your seat.

The sign of recognition is made by the same action as in the second degree, with the addition of (_the third finger_), and the response is made by (a similar action with _the left hand_).

(The grip is given by taking hold of the _hand in the usual way_, and then by _slipping the finger around on the top of the thumb_; then extending the _little finger and pressing the inside_ of the _wrist_. The person challenging shall say, _do you know what that is?_ The answer is _yes_. The challenging party shall say, further, _what is it?_ The answer is, _Union_.)

[The instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with explanations, and also the true pass-word of this degree, which is (_Union_).]

CHARGE.

To be given by the president.

Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your advancement to the third degree of our order. The responsibilities you have now assumed, are more serious and weighty than those which preceded, and are committed to such only as have been tried and found worthy. Our obligations are intended as solemn avowals of our duty to the land that gave us birth; to the memories of our fathers; and to the happiness and welfare of our children. Consecrating to your country a spirit unselfish and a fidelity like that which distinguished the patriots of the Revolution, you have pledged your aid in cementing the bonds of a Union which we trust will endure for ever. Your deportment since your initiation has attested your devotion to the principles we desire to establish, and has inspired a confidence in your patriotism, of which we can give no higher proof than your reception here.

The dangers which threaten American liberty arise from foes without and from enemies within. The first degree pointed out the source and nature of our most imminent peril, and indicated the first measure of safety. The second degree defined the next means by which, in coming time, such assaults may be rendered harmless. The third degree, which you have just received, not only reiterates the lessons of the other two, but it is intended to avoid and provide for a more remote, but no less terrible danger, from domestic enemies to our free institutions.

Our object is briefly this:—to perfect an organization modeled after that of the Constitution of the United States, and coextensive with the confederacy. Its object and principles, in all matters of national concern, to be uniform and identical whilst in all local matters the component parts shall remain independent and sovereign within their respective limits.

The great result to be attained—the only one which can secure a perfect guarantee as to our future—is UNION; permanent, enduring, fraternal UNION! Allow me, then, to impress upon your minds and memories the touching sentiments of the Father of his Country, in his Farewell Address:—

“The unity of government which constitutes you one people,” says Washington, “is justly dear to you, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, of your peace abroad, of your safety, your prosperity—even that liberty you so justly prize.

“* * * It is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your _National Union_, to your collective and individual happiness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now bind together the various parts.”

Let these words of paternal advice and warning, from the greatest man that ever lived, sink deep into your hearts. Cherish them, and teach your children to reverence them, as you cherish and reverence the memory of Washington himself. The Union of these states is the great conservator of that liberty so dear to the American heart. Without it, our greatness as a nation would disappear, and our boasted self-government prove a signal failure. The very name of liberty, and the hopes of struggling freedom throughout the world, must perish in the wreck of this Union. Devote yourselves, then, to its maintenance, as our fathers did to the cause of independence; consecrating to its support, as you have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors.

Brothers: Recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have severally taken in this and the preceding degrees, I now pronounce you entitled to all the privileges of membership in this organization, and take pleasure in informing you that you are now members of the order of (_the American Union_.)

American, Whig, Republican and Democratic Nominations of 1856.

The American convention met the next day after the session of the National Council of the Order, on the 22d February, 1856. It was composed of 227 delegates; all the States being represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia and South Carolina. Hon. Millard Fillmore was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Donelson for Vice-President.

The Whig Convention met at Baltimore, September 17, 1856, and endorsed the nominations made by the American party, and in its platform declared that “without adopting or referring to the peculiar doctrines of the party which has already selected Mr. Fillmore as a candidate” * * * Resolved, that in the present exigency of political affairs, we are not called upon to discuss the subordinate questions of the administration in the exercising of the constitutional powers of the government. It is enough to know that civil war is raging, and that the Union is in peril; and proclaim the conviction that the restoration of Mr. Fillmore to the Presidency will furnish the best if not the only means of restoring peace.

The first National Convention of the new Republican party met at Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President, and William L. Dayton for Vice-President. Since the previous Presidential election, a new party consisting of the disaffected former adherents of the other parties—Native and Independent Democrats, Abolitionists, and Whigs opposed to slavery—had sprung into existence, and was called by its adherents and friends, the Republican party.

This convention of delegates assembled in pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past political differences or divisions, who were opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. To the policy of President Pierce’s administration: To the extension of slavery into free territory: In favor of the admission of Kansas as a free State: Of restoring the action of the federal government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson.

It adopted a platform, consisting of a set of resolutions, the principal one of which was: “That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained.” And closed with a resolution: “That we invite the approbation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our country, guaranties liberty of conscience and equality of rights among citizens, we oppose all legislation impairing their security.”

The Democratic Convention, met at Cincinnati, in May 1856, and nominated James Buchanan for President, and John C. Breckenridge for Vice-President. It adopted a platform which contained the material portions of all its previous platforms, and also defined its position on the new issues of the day, and declared (1) that the revenue to be raised should not exceed the actual necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual extinction of the public debt; (2) that the Constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements; (3) for a strict construction of the powers granted by the Constitution to the federal government; (4) that Congress has no power to charter a national bank; (5) that Congress has no power to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories; the people of which have the exclusive right and power to settle that question for themselves. (6) Opposition to native Americanism.

At the election which followed, in November, 1856, the Democratic candidates were elected, though by a popular minority vote, having received 1,838,160 popular votes, and 174 electoral votes, against 2,215,768 popular votes, and 122 electoral votes for John C. Fremont, the Republican candidate, and Mr. Fillmore, the Whig and American candidate.

The aggregate vote cast for Mr. Fillmore, who was the nominee on both the Whig and American tickets, was 874,534, and his electoral vote was eight; that of the State of Maryland. This was the last national election at which the Whigs appeared as a party, under that name; they having joined with the American and with the Republican parties, and finally united with the latter after the downfall and extinction of the former. In the State elections of that year, (1856) the American party carried Rhode Island and Maryland; and in the 35th Congress, which met in December, 1857, the party had 15 to 20 Representatives and five Senators. When the 36th Congress met, in 1859, it had become almost a border State or Southern party, having two Senators; one from Kentucky and one from Maryland; and 23 Representatives, five from Kentucky, seven from Tennessee, three from Maryland, one from Virginia, four from North Carolina, two from Georgia, and one from Louisiana. The American party had none of the elements of persistence. It made another desperate effort, however, in the next Presidential campaign, but having failed to carry the South, disappeared finally from politics.

The new Republican party polled a very large vote—1,341,234 out of a total vote of 4,053,928—and its candidates received 114 votes out of 296, in the electoral college; having secured majorities in all the free States, except Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and California.

The successful candidate, Mr. James Buchanan, was duly inaugurated as President of the United States, and entered upon the discharge of his duties as such, March 4, 1857.

After the election of November, 1856, the Republican Association of Washington issued an address to the people, in which the results of the election were examined, and the future policy of the party stated. It is an interesting paper, as laying the foundation of the campaign of 1860, which followed, and is here given in full:

“Republican Association of Washington.

_Address to the Republicans of the United States._

“WASHINGTON, _Nov. 27, 1856_.

“The Presidential contest is over, and at last we have some materials
to enable us to form a judgment of the results.

“Seldom have two parties emerged from a conflict with less of joy in
the victors, more of hope in the vanquished. The pro-slavery party has
elected its Presidential candidate, only, however, by the votes of a
minority, and that of such a character as to stamp the victory as the
offspring of sectionalism and temporary causes. The Republicans,
wherever able to present clearly to the public the real issue of the
canvass—slavery restriction or slavery extension—have carried the
people with them by unprecedented majorities; almost breaking up in
some States the organization of their adversaries. A sudden gathering
together of the people, alarmed at the inroads of the slave power,
rather than a well organized party, with but a few months to attend to
the complicated details of party warfare; obstructed by a secret
Order, which had pre-occupied the field, and obtained a strong hold of
the national and religious prejudices of the masses; opposed to an old
party, commencing the canvass with the united support of a powerful
section, hardened by long party drill, accustomed to victory, wielding
the whole power of the federal administration—a party which only four
years ago carried all but four of the States, and a majority of the
popular vote—still, under all these adverse circumstances, they have
triumphed in eleven, if not twelve of the free States, pre-eminent for
enterprise and general intelligence, and containing one-half of the
whole population of the country; given to their Presidential candidate
nearly three times as many electoral votes as were cast by the Whig
party in 1852; and this day control the governments of fourteen of the
most powerful States of the Union.

“Well may our adversaries tremble in the hour of their victory. ‘The
Democratic and Black Republican parties,’ they say, ‘are nearly
balanced in regard to power. The former was victorious in the recent
struggle, but success was hardly won, with the aid of important
accidental advantages. The latter has abated nothing of its zeal, and
has suffered no pause in its preparations for another battle.’

“With such numerical force, such zeal, intelligence, and harmony in
counsel; with so many great States, and more than a million voters
rallied to their standard by the efforts of a few months, why may not
the Republicans confidently expect a victory in the next contest?

“The necessity for their organization still exists in all its force.
Mr. Buchanan has always proved true to the demands of his party. He
fully accepted the Cincinnati platform, and pledged himself to its
policy—a policy of filibustering abroad, propagandism at home.
Prominent and controlling among his supporters are men committed, by
word and deed, to that policy; and what is there in his character, his
antecedents, the nature of his northern support, to authorize the
expectation that he will disregard their will? Nothing will be so
likely to restrain him and counteract their extreme measures, as a
vigorous and growing Republican organization, as nothing would be more
necessary to save the cause of freedom and the Union, should he, as we
have every reason to believe, continue the pro-slavery policy of the
present incumbent. Let us beware of folding our arms, and waiting to
see what he will do. We know the ambition, the necessities, the
schemes of the slave power. Its policy of extension and aggrandizement
and universal empire, is the law of its being, not an accident—is
settled, not fluctuating. Covert or open, moderate or extreme,
according to circumstances, it never changes in spirit or aim. With
Mr. Buchanan, the elect of a party controlled by this policy,
administering the government, the safety of the country and of free
institutions must rest in the organization of the Republican party.

“What, then, is the duty before us? Organization, vigilance, action;
action on the rostrum, through the press, at the ballot-box; in state,
county, city, and town elections; everywhere, at all times; in every
election, making Republicanism, or loyalty to the policy and
principles it advocates, the sole political test. No primary or
municipal election should be suffered to go by default. The party that
would succeed nationally must triumph in states—triumph in the state
elections, must be prepared by municipal success.

“Next to the remaining power in the states already under their
control, let the Republicans devote themselves to the work of
disseminating their principles, and initiating the true course of
political action in the states which have decided the election against
them. This time we have failed, for reasons nearly all of which may be
removed by proper effort. Many thousand honest, but not well-informed
voters, who supported Mr. Buchanan under the delusive impression that
he would favor the cause of free Kansas will soon learn their mistake,
and be anxious to correct it. The timid policy of the Republicans in
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, in postponing their independent
action, and temporizing with a party got up for purposes not
harmonizing with their own, and the conduct of Mr. Fillmore’s friends
in either voting for Mr. Buchanan, or dividing the opposition by a
separate ticket, can hardly be repeated again. The true course of the
Republicans is to organize promptly, boldly, and honestly upon their
own principles, so clearly set forth in the Philadelphia platform,
and, avoiding coalitions with other parties, appeal directly to the
masses of all parties to ignore all organizations and issues which
would divert the public mind from the one danger that now threatens
the honor and interests of the country, and the subtlety of the
Union—slavery propagandism allied with disunionism.

“Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but
of sufficient information, that prevents the American people from
being united in action against the aggressive policy of the slave
power. Were these simple questions submitted to-day to the people of
the United States:—Are you in favor of the extension of slavery? Are
you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of the federal
government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in
response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind,
nineteen-twentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more
than half of the people of the slave States, would return a decided
negative to both.

“Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they
are hostile to the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories
of the Union be consecrated to free labor and free institutions; and
that they require only enlightenment as to the most effectual means of
securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment into a fixed
principle of action.

“The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in
the South, no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts the election of Mr.
Buchanan as affording time and means to consolidate its strength and
mature its plans, which comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas,
and the recognition of slavery in all territory of the United States,
but the conversion of the lower half of California into a slave State,
the organization of a new slavery territory in the Gadsden purchase,
the future annexation of Nicaragua and subjugation of Central America,
and the acquisition of Cuba; and, as the free States are not expected
to submit to all this, ultimate dismemberment of the Union, and the
formation of a great slaveholding confederacy, with foreign alliances
with Brazil and Russia. It may assume at first a moderate tone, to
prevent the sudden alienation of its Northern allies; it may delay the
development of its plot, as it did under the Pierce administration;
but the repeal of the Missouri compromise came at last, and so will
come upon the country inevitably the final acts of the dark
conspiracy. When that hour shall come, then will the honest Democrats
of the free States be driven into our ranks, and the men of the slave
States who prefer the republic of Washington, Adams and Jefferson—a
republic of law, order and liberty—to an oligarchy of slaveholders and
slavery propagandists, governed by Wise, Atchison, Soulé, and Walker,
founded in fraud and violence and seeking aggrandizement by the
spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the
Republican party to preserve liberty and the Union, one and
inseparable, perpetual and all powerful.

“Washington, D. C., Nov. 27, 1856.”

The Kansas Struggle.

It was the removal of the interdiction against slavery, in all the territory north of 36° 30′, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise which gave legality to the struggle for Kansas, and it was the doctrine of popular sovereignty which gave an impartial invitation to both sides to enter the struggle. The aggressive men of both parties hurried emigrants to the Territory. Each accused the other of organized efforts, and soon in the height of the excitement these charges were rather confessed than denied.

A new question was soon evolved by the struggle, for some who entered from the South took their slaves with them. The Free State men now contended that slavery was a local institution and confined to the States where it existed, and that if an emigrant passed into the territory with his slaves these became free. The Southern view was, that slaves were recognized as property by the National Constitution; that therefore their masters had a right to take them there and hold them under constitutional guarantees, the same as any other property; that to assert anything else would be to deny the equality of the States within their common territory, and degrade them from the rank of equals to that of inferiors. This last proposition had such force that it would doubtless have received more general recognition if the North had not felt that the early compact dedicating the territories north of 36° 30′ to freedom, had been violated. In answer to this proposition they therefore proclaimed in their platforms and speeches, and there was no other logical answer, “that freedom was National, and slavery Sectional.”

We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed and rapine soon followed the attempts of the opposing parties to get control of its government. What were called the “Border Ruffians” by the Free State men, because of active and warlike organization in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical.

The pro-slavery party sustained the Territorial government appointed by the administration; the anti-slavery party repudiated it, because of its presumed committal to slavery. The election for members of the Territorial legislature had been attended with much violence and fraud, and it was claimed that these things properly annulled any action taken by that body. A distinct and separate convention was called at Topeka to frame a State constitution, and the Free State men likewise elected their own Governor and Legislature to take the place of those appointed by Buchanan, and when the necessary preliminaries were completed, they applied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by recognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856–7, which terminated immediately before the inauguration of President Buchanan.

At the beginning of Buchanan’s administration in 1857, the Republicans almost solidly faced the Democrats. There still remained part of the division caused by the American or Know-Nothing party, but its membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the tendency of their sentiments on the great question which was now rapidly dividing the two great sections of the Union. The result of the long Congressional struggle over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska was simply this: “That Congress was neither to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States,”[6] and it was specially prescribed that when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery as the constitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission.

This was, as it proved, but a temporary settlement on the principle of popular sovereignty, and was regarded at the time as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. Douglas by the friends of that great politician. The more radical leaders of the South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect invited a conflict.

The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan’s election was a triumph for the South; Fremont’s large vote showed the power of a growing party as yet but partially organized, and crippled by schisms which grew out of the attempt to unite all elements of opposition to the Democrats. The general plan of the latter was now changed into an attempt to unite all of the free-soil elements into a party organization against slavery, and from that time forward until its total abolition slavery was the paramount issue in the minds of the more aggressive men of the north. Lincoln voiced the feelings of the Republicans when he declared in one of his Illinois speeches:—

“We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guaranties free speech; until everywhere, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil.”

In the Congressional battle over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the language which we have quoted from Buchanan’s inaugural was the literal meaning which Douglas had given to his idea of “popular” or “squatter sovereignty.”