Chapter XIII: Part II: The Practice of Horticulture (11)

The Springs were first used by the itinerant trappers. They were visited about 1800 by French hunters; and by members of the Lewis and Clark party in 1804 under instructions from President Thomas Jefferson. The permanent occupation of the town site dates only from 1828, though as early as 1807 a temporary settlement was made. In 1876 Hot Springs was incorporated as a town, and in 1879 it was chartered as a city. In 1832 Congress created a reservation, but the right of the government as against private claimants was definitely settled only in 1876, by a decision of the United States Supreme Court. The city was almost destroyed by fire in 1878, and was greatly improved in the rebuilding.

HOT SPRINGS, a hamlet and health-resort in Cedar Creek District, Bath county, Virginia, U.S.A., 25 m. by rail (a branch of the Chesapeake & Ohio railway) N. by E. of Covington and near the N.W. border of the state. It lies in a narrow valley, about 2200-2500 ft. above the sea, with rugged mountains on either side. Pop. of the district (1900) 1761; (1910) 2472. The mean summer temperature is only 69 deg. F., and the summer nights are always cool. There is a good golf-course. Mineral waters (with magnesia, soda-lithia and alum) issue from several springs, some at a temperature as high as 106 deg. F., and are used both for drinking and for bathing. The Warm Sulphur Springs (about 98 deg. F.) are 5 m. N.; Healing Springs (85 deg. F.) are 2(1/2) m. S. of Hot Springs; and a few miles to the S.E., in Rockbridge county, are Rockbridge and Jordan Alum Springs.

HOTTENTOTS, an African people of western Cape Colony and the adjoining German territory, formerly widely spread throughout South Africa. The name is that given them by the early Dutch settlers at the Cape, being a Dutch word of an onomatopoeic kind to express stammering, in reference to the staccato pronunciation and clicks of the native language. Some early writers termed them Hodmadods or Hodmandods, and others Hot-nots and Ottentots--all corruptions of the same word. Their name for themselves was Khoi-Khoin (men of men), or Quae Quae, Kwekhena, t'Kuhkeub, the forms varying according to the several dialects. Early authorities believed them to be totally distinct from all other African races. The researches of Gustav Fritsch, Dr E. T. Hamy, F. Shrubsall and others have demonstrated, however, that they are not so much a distinct or independent variety of mankind as the result of a very old cross between two other varieties--the Bantu Negro (containing a distinct Hamitic element) and the Bushman. Hamy calls them simply "Bushman-Bantu half-breeds," the Bushman element being seen in the leathery colour, compared to that of the "sere and yellow leaf"; in the remarkably prominent cheekbones and pointed chin, giving the face a peculiarly triangular shape; and lastly, in such highly specialized characters as the _tablier_ and the _steatopygia_ of the women. The cranial capacity is also nearly the same (1331 c.c. in the Bushman, 1365 c.c. in the Hottentot), and on these anatomical grounds Shrubsall concludes that the two are essentially one race, allowing for the undeniable strain of Bantu blood in the Hottentot. This view is further strengthened by the vast range in prehistoric times of the Hottentot variety, which, since the time of Martin H. K. Lichtenstein (1800-1804), was known to have comprised the whole of Africa south of the Zambezi, and has since been extended as far north as the equatorial lake region.

Fritsch divides the Hottentots into three bodies; the Cape Hottentots, from the Cape peninsula eastward to Kaffraria, the Koranna, chiefly on the right bank of the Orange river, but also found on the Harts and the Vaal, and the Namaqua in the western portion of South Africa. Of these all save the last mentioned have ceased to exist in any racial purity. The name which the Namaqua give to themselves is _Khoi-Khoin_, and this name must be distinguished from that of the Berg-Damara or _Hau-Khoin_, since the latter are physically of Bantu origin though they have borrowed their speech from the Hottentots. While the Namaqua preserve the racial type and speech, the other so-called Hottentots are more or less Hottentot-Dutch or Hottentot-Bantu half-breeds, mainly of debased Dutch speech, although the Koranna still here and there speak a moribund Hottentot jargon flooded with Dutch and English words and expressions. When the Cape Colony became a part of the British empire the protection given to the natives arrested the process of extermination with which the Hottentots were then threatened, but it did not promote racial purity. Sir John Barrow, describing the condition of the Hottentots in 1798, estimated their number at about 15,000 souls. In 1806 the official return gave a Hottentot population of 9784 males and 10,642 females. In 1824 they had increased to 31,000. At the census of 1865 they numbered 81,589, but by this time the official classification "Hottentot" signified little more than a half-breed. The returns for 1904 showed a "Hottentot" population of 85,892. Very few of these were pure-bred Hottentots, while the official estimate of those in which Hottentot blood was strongly marked was 56,000.

_Customs and Culture._--The primitive character of the race having
greatly changed, the best information as to their original manners and
customs is therefore to be found in the older writers. All these agree
in describing the Hottentots as a gentle and friendly people. They
held in contempt the man who could eat, drink or smoke alone. They
were hospitable to strangers, even to the point of impoverishing
themselves. Although mentally and physically indolent, they were
active in the care of their cattle and, within certain limits, clever
hunters. They were of a medium height, the females rather smaller than
the men, slender but well proportioned, with small hands and feet.
Their skin was of a leathery brown colour; their face oval, with
prominent cheekbones; eyes dark brown or black and wide apart; nose
broad and thick and flat at the root; chin pointed and mouth large,
with thick turned-out lips. Their woolly hair grew in short thick
curly tufts and the beard was very scanty. Amongst the women abnormal
developments of fat were somewhat common; and cases occurred of
extraordinary elongation of the _labia minora_ and of the _praeputium
clitoridis_.[1]

Their dress was a skin cloak (kaross) worn across the shoulders and a
smaller one across the loins. They wore these cloaks all the year
round, turning the hairy side inward in winter and outward in summer;
they slept in them at night, and when they died they were buried in
them. They had suspended around their necks little bags or pouches,
containing their knives, their pipes and tobacco or dakka (_Cannabis_,
or hemp), and an amulet of burnt wood. On their arms were rings of
ivory. Sometimes they wore sandals and carried a jackal's tail
fastened on a stick, which served as handkerchief and fan. The women
wore, besides the kaross, a little apron to which were hung their
ornaments; and underneath this one or two fringed girdles; and a skin
cap. Both sexes smeared themselves and even their dress with an
ointment made of soot, butter or fat, and the powdered leaves of a
shrub called by them _bucchu (Diosma crenata)_.

Their villages were usually on meadow grounds. They never entirely
exhausted the grass but kept moving from one pasture to another. The
huts were in circles, the area of which varied with the pastoral
wealth of the community. In the centre of the huts a hole served for a
fire-place, and at each side of this small excavations an inch or two
deep were made in the ground in which both sexes, rolled up in their
karosses, slept. A few earthen vessels, well-made bowls of wood,
tortoise shells for spoons and dishes, calabashes, bamboos and skins
for holding milk and butter, and mats of rushes interwoven with bast,
were all their furniture. Their weapons were primarily bows and
arrows, but they also possessed assegais, and knob-kerries. To women
much respect was shown; the most sacred oath a Hottentot could take
was to swear by his sister or mother; yet the females ate apart from
the men and did all the work of the kraal with the exception of the
tending of cattle and of the curing of the hides; the men, however,
assisted in the erection of the framework of the huts. The usual food
of the Hottentots was milk, the flesh of the buffalo, hippopotamus,
antelope or other game, and edible roots and bulbs or wild fruits. On
the coast fish captured by hooks and lines or spears were also eaten.
Cows' milk was commonly drunk by both sexes, but ewes' milk only by
the women, and when cows' milk was scarce the women were obliged to
keep to ewes' milk or water. Milk was drunk fresh, and not allowed to
turn sour as among the Bantu. Meats were eaten either roasted or
boiled, but for the most part half raw, without salt, spices or bread.
From some meats they carefully abstained, such as swine's flesh. Hares
and rabbits were forbidden to the men, but not to the women; the pure
blood of beasts and the flesh of the mole were forbidden to the women,
but not to the men.

In occupation they were essentially cattle-breeders, and showed great
skill in this pursuit, especially the Namaqua, who were capable of
training the horns of their cattle so that they grew in spirals. Their
social pleasures consisted in feasting, smoking, dancing and singing.
Dances were held every first quarter of the moon and lasted all night,
often for eight days in succession. Every signal event of life, and
every change of abode and condition was celebrated with a feast. On
the formation of a new kraal an arbour was constructed in the centre,
and the women and children adorned and perfumed it with flowers and
branches of trees and odoriferous herbs. The fattened ox was killed
and cooked, and the men ate of it in the arbour, while the women
sitting apart regaled themselves with broth. Upon such occasions the
only intoxicant was tobacco or dakka.

Circumcision, which is common to the Kaffir tribes, was unknown to the
Hottentots, but when a youth entered upon manhood a ceremony was
performed. One of the elders, using a knife of quartz, made incisions
in the young man's body, afterwards besprinkling them with urine. When
a man killed his first elephant, hippopotamus or rhinoceros, similar
marks were made on his body, and were regarded as insignia of honour.
Finger mutilation was common, especially among women; this consisted
in the removal of one or two joints of the little finger, and,
sometimes, the first joint of the next. The reason for this is
doubtful; it may have been a sign of mourning, or, especially in the
case of children, it may have been regarded as magically protective.
Marriages were by arrangement between the man and the girl's parents,
the consent of the girl herself being a matter of little
consideration. If accepted, the suitor, accompanied by all his
kindred, drove two or three fat oxen to the house of his bride. There
her relations welcomed the visitors; the oxen were slain, and the
bridal feast took place. The nuptial ceremony was concluded by an
elder besprinkling the happy pair. Among the southern Hottentots these
ancient usages have ceased; but they are continued among some tribes
north of the Orange river. Polygamy was allowed: divorce was common.
Family names were perpetuated in a peculiar manner--the sons took the
family name of the mother, the daughters that of the father. The
children were very respectful to their parents, by whom they were
kindly and affectionately treated. Yet the aged father or mother was
sometimes put in the bush and left to die. Namaqua says this was done
by very poor people if they had no food for their parents. But even
when there was food enough, aged persons, especially women, who were
believed to be possessed of the evil spirit, were so treated.

The Hottentots had few musical instruments. One named the "gorah" was
formed by stretching a piece of the twisted entrails of a sheep from
end to end of a thin hollow stick about 3 ft. in length in the manner
of a bow and string. At one end there was a piece of quill fixed into
the stick, to which the mouth of the player was applied. The
"rommel-pot" was a kind of drum shaped like a bowl and containing
water to keep the membrane moist. Reeds several feet long were used as
flutes.

_Government and Laws._--The system of government was patriarchal. Each
tribe had its hereditary "khu-khoi" or "gao-ao" or chief, and each
kraal its captain. These met in council whenever any great matters had
to be decided. The post was honorary, and the councillors were held in
great reverence, and were installed in office with solemnities and
feasting. In certain tribes the hind part of every bullock slaughtered
was sent to the chief, and this he distributed among the males of the
village. He also collected sufficient milk at the door of his hut to
deal out amongst the poor. A part of every animal taken in hunting was
exacted by the chief, even though it was in a state of putrefaction
when brought to him. The captains, assisted by the men of each kraal,
settled disputes regarding property and tried criminals. A murderer
was beaten or stoned to death; but if one escaped and was at large for
a whole year, he was allowed to go unpunished. Adultery seldom
occurred; if any one found parties in the act and killed them he was
no murderer, but on the contrary received praise for his deed. Women
found offending were burnt. Theft, especially cattle-stealing, was
severely punished. The thief was bound hand and foot, and left on the
ground without food for a long time; then, if his offence was slight,
he received some blows with a stick, but if the case was an
aggravated one, he was severely beaten, and then unloosed and banished
from the kraal. The family of even the worst criminal suffered nothing
on his account in reputation, privilege or property. The duel was an
institution. If any one was insulted he challenged his enemy by
offering him a handful of earth. If the latter seized the hand and the
dust fell to the ground, the challenge was accepted. If it was not
accepted, the challenger threw the dust in his foe's face. The duel
took place by kicking, with clubs, or with the spear and shield.

_Religious Ideas._--The religious ideas of the Hottentots were very
obscure. Francois le Vaillant says they had "neither priests nor
temples, nor idols, nor ceremonials, nor any traces of the notion of a
deity." Other authorities state that they believed in a benevolent
deity or "Great Captain," whom they named Tik-guoa (_Tsu-goab_). There
were other "captains" of less power, and a black captain named Gauna,
the spirit of evil. The moon was a secondary divinity, supposed to
govern the weather; and its appearance each month was hailed with
dancing and singing.[2] George Schmidt, the first missionary to the
Hottentots, says they also celebrated the annual appearance of the
Pleiades above the eastern horizon. As soon as the constellation
appeared, all the mothers ascended the nearest hill, carrying their
babies, whom they taught to stretch their arms towards the friendly
stars. Some of the tribes are said to worship a being whom they name
Tusib, the rain god. An old Namaqua was once heard to say "The stars
are the souls of the deceased," and a Hottentot form of imprecation is
"Thou happy one, may misfortune fall on thee from the star of my
grandfather."

Such as it was, the Hottentot religion was largely ancestor-worship.
Their deified hero was named _Heitsi-Eibib_; and of him endless
stories are told. The one most generally accepted is that he was a
notable warrior of great physical strength, who once ruled the
Khoi-Khoin, and that in a desperate struggle with one of his enemies,
whom he finally overcame, he received a wound in the knee, from which
event he got the name of "Wounded knee." He had extraordinary powers
during life, and after death he continued to be invoked as one who
could still relieve and protect. According to the tradition preserved
among the Namaqua, Heitsi-Eibib came from the east. Therefore they
make the doors of their huts towards the east, and those who possess
waggons and carts put their vehicles alongside the mat-house with the
front turned towards the east. All the graves are in true
west-easterly direction, so that the face of the deceased looks
towards the east. The spirit of Heitsi-Eibib is supposed to exist in
the old burial places, and, whenever a heathen Hottentot passes them,
he throws stones on the spot as an offering, at the same time invoking
the spirit's blessing and protection. Johann Georg von Hahn asserts
that there are many proofs which justify the conclusion that
Heitsi-Eibib and Tsu-goab (the supreme being) were identical. Both
were benevolent. Both were believed to have died and risen again. They
killed the bad beings and restored peace on earth; they promised men
immortality, understood the secrets of nature, and could foretell the
future.[3]

Various ceremonies were practised to ward off the evil influence of
ghosts and spectres, and charms were freely employed. If a Khoi-Khoi
went out hunting his wife kindled a fire, and assiduously watched by
it to keep it alive; if the fire should be extinguished her husband
would not be lucky. If she did not make a fire, she went to the water
and kept on throwing it about on the ground, believing that thereby
her husband would be successful in getting game. Charms, consisting of
bones, burnt wood, and roots of particular shrubs cut into small
pieces, were generally worn round the neck. There was also a belief
that in every fountain there was a snake, and that as long as the
snake remained there water would continue to flow, but that if the
snake was killed or left the fountain it would cease. Offerings were
sometimes made to the spirit of the fountain. In common with the
Bushmen, the Hottentots venerated the _mantis fausta_, a local variety
of the insect known as "the praying mantis" (_mantis religiosa_). P.
Kolbe saw sacrifices made in its honour when it appeared inside a
kraal; to kill it was strictly forbidden. The Hottentots had great
faith in witch-doctors, or sorcerers. When called to a sick-bed these
ordered the patient to lie on his back, and then pinched, cuffed, and
beat him all over until they expelled the illness. After that they
produced a bone, small snake, frog or other object which they
pretended to have extracted from the patient's body. If the treatment
did not succeed, the person was declared incurably bewitched. If death
occurred, the corpse was interred on the day of decease. It was wrapt
in skins, and placed in the ground in the same position it once
occupied in the mother's womb. Death was generally regarded in a very
stoical manner.

_Language._--The existence of a fundamental connexion between the
language of the Hottentot and that of the Bushman was suggested by Dr
Bleek and is supported by further evidence advanced by Bertin.

The Hottentot language was regarded by the early travellers and
colonists as an uncouth and barbarous tongue. The Portuguese called
the native manner of speaking stammering; and the Dutch compared it to
the "gobbling of a turkey-cock." These phonetic characteristics arose
from the common use of "clicks,"--sounds produced by applying the
tongue to the teeth or to various parts of the gums or roof of the
mouth, and suddenly jerking it back. Three-fourths of the syllabic
elements of the language begin with these clicks, and combined with
them are several hard and deep gutturals and nasal accompaniments. The
difficulty a European has in acquiring an accurate pronunciation is
not so much in producing the clicking sound singly as in following it
immediately with another letter or syllable. The four recognized
clicks, with the symbols generally adopted to denote them, are as
follows: dental = |; palatal = #; lateral = ||; cerebral = !.
According to Tindall, one of the best grammarians of the language, the
dental click (similar to a sound of surprise or indignation) is
produced by pressing the top of the tongue against the upper front
teeth, and then suddenly and forcibly withdrawing it. The palatal
click (like the crack of a whip) is produced by pressing the tongue
with as flat a surface as possible against the termination of the
palate at the gums, so that the top of the tongue touches the upper
front teeth and the back of the tongue lies towards the palate, and
then forcibly withdrawing the tongue. The cerebral click (compared to
the popping of the cork of a bottle of champagne) is produced by
curling up the tip of the tongue against the roof of the palate, and
withdrawing it suddenly and forcibly. The lateral click (similar to
the sound used in stimulating a horse to action) is articulated by
covering with the tongue the whole of the palate and producing the
sound as far back as possible; Europeans imitate it by placing the
tongue against the side teeth and then withdrawing it. The easiest
Hottentot clicks, the dental and cerebral, have been adopted by the
Kaffirs; and it is a striking circumstance, in evidence of the past
Hottentot influence upon the Kaffir languages, that the clicking
decreases amongst these tribes almost in proportion to their distance
from the former Hottentot domain.

The language in its grammatical structure is beautiful and regular. Dr
Bleek describes it as having the distinctive features of the
suffix-pronominal order or higher form of languages, in which the
pronouns are identical with and borrowed from the derivative suffixes
of the nouns. The words are mostly monosyllables, always ending, with
two exceptions, in a vowel or nasal sound. Among the consonants
neither _l_, nor _f_ nor _v_ is found. There are two _g_'s, _g_ hard
and _g_ guttural, and a deeper guttural _kh_. Diphthongs abound. There
is no article, but the definite or indefinite sense of a noun is
determined by the gender. In the fullest known dialect (that spoken by
the Namaqua) nouns are formed with eight different suffixes, which in
nouns designating persons distinguish masc. sing. (-_b_), masc. plur.
(-_ku_), masc. dual (_kha_), fem. sing, (-_s_), fem. plur. (-_ti_),
com. sing. (-_i_), com. plur. (-_u_), com. dual (-_ra_). The adjective
is either prefixed to a noun or referred to it by a suffixed pronoun.
This grammatical division of the nouns according to gender led to the
classification of the language as "sex-denoting," thus suggesting its
relationship, in original structure, with the Galla and others.

There are four dialectical varieties of the language, each with
well-marked characteristics: the Nama dialect, spoken by the Namaqua
as well as by the Hau-Khoin or Hill Damara; the Kora dialect, spoken
by the Koranna, or Koraqua, dwelling about the middle and upper part
of the Orange, Vaal and Modder rivers; the Eastern dialect, spoken by
the Gona or Gonaqua on the borders of Kaffirland; and the Cape
dialect, now no longer spoken but preserved in the records of early
voyagers and settlers. Of the Nama dialect there are three grammars:
Wallmann's (1857) and Hahn's in German, and Tindall's (1871) in
English, the last being the best; and the four Gospels, with a large
amount of missionary literature, have been published in it.

The vocabulary is not limited merely to the expression of the rude
conceptions that are characteristic of primitive races. It possesses
such words as _koi_, human being; _khoi-si_, kindly or friendly;
_koi-si-b_, philanthropist; _khoi-si-s_, humanity; # _ei_, to think; #
_ei-s_, thought; _amo_, eternal; _amo-si-b_, eternity; _tsa_, to feel;
_tsa-b_, feeling, sentiment; _tsa-kha_, to condole; _ama_, true;
_ama-b_, the truth; _anu_, sacred; _anu-si-b_, holiness; _esa_,
pretty; _anu-xa_, full of beauty.

_Literature and History._--Much traditionary literature--fables, myths
and legends--existed amongst the Hottentots,--a fact first made known
by Sir James Alexander, who in his journeyings through Great
Namaqualand in 1835 jotted down the stories told him around the camp
fire by his Hottentot followers. These Hottentot tales generally have
much of the character of fables; some are in many points identical
with northern nursery tales, and suggestive of European origin or of
contact with the white man; but the majority bear evidence of being
true native products. Bleek's _Reynard the Fox in South Africa_ (1864)
contains a translation of a legend written down from the lips of the
Namaqua by the Rev. G. Kronlein, which is regarded as an excellent
specimen of the national style. Another legend relating to the moon
and the hare conveys the idea of an early conception of the hope of
immortality. It is found in various versions, and, like many other
stories, occurs in Bushman as well as in Hottentot mythology.

The earliest accounts of the Hottentots occur in the narratives of
Vasco da Gama's first voyage to India round the Cape in 1497-1498. In
1510 the Portuguese viceroy, Francisco d'Almeida, count of Abrantes,
met his death in a dispute with the natives. Till the 17th century
they were believed to be cannibals, but with the occupation of the
Cape by the Dutch, in 1652, more accurate knowledge was obtained. A
century of Dutch rule resulted in the Hottentots becoming a nation of
slaves and in serious danger of extermination, and thus the arrival of
the English in 1795 was welcomed by them. In 1828 an ordinance was
passed declaring "all Hottentots and other free persons of colour"
entitled to all and every right to which any other British subjects
were entitled. (See CAPE COLONY: _History_; and SOUTH AFRICA.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--A. de Quatrefages, _Les Pygmees_ (1887); G. W. Stow,
_The Native Races of South Africa_ (1905); E. T. Hamy, "Les Races
negres," in _L'Anthropologie_ (1897), pp. 257 et sqq.; F. Shrubsall,
"Crania of African Bush Races," in _Jour. Anthrop. Inst._ (November
1897); W. H. J. Bleek, _A Comparative Grammar of South African
Languages_ (1862); and "Die Hottentotten Stamme," in _Petermanns Mit._
(1858), pp. 49 et sqq.; G. Fritsch, _Die Eingebornen Sud-Afrikas_
(1872), and "Schilderungen der Hottentotten," in _Globus_ (1875), pp.
374 et sqq.; G. Bertin, "The Bushmen and their Language," in _Jour. R.
Asiat. Soc._ xviii., part i., and reprint; P. Kolbe or Kolben,
_Present State of the Cape of Good Hope_; Sir John Barrow, _Travels in
South Africa_ (1801-1804).

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See paper by Messrs Flower and Murie in _Journ. Comp. Anat. and
Physiology_ (1867); and Fritsch, _Die Eingebornen Sud-Afrikas_
(Breslau, 1873).

[2] An interesting notice of this form of worship occurs in the
journal of an expedition which the Dutch governor, Ryk van Tulbagh,
sent to the Great Namaqua in 1752, which reached as far as the Kamob
or Lion river (about 27 deg. S. lat.).

[3] On the religion and antiquities see Theophilus Hahn's papers,
"Graves of the Heitsi-Eibib," in _Cape Monthly Magazine_ (1879). and
"Der hottentottische Zai-goab und der griechische Zeus," in
_Zeitschr. fur Geogr._ (Berlin, 1870).

HOTTINGER, JOHANN HEINRICH (1620-1667), Swiss philologist and theologian, was born at Zurich on the 10th of March 1620. He studied at Geneva, Groningen and Leiden, and after visiting France and England was in 1642 appointed professor of church history in his native town. The chair of Hebrew at the Carolinum was added in 1643, and in 1653 he was appointed professor ordinarius of logic, rhetoric and theology. He gained such a reputation as an Oriental scholar that the elector palatine in 1655 appointed him professor of Oriental languages and biblical criticism at Heidelberg. In 1661, however, he returned to Zurich, where in 1662 he was chosen principal of the university. In 1667 he accepted an invitation to succeed Johann Hoornbeck (1617-1666) as professor in the university of Leiden, but he was drowned with three of his children by the upsetting of a boat while crossing the river Limmat. His chief works are _Historia ecclesiastica Nov. Test._ (1651-1667); _Thesaurus philologicus seu clavis scripturae_ (1649; 3rd ed. 1698); _Etymologicon orientale, sive lexicon harmonicum heptaglotton_ (1661). He also wrote a Hebrew and an Aramaic grammar.

His son, JOHANN JAKOB HOTTINGER (1652-1735), who became professor of theology at Zurich in 1698, was the author of a work against Roman Catholicism, _Helvetische Kirchengeschichte_ (4 vols., 1698-1729); and his grandson, JOHANN HEINRICH HOTTINGER (1681-1750), who in 1721 was appointed professor of theology at Heidelberg, wrote a work on dogmatics, _Typus doctrinae christianae_ (1714).

HOUBRAKEN, JACOBUS (1698-1780), Dutch engraver, was born at Dort, on the 25th of December 1698. All that his father, Arnold Houbraken (1660-1719), bequeathed to him was a fine constitution and a pure love for work. In 1707 he came to reside at Amsterdam, where for years he had to struggle incessantly against difficulties. He commenced the art of engraving by studying the works of Cornelis Cort, Suyderhoef, Edelinck and the Visschers. He devoted himself almost entirely to portraiture. Among his best works are scenes from the comedy of _De Ontdekte Schijndeugd_, executed in his eightieth year, after Cornelis Troost, who was called by his countrymen the Dutch Hogarth. He died on the 14th of November 1780.

See A. Ver Hull, _Jacobus Houbraken et son oeuvre_ (Arnhem, 1875),
where 120 engraved works are fully described.

HOUDENC (or HOUDAN), RAOUL DE, 12th-century French trouvere, takes his name from his native place, generally identified with Houdain (Artois), though there are twelve places bearing the name in one or other of its numerous variants. It has been suggested that he was a monk, but from the scattered hints in his writings it seems more probable that he followed the trade of jongleur and recited his chansons, with small success apparently, in the houses of the great. He was well acquainted with Paris, and probably spent a great part of his life there. His undoubted works are: _Le Songe d'enfer_, _La Voie de paradis_, _Le Roman des eles_ (pr. by A. Scheler in _Trouveres belges_, New Series, 1897) and the romance of _Meraugis de Portlesguez_, edited by M. Michelant (1869) and by Dr M. Friedwagner (Halle, 1897). Houdenc was an imitator of Chretien de Troyes; and Huon de Meri, in his _Tournoi de l'antechrist_ (1226) praises him with Chretien in words that seem to imply that both were dead. _Meraugis de Portlesguez_, the hero of which perhaps derives his name from Lesguez, the port of Saint Brieuc in Brittany, is a _roman d'aventures_ loosely attached to the Arthurian cycle.

See Gaston Paris in _Hist. litt. de la France_, xxx. 220-237; W.
Zingerle, _Uber Raoul de Houdenc und seine Werke_ (Erlangen, 1880);
and O. Boerner, _Raoul de Houdenc. Eine stilistische Untersuchung_
(1885).

HOUDETOT, a French noble family, taking its name from the lordship of Houdetot, between Arques and St Valery. Louis de Houdetot went with Robert, duke of Normandy, to Palestine in 1034, and the various branches of the family trace descent from Richard I. de Houdetot (fl. 1229), who married Marie de Montfort. Charles Louis de Houdetot received a marquisate in 1722, and on his son Claude Constance Cesar, lieutenant-general in the French army, was conferred the hereditary title of count in 1753. His wife (see below) was the Madame de Houdetot of Rousseau's _Confessions_. Their son Cesar Louis Marie Francois Ange, comte de Houdetot (1749-1825), was governor of Martinique (1803-1809) and lieutenant-general (1814) under the Empire. His son Frederic Christophe, comte de Houdetot (1778-1859), was director-general of indirect imposts in Prussia after Jena, and prefect of Brussels in 1813. He acquiesced in the Restoration, but had to resign from the service after the Hundred Days. He became a peer of France in 1819, and under the Second Empire he was returned by the department of Calvados to the Corps Legislatif. His half-brother, Charles Ile-de-France, comte de Houdetot (1789-1866), was wounded at Trafalgar and transferred to the army, in which he served through the Napoleonic wars. He retired at the Restoration, but returned to the service in 1823, and in 1826 became aide-de-camp to the duke of Orleans, becoming lieutenant-general in 1842. He sat in the Chamber of Deputies from 1837 to 1848, when he followed Louis Philippe into exile. A third brother, Cesar Francois Adolphe, comte de Houdetot (1799-1869), was a well-known writer on military and other subjects.

HOUDETOT, ELISABETH FRANCOISE SOPHIE DE LA LIVE DE BELLEGARDE, COMTESSE DE (1730-1813), was born in 1730. She married the comte de Houdetot (see above) in 1748. In 1753 she formed with the marquis de Saint Lambert (q.v.) a connexion which lasted till his death. Mme de Houdetot has been made famous by the chapter in Rousseau's _Confessions_ in which he describes his unreciprocated passion for her. When questioned on the subject she replied that he had much exaggerated. A view differing considerably from Rousseau's is to be found in the _Memoires_ of Mme d'Epinay, Mme de Houdetot's sister-in-law.

For a discussion of her relations with Rousseau see
Saint-Marc-Girardin in the _Revue des deux mondes_ (September 1853).

HOUDON, JEAN ANTOINE (1740-1828), French sculptor, was born at Versailles on the 18th of March 1740. At the age of twelve he entered the Ecole royale de Sculpture, and at twenty, having learnt all that he could from Michel Ange Slodtz and Pigalle, he carried off the prix de Rome and left France for Italy, where he spent the next ten years of his life. His brilliant talent, which seems to have been formed by the influence of that world of statues with which Louis XIV. peopled the gardens of Versailles rather than by the lessons of his masters, delighted Pope Clement XIV., who, on seeing the St Bruno executed by Houdon for the church of St Maria degli Angeli, said "he would speak, were it not that the rules of his order impose silence." In Italy Houdon had lived in the presence of that second Renaissance with which the name of Winckelmann is associated, and the direct and simple treatment of the Morpheus which he sent to the Salon of 1771 bore witness to its influence. This work procured him his "agregation" to the Academy of Painting and Sculpture, of which he was made a full member in 1775. Between these dates Houdon had not been idle; busts of Catharine II., Diderot and Prince Galitzin were remarked at the Salon of 1773, and at that of 1775 he produced, not only his Morpheus in marble, but busts of Turgot, Gluck (in which the marks of small-pox in the face were reproduced with striking effect) and Sophie Arnould as Iphigeneia (now in the Wallace Collection, London), together with his well-known marble relief, "Grive suspendue par les pattes." He took also an active part in the teaching of the academy, and executed for the instruction of his pupils the celebrated Ecorche still in use. To every Salon Houdon was a chief contributor; most of the leading men of the day were his sitters; his busts of d'Alembert, Prince Henry of Prussia, Gerbier, Buffon (for Catharine of Russia) and Mirabeau are remarkable portraits; and in 1778, when the news of Rousseau's death reached him, Houdon started at once for Ermenonville, and there took a cast of the dead man's face, from which he produced the grand and life-like head now in the Louvre. In 1779 his bust of Moliere, at the Theatre Francais, won universal praise, and the celebrated draped statue of Voltaire, in the vestibule of the same theatre, was exhibited at the Salon of 1781, to which Houdon also sent a statue of Marshal de Tourville, commissioned by the king, and the Diana executed for Catharine II. This work was refused; the jury alleged that a statue of Diana demanded drapery; without drapery, they said, the goddess became a "suivante de Venus," and not even the proud and frank chastity of the attitude and expression could save the Diana of Houdon (a bronze reproduction of which is in the Louvre) from insult. Three years later he went to America, there to carry out a statue of Washington. With Franklin, whose bust he had recently executed, Houdon left France in 1785, and, staying some time with Washington at Mount Vernon, he modelled the bust, with which he decided to go back to Paris, there to complete the statue destined for the capitol of the State of Virginia. After his return to his native country Houdon executed for the king of Prussia, as a companion to a statue of Summer, La Frileuse, a naif embodiment of shivering cold, which is one of his best as well as one of his best-known works. The Revolution interrupted the busy flow of commissions, and Houdon took up a half-forgotten project for a statue of St Scholastica. He was immediately denounced to the convention, and his life was only saved by his instant and ingenious adaptation of St Scholastica into an embodiment of Philosophy. Under Napoleon, of whom in 1806 he made a nude statue now at Dijon, Houdon received little employment; he was, however, commissioned to execute the colossal reliefs intended for the decoration of the column of the "Grand Army" at Boulogne (which ultimately found a different destination); he also produced a statue of Cicero for the senate, and various busts, amongst which may be cited those of Marshal Ney, of Josephine and of Napoleon himself, by whom Houdon was rewarded with the legion of honour. He died at Paris on the 16th of July 1828.

See memoir by Emile Delerot and Arsene Legrelle in _Memoires de la
societe des sciences morales ... de Seine-et-Oise_, iv. 49 et seq.
(1857); Anatole de Montaiglon and Georges Duplessis in _Revue
universelle des arts_, i. and ii. (1855-1856); Hermann Dierks,
_Houdons Leben und Werke_ (Gotha, 1887); Albert Terrade, _Autour de la
statue de Jean Houdon_ (Versailles, 1892); P. E. Mangeant, _Sur une
statuette de Voltaire par J. Houdon_ (Paris, 1896).

HOUFFALIZE, a small town occupying an elevated position (nearly 1100 ft.) in the extreme south-east of the province of Luxemburg, Belgium, much visited during the summer on account of its fine bracing air. There are the ruins of an old castle, and some remains of the still older abbey of Val Ste Catherine. The parish church dates from the 13th or 14th century. It contains two old black marble tombs to Thierry of Houffalize and Henri his son, the latter killed at Woeringen in 1288. Houffalize is on the eastern Ourthe, and is connected by a steam tramway with Bourcy on the line from Libramont to Bastogne, Spa and Liege. Pop. (1904) 1486.

HOUGHTON, RICHARD MONCKTON MILNES, 1ST BARON (1809-1885), English poet and man of letters, son of Robert Pemberton Milnes, of Fryston Hall, Yorkshire, and the Hon. Henrietta Monckton, daughter of the fourth Lord Galway, was born in London on the 19th of June 1809. He was educated privately, and entered Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1827. There he was at once drawn into a literary set, and became a member of the famous "Apostles" Club, which then included Tennyson, Hallam, Trench, J. W. Blakesley, afterwards dean of Lincoln, and others. After taking his degree, Milnes travelled abroad, spending some time at Bonn University. Thence he went to Italy and Greece, and published in 1834 a volume of _Memorials of a Tour in some Parts of Greece_, describing his experiences. He returned to London in 1837, and was in that year elected to Parliament as member for Pontefract. His parliamentary career was marked by much strenuous activity. He interested himself particularly in the question of copyright and the conditions of reformatory schools. He left Peel's party over the Corn Law controversy, and was afterwards identified in politics with Palmerston, at whose instance he was made a peer in 1863. His literary career was industrious and cultured, without being exceptionally distinguished. Church matters had always a claim upon him: he wrote a striking tract in 1841, which was praised by Newman; and took part in the discussion about "Essays and Reviews," defending the tractarian position in _One Tract More_ (1841). He published two volumes of verse in 1838, _Memorials of Residence upon the Continent and Poems of Many Years_, _Poetry for the People in 1840_ and _Palm Leaves_ in 1844. He also wrote a _Life and Letters of Keats_ in 1848, the material for which was largely provided by the poet's friend, Charles Armitage Brown. Milnes also contributed largely to the reviews. His poetry is meditative and delicate; some of his ballads were among the most popular of their day, and all his work was marked by refinement. But his chief distinctions were his keen sense of literary merit in others, and the judgment and magnanimity with which he fostered it. He was surrounded by the most brilliant men of his time, many of whom he had been the first to acclaim. His chief title to remembrance rests on the part he played, as a man of influence in society and in moulding public opinion on literary matters, in connexion with his large circle of talented friends. He secured a pension for Tennyson, helped to make Emerson known in Great Britain, and was one of the earliest champions of Swinburne. He helped David Gray and wrote a preface for _The Luggie_. He was, in the old sense of the word, a patron of letters, and one who never abused the privileges of his position. Milnes married in 1851 the Hon. Annabel Crewe (d. 1874). He died at Vichy on the 11th of August 1885, and was buried at Fryston. His son, the second Baron Houghton, was created Earl of Crewe (q.v.) in 1895.

See _The Life, Letters and Friendships of Richard Monckton Milnes,
first Lord Houghton_ (1890), by Sir T. Wemyss Reid.

HOUGHTON-LE-SPRING, an urban district in the Houghton-le-Spring parliamentary division of Durham, England, 6 m. N.E. of the city of Durham. Pop. (1901) 7858. It is well situated at the head of a small valley branching from that of the Wear. St Michael's church is a cruciform Early English and Decorated building, with a picturesque embattled rectory adjoining. Bernard Gilpin, "the Apostle of the North," was rector of this parish from 1556 to 1583, and the founder of the grammar school. The principal public buildings are a town hall, market house and church institute. Houghton Hall is a fine mansion of the late 16th century. In the orchard stands a tomb, that of the puritan Sir Robert Hutton (d. 1680), of whom a curious tradition states that he desired burial beside his war-horse, the body of which was denied interment in consecrated ground. The main road from Durham to Sunderland here passes through a remarkable cutting in the limestone 80 ft. deep. The district affords frequent evidence of ice activity in the glacial period. The town is the centre of a large system of electric tramways. The population is mainly dependent on the neighbouring collieries, but limestone quarrying is carried on to some extent.

HOUND, a dog, now used, except in poetry, only of dogs of the chase, and particularly of the breed used in hunting the fox, the "hound" _par excellence_. Other breeds have a defining word prefixed, e.g. boar-hound, stag-hound, &c. (see DOG). The O. Eng. _hund_ is the common Teutonic name for the animal, cf. Du. _hond_, Ger. _Hund_, &c., and is cognate with Sansk. _cvan_, Gr. [Greek: kyon], Lat. _canis_, Ir. and Gael. _cu_.

HOUNSLOW, a town in the Brentford parliamentary division of Middlesex, England, 12(1/2) m. W. by S. of St Paul's Cathedral, London, on the District and London & South Western railways. Pop. (1901) 11,377. It has grown into an extensive residential suburb of London. Its situation at the junction of two great roads from the west of England made it an important coaching station, and some 500 coaches formerly passed through it daily. A priory of friars of the Holy Trinity was founded at Hounslow in 1296, and existed till the dissolution of the monasteries. The priory chapel was used as a church till 1830, after which its place was taken by the existing church of the Holy Trinity (1835). Hounslow Heath, west of the town, had, according to the survey of 1546, an area of 4293 acres. It was the site of Roman and British camps, and in the wars of the 17th century was the scene of several important military rendezvous. It was a favourite resort of highwaymen, whose bodies were exposed on gibbets along the road. In 1784 the base-line of the first trigonometrical survey in England was laid down on the heath. In 1793 large cavalry barracks were erected upon it, and it is also the site of extensive powder mills. It began to be enclosed towards the end of the reign of George III. In Osterley Park, N.E. of Hounslow, Sir Thomas Gresham built a mansion in 1577, and this was rebuilt with great magnificence by Francis and Robert Child c. 1770. Hounslow is divided between the parishes of Heston and Isleworth. Pop. of urban district of Heston and Isleworth (1901) 30,863.

HOUR, the twenty-fourth part of a civil day, the twelfth part of a natural day or night, a space of time of sixty minutes' duration. The word is derived through the O. Fr. _ure_, _ore_, _houre_, mod. _heure_, from Lat. _hora_, Gr. [Greek: hora], season, time of day, hour (see CALENDAR).

HOUR ANGLE, the angular distance of a heavenly body from the meridian, as measured around the celestial pole. It is equal to the angle at the pole between the hour circle through the body and the meridian, but is usually expressed in time.

HOUR-GLASS, a device for measuring intervals of time, also known as sand-glass, and as log-glass when used in conjunction with the common log for ascertaining the speed of a ship. It consists of two pear-shaped bulbs of glass, united at their apices and having a minute passage formed between them. A quantity of sand (or occasionally of mercury) is enclosed in the bulbs, and the size of the passage is so proportioned that this sand will completely run through from one bulb to another in the time it is desired to measure--e.g. an hour or a minute. Instruments of this kind, which have no great pretensions to accuracy, were formerly common in churches. In the English House of Commons, as a preliminary to a division, a two-minute sand-glass is still turned, and while the sand is running the "division bells" are set in motion in every part of the building, to give members notice that a division is at hand.

HOURI, the term for a beautiful virgin who awaits the devout Mahommedan in Paradise. The word is the French representative of the Pers. _huri_, Arab, _hawra'_, a black-eyed virgin, from _hawira_, to be black-eyed, like a gazelle.

HOURS, CANONICAL, certain portions of the day set apart by rule (canon) of the church for prayer and devotion. The Jewish custom of praying three times a day, i.e. at the third, sixth and ninth hours, was perpetuated in the early Christian Church (Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 9), and to these were added midnight (when Paul and Silas sang in prison), and the beginning of day and of night. Ambrose, Augustine and Hilary commended the example of the psalmist who gave praise "seven times a day" (Ps. cxix. 164). The seventh (Compline, _Completorium_) was added by Benedict. These hours were adopted especially in the monasteries as a part of the canonical life, and spread thence to the cathedral and collegiate chapters.

Since the 6th century the number and order of the hours have been fixed thus: matins, lauds, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers, compline.

_Matins_ theoretically belongs to midnight, but in Italy it is said about 7 or 8 A.M. and in France often on the preceding evening in accordance with the statement "evening and morning were one day." At matins is said the _Venite_ (Ps. xcv.) and a hymn, followed by a _Nocturna_ or night-watch (on Sundays three) which consists of twelve psalms. After the _nocturna_ comes a lesson divided into three parts, one biblical and two patristic, and finally the _Te Deum_.

_Lauds_ is proper to sunrise, but is mostly grouped with matins. It consists of four psalms, a canticle, psalms 148-150, a hymn, the Benedictus (Luke i. 68-79) and prayers.

_Prime_ (6 A.M.), _Terce_ (9 A.M.), _Sext_ (noon) and _None_ (3 P.M.) are called the Little Day Hours, are often said together, and are alike in character, consisting of a hymn and some sections of Ps. cxix., followed by a prayer. On Sundays the Athanasian Creed is said at prime.

_Vespers_ or _Evensong_ consists of five varying psalms, a hymn, the _Magnificat_ (Luke i. 46-55) and prayers. It belongs theoretically to sunset.

_Compline_, technically 9 P.M., but usually combined with vespers, is a prayer for protection during the darkness. It consists of the general confession, four fixed psalms, a hymn, the _Nunc dimittis_ (Luke ii. 29-32), prayers and a Commemoration of the Virgin.

The term "canonical hours" is also used of the time during which
English marriages may be solemnized without special licence, i.e.
between 8 A.M. and 3 P.M.

HOUSE (O. Eng. _hus_, a word common to Teutonic languages, cf. Dut. _huis_, Ger. _Haus_; in Gothic it is only found in _gudhus_, a temple; it may be ultimately connected with the root of "hide," conceal), the dwelling-place of a human being (treated, from the architectural point of view, below), or, in a transferred sense, of an animal, particularly of one whose abode, like that of the beaver, is built by the animal itself, or, like that of the snail, resembles in some fancied way a human dwelling. Apart from the numerous compound uses of the word, denoting the purpose for which a building is employed, such as custom-house, lighthouse, bakehouse, greenhouse and the like, there may be mentioned the particular applications to a chamber of a legislative body, the Houses of Parliament, House of Representatives, &c.; to the upper and lower assemblies of convocation; and to the colleges at a university; the heads of these foundations, known particularly as master, principal, president, provost, rector, &c., are collectively called heads of houses. At English public schools a "house" is the usual unit of the organization. In the "houses" the boys sleep, have their "studies" and their meals, if the school is arranged on the "boarding-house" system. The houses have their representative teams in the school games, but have no place in the educational class-system of the school. It may be noticed that in Scotland the words "house" and "tenement" are used in a way distinct from the English use, "tenement" being applied to the large block containing "houses," portions, i.e., occupied by separate families. "The House" is the name colloquially given to such different institutions as the London Stock Exchange, the House of Commons or Lords and to a workhouse.

In the transferred sense, "house" is used of a family, genealogically considered, and of the audience at a public meeting or entertainment, especially of a theatre. A "house-physician" and "house-surgeon" is a member of the resident medical staff of a hospital. In astrology the twelve divisions into which the heavens are divided, and through which the planets pass, are known as houses, the first being called the "house of life." The word "house," "housing," used of the trappings of a horse, especially of a covering for the back and flanks, attached to the saddle, is of quite distinct origin. In medieval Latin it appears as _hucia_, _houssia_ and _housia_ (see Ducange, _Glossarium_, s.v. _housia_), and comes into English from the O. Fr. _huche_, modern _housse_. It has been supposed to have been adopted, at the time of the crusades, from the Arabic _yushiah_, a covering.

Architecturally considered, the term "house" is given to a building erected for habitation, in contradistinction to one built for secular or ecclesiastical purposes. The term extends, therefore, to a dwelling of any size, from a single-room building to one containing as many rooms as a palace; thus in London some of the largest dwellings are those inhabited by royalty, such as Marlborough House, or others by men of rank, such as Devonshire House, Bridgewater House, Spencer House, &c.; and even those which, formerly built as habitations, have subsequently been devoted to other purposes, such as Somerset House and Burlington House, retain the term. In Paris the larger houses thus named would be called _hotel_.

So far as the history of domestic architecture is concerned, the earliest houses of which remains have been found are those of the village of Kahun in Egypt, which were built for the workmen employed in the building of the pyramid at Illahun, and deserted on its completion. They varied in size from the habitations of the chief inspectors to the single room of the ordinary labourer, and were built in unburnt brick with open courts in the larger examples, to give light and air to the rooms round. The models found in 1907 at Deir-Rifa opposite Assiut in Upper Egypt, by Flinders Petrie, and assumed by him to be those of "soul-houses," suggest that the early type of building consisted of a hut, to which later a porch or lean-to, with two poles in front, has been added; subsequently, columns replaced the poles, and a flat roof with parapet, suggesting the primitive forms of the Egyptian temple.

The only remains of early houses found in Mesopotamia are those within the precincts of the Temple of Bel, at Nippur, occupied by the king; but beyond the fact that the walls were built in unburnt brick and were sometimes of great thickness, nothing is known.