Chapter XVI: Part 16

_Departments of State._--There are nine departments of state presided over by ministers--foreign affairs, home affairs, finance, war, navy, justice, education, agriculture and commerce, communications. These ministers form the cabinet, which is presided over by the minister president of state, so that its members number ten in all. Ministers of state are appointed by the emperor and are responsible to him alone. But between the cabinet and the crown stand a small body of men, the survivors of those by whose genius modern Japan was raised to her present high position among the nations. They are known as "elder statesmen" (_genro_). Their proved ability constitutes an invaluable asset, and in the solution of serious problems their voice may be said to be final. At the end of 1909 four of these renowned statesmen remained--Prince Yamagata, Marquises Inouye and Matsukata and Count Okuma. There is also a privy council, which consists of a variable number of distinguished men--in 1909 there were 29, the president being Field-Marshal Prince Yamagata. Their duty is to debate and advise upon all matters referred to them by the emperor, who sometimes attends their meetings in person.

_Civil Officials._--The total number of civil officials was 137,819 in
1906. It had been only 68,876 in 1898, from which time it grew
regularly year by year. The salaries and allowances paid out of the
treasury every year on account of the civil service are 4 millions
sterling, approximately, and the annual emoluments of the principal
officials are as follow:--Prime minister, £960; minister of a
department, £600; ambassador, £500, with allowances varying from £2200
to £3000; president of privy council, £500; resident-general in Seoul,
£600; governor-general of Formosa, £600; vice-minister, £400; minister
plenipotentiary, £400, with allowances from £1000 to £1700; governor
of prefecture, £300 to £360; judge of the court of cassation, £200 to
£500; other judges, £60 to £400; professor of imperial university,
from £80 to £160, with allowances from £40 to £120; privy councillor,
£400; director of a bureau, £300; &c.

_Legislature._--The first Japanese Diet was convoked the 29th of November, 1890. There are two chambers, a house of peers (_kizoku-in_) and a house of representatives (_shugi-in_). Each is invested with the same legislative power.

The upper chamber consists of four classes of members. They are, first, hereditary members, namely, princes and marquises, who are entitled to sit when they reach the age of 25; secondly, counts, viscounts and barons, elected--after they have attained their 25th year--by their respective orders in the maximum ratio of one member to every five peers; thirdly, men of education or distinguished service who are nominated by the emperor; and, fourthly, representatives of the highest tax-payers, elected, one for each prefecture, by their own class. The minimum age limit for non-titled members is 30, and it is provided that their total number must not exceed that of the titled members. The house was composed in 1909 of 14 princes of the blood, 15 princes, 39 marquises, 17 counts, 69 viscounts, 56 barons, 124 Imperial nominees, and 45 representatives of the highest tax-payers--that is to say, 210 titled members and 169 non-titled.

The lower house consists of elected members only. Originally the property qualification was fixed at a minimum annual payment of 30s. in direct taxes (i.e. taxes imposed by the central government), but in 1900 the law of election was amended, and the property qualification for electors is now a payment of £1 in direct taxes, while for candidates no qualification is required either as to property or as to locality. Members are of two kinds, namely, those returned by incorporated cities and those returned by prefectures. In each case the ratio is one member for every 130,000 electors, and the electoral district is the city or prefecture.

Voting is by ballot, one man one vote, and a general election must take place once in 4 years for the house of representatives, and once in 7 years for the house of peers. The house of representatives, however, is liable to be dissolved by order of the sovereign as a disciplinary measure, in which event a general election must be held within 5 months from the date of dissolution, whereas the house of peers is not liable to any such treatment. Otherwise the two houses enjoy equal rights and privileges, except that the budget must first be submitted to the representatives. Each member receives a salary of £200; the president receives £500, and the vice-president £300. The presidents are nominated by the sovereign from three names submitted by each house, but the appointment of a vice-president is within the independent right of each chamber. The lower house consists of 379 members, of whom 75 are returned by the urban population and 304 by the rural. Under the original property qualification the number of franchise-holders was only 453,474, or 11.5 to every 1000 of the nation, but it is now 1,676,007, or 15.77 to every 1000. By the constitution which created the diet freedom of conscience, of speech and of public meeting, inviolability of domicile and correspondence, security from arrest or punishment except by due process of law, permanence of judicial appointments and all the other essential elements of civil liberty were granted. In the diet full legislative authority is vested: without its consent no tax can be imposed, increased or remitted; nor can any public money be paid out except the salaries of officials, which the sovereign reserves the right to fix at will. In the emperor are vested the prerogatives of declaring war and making peace, of concluding treaties, of appointing and dismissing officials, of approving and promulgating laws, of issuing urgent ordinances to take the temporary place of laws, and of conferring titles of nobility.

_Procedure of the Diet._--It could scarcely have been expected that
neither tumult nor intemperance would disfigure the proceedings of a
diet whose members were entirely without parliamentary experience, but
not without grievances to ventilate, wrongs (real or fancied) to
avenge, and abuses to redress. On the whole, however, there has been a
remarkable absence of anything like disgraceful licence. The
politeness, the good temper, and the sense of dignity which
characterize the Japanese, generally saved the situation when it
threatened to degenerate into a "scene." Foreigners entering the house
of representatives in Tokyo for the first time might easily
misinterpret some of its habits. A number distinguishes each member.
It is painted in white on a wooden indicator, the latter being
fastened by a hinge to the face of the member's desk. When present he
sets the indicator standing upright, and lowers it when leaving the
house. Permission to speak is not obtained by catching the president's
eye, but by calling out the aspirant's number, and as members often
emphasize their calls by hammering their desks with the indicators,
there are moments of decided din. But, for the rest, orderliness and
decorum habitually prevail. Speeches have to be made from a rostrum.
There are few displays of oratory or eloquence. The Japanese
formulates his views with remarkable facility. He is absolutely free
from _gaucherie_ or self-consciousness when speaking in public: he can
think on his feet. But his mind does not usually busy itself with
abstract ideas and subtleties of philosophical or religious thought.
Flights of fancy, impassioned bursts of sentiment, appeals to the
heart rather than to the reason of an audience, are devices strange to
his mental habit. He can be rhetorical, but not eloquent. Among all
the speeches hitherto delivered in the Japanese diet it would be
difficult to find a passage deserving the latter epithet.

From the first the debates were recorded verbatim. Years before the
date fixed for the promulgation of the constitution, a little band of
students elaborated a system of stenography and adapted it to the
Japanese syllabary. Their labours remained almost without recognition
or remuneration until the diet was on the eve of meeting, when it was
discovered that a competent staff of shorthand reporters could be
organized at an hour's notice. Japan can thus boast that, alone among
the countries of the world, she possesses an exact record of the
proceedings of her Diet from the moment when the first word was spoken
within its walls.

A special feature of the Diet's procedure helps to discourage
oratorical displays. Each measure of importance has to be submitted to
a committee, and not until the latter's report has been received does
serious debate take place. But in ninety-nine cases out of every
hundred the committee's report determines the attitude of the house,
and speeches are felt to be more or less superfluous. One result of
this system is that business is done with a degree of celerity
scarcely known in Occidental legislatures. For example, the meetings
of the house of representatives during the session 1896-1897 were 32,
and the number of hours occupied by the sittings aggregated 116. Yet
the result was 55 bills debated and passed, several of them measures
of prime importance, such as the gold standard bill, the budget and a
statutory tariff law. It must be remembered that although actual
sittings of the houses are comparatively few and brief, the committees
remain almost constantly at work from morning to evening throughout
the twelve weeks of the session's duration.

_Divisions of the Empire._--The earliest traditional divisions of
Japan into provinces was made by the emperor Seimu (131-190), in whose
time the sway of the throne did not extend farther north than a line
curving from Sendai Bay, on the north-east coast of the main island,
to the vicinity of Niigata (one of the treaty ports), on the
north-west coast. The region northward of this line was then occupied
by barbarous tribes, of whom the Ainu (still to be found in Yezo) are
probably the remaining descendants. The whole country was then divided
into thirty-two provinces. In the 3rd century the empress Jingo, on
her return from her victorious expedition against Korea, portioned out
the empire into five home provinces and seven circuits, in imitation
of the Korean system. By the emperor Mommu (696-707) some of the
provinces were subdivided so as to increase the whole number to
sixty-six, and the boundaries then fixed by him were re-surveyed in
the reign of the emperor Shomu (723-756). The old division is as
follows[10]:--

I. The _Go-kinai_ or "five home provinces" i.e. those lying
immediately around Kyoto, the capital, viz.:--

_Yamashiro_, also called Joshu | Izumi, also called _Senshu_
_Yamato_ " Washu | _Settsu_ " Sesshu
_Kawachi_ " Kashu |

II. The seven circuits, as follow:--

1. The _Tokaido_, or "eastern-sea circuit," which comprised
fifteen provinces, viz.:--

_Iga_ or Ishu | Kai or _Koshyu_
_Isé_ " _Seishu_ | _Sagami_ " _Soshyu_
_Shima_ " Shinshu | Musashi " _Bushyu_
_Owari_ " _Bishu_ | Awa " _Boshu_
Mikawa " _Sanshu_ | Kazusa " Soshu
Totomi " _Enshu_ | Shimosa " Soshu
Suruga " _Sunshu_ | Hitachi " Joshu
_Izu_ " Dzushu |

2. The _Tozando_, or "eastern-mountain circuit," which comprised
eight provinces, viz.:--

Omi or _Goshu_ | Kozuke or _Joshu_
_Mino_ " Noshu | Shimotsuke " _Yashu_
_Hida_ " Hishu | Mutsu " _Oshu_
Shinano " _Shinshu_ | _Dewa_ " Ushu

3. The _Hokurikudo_, or "northern-land circuit," which comprised
seven provinces, viz.:--

Wakasa or _Jakushu_ | _Etchiu_ or Esshu
_Echizen_ " Esshu | _Echigo_ " Esshu
_Kaga_ " _Kashu_ | _Sado_ (island) " Sashu
_Noto_ " Noshu |

4. The _Sanindo_, or "mountain-back circuit," which comprised
eight provinces, viz.:--

_Tamba_ or Tanshu | _Hoki_ or Hakushu
_Tango_ " Tanshu | Izumo " _Unshu
_Tajima_ " Tanshu | Iwami " _Sekishu_
Inaba " _Inshu_ | _Oki_ (group of islands)

5. The _Sanyodo_, or "mountain-front circuit," which comprised
eight provinces, viz.:--

Harima or Banshu | _Bingo or Bishu
Mimasaka " Sakushu | Aki " _Geishu_
_Bizen_ " Bishu | _Suwo_ " Boshu
_Bitchiu_ " Bishu | Nagato " _Choshu_

6. The _Nankaido_, or "southern-sea circuit," which comprised,
six provinces, viz.:--

Kii or _Kishu_ | _Sanuki_ or Sanshu
_Awaji (island)_ " Tanshu | _Iyo_ " Yoshu
Awa " _Ashu_ | _Tosa_ " _Toshu_

7. The _Saikaido_, or "western-sea circuit," which comprised
nine provinces, viz:--

_Chikuzen_ or Chikushu | _Higo_ or Hishu
_Chikugo_ " Chikushu | _Hiuga_ " Nisshu
_Buzen_ " Hoshu | _Osumi_ " Gushu
_Bungo_ " Hoshu | Satsuma " _Sasshu_
_Hizen_ " Hishu |

III. The two islands, viz.:--

1. Tsushima or _Taishu_ | 2. _Iki_ or Ishu

Upon comparing the above list with a map of Japan, it will be seen
that the main island contains the Go-kinai, Tokaido, Tozando,
Hokurikudo, Sanindo, Sanyodo, and one province (Kishu) of the
Nankaido. Omitting also the island of Awaji, the remaining provinces
of the Nankaido give the name Shikoku (the "four provinces") to the
island in which they lie; while Saikaido coincides exactly with the
large island Kiushiu (the "nine provinces").

In 1868, when the rebellious nobles of Oshu and Dewa, in the Tozando,
had submitted to the emperor, those two provinces were subdivided,
Dewa into Uzen and Ugo, and Oshu into Iwaki, Iwashiro, Rikuzen,
Rikuchu and Michinoku (usually called Mutsu). This increased the old
number of provinces from sixty-six to seventy-one. At the same time
there was created a new circuit, called the _Hokkaido_, or
"northern-sea circuit," which comprised the eleven provinces into
which the large island of Yezo was then divided (viz. Oshima,
Shiribeshi, Ishikari, Teshibo, Kitami, Iburi, Hiaka, Tokachi, Kushiro,
and Nemuro) and the Kurile Islands (Chishima).

Another division of the old sixty-six provinces was made by taking as
a central point the ancient barrier of Osaka on the frontier of Omi
and Yamashiro,--the region lying on the east, which consisted of
thirty-three provinces, being called _Kwanto_, or "east of the
barrier," the remaining thirty-three provinces on the west being
styled _Kwansei_, or "west of the barrier." At the present time,
however, the term Kwanto is applied to only the eight provinces of
Musashi, Sagami, Kozuke, Shimotsuke, Kazusa, Shimosa, Awa and
Hitachi,--all lying immediately to the east of the old barrier of
Hakone, in Sagami.

_Chu-goku_, or "central provinces," is a name in common use for the
Sanindo and Sanyodo taken together. _Saikoku_, or "western provinces,"
is another name for Kiushiu, which in books again is frequently called
_Chinsei_.

_Local Administrative Divisions._--For purposes of local
administration Japan is divided into 3 urban prefectures (_fu_), 43
rural prefectures (_ken_), and 3 special dominions (_cho_), namely
Formosa; Hokkaido and South Sakhalin. Formosa and Sakhalin not having
been included in Japan's territories until 1895 and 1905,
respectively, are still under the military control of a
governor-general, and belong, therefore, to an administrative system
different from that prevailing throughout the rest of the country. The
prefectures and Hokkaido are divided again into 638 sub-prefectures
(_gun_ or _kori_); 60 towns (_shi_); 125 urban districts (_cho_) and
12,274 rural districts (_son_). The three urban prefectures are Tokyo,
Osaka and Kioto, and the urban and rural districts are distinguished
according to the number of houses they contain. Each prefecture is
named after its chief town, with the exception of Okinawa, which is
the appellation of a group of islands called also Riukiu (Luchu). The
following table shows the names of the prefectures, their areas,
populations, number of sub-prefectures, towns and urban and rural
divisions:--

Prefecture. Area in Population Sub- Towns Urban Rural
sq. m. Prefectures. Districts Districts

Tokyo 749.76 1,795,128* 8 1 20 157
Kanagawa 927.79 776,642 11 1 19 202
Saitama 1,585.30 1,174,094 9 -- 42 343
Chiba 1,943.85 1,273,387 12 -- 69 286
Ibaraki 2,235.67 1,131,556 14 1 45 335
Tochigi 2,854.14 788,324 8 1 30 145
Gumma 2,427.21 774,654 11 2 38 169
Nagano 5,088.41 1,237,584 16 1 22 371
Yamanashi 1,727.50 498,539 9 1 7 235
Shizuoka 3,002.76 1,199,805 13 1 38 306
Aichi 1,864.17 1,591,357 19 1 74 592
Miye 2,196.56 495,389 15 2 19 325
Gifu 4,001.84 996,062 18 1 42 299
Shiga 1,540.30 712,024 12 1 12 190
Fukui 1,621.50 633,840 11 1 9 171
Ishikawa 1,611.59 392,905 8 1 16 259
Toyama 1,587.80 785,554 8 2 31 239

The above 17 prefectures form Central Japan.

Niigata 4,914.55 1,812,289 16 1 47 401
Fukushima 5,042.57 1,057,971 17 1 37 388
Miyagi 3,223.11 835,830 16 1 31 172
Yamagata 3,576.89 829,210 11 2 24 206
Akita 4,493.84 775,077 9 1 42 197

Iwate 5,359.17 726,380 13 1 23 217
Aomori 3,617.89 612,171 8 2 9 159

The above 7 prefectures form Northern Japan.

Kioto 1,767.43 931,576* 18 1 20 260
Osaka 689.69 1,311,909* 9 2 13 289
Nara 1,200.46 538,507 10 1 18 142
Wakayama 1,851.29 681,572 7 1 16 215
Hiogo 3,318.31 1,667,226 25 2 29 403
Okayama 2,509.04 1,132,000 19 1 29 383
Hiroshima 3,103.84 1,436,415 16 3 27 420
Yamaguchi 1,324.34 986,161 11 1 10 215
Shimane 2,597.48 721,448 16 1 14 276
Tottori 1,335.99 418,929 6 1 8 227

The above 10 prefectures form Southern Japan.

Tokushima 1,616.82 699,398 10 1 2 137
Kagawa 976.46 700,462 7 2 12 166
Ehime 2,033.57 997,481 12 1 18 283
Kochi 2,720.13 616,549 6 1 14 183

The above 4 prefectures form the island of Shikoku.

Nagasaki 1,401.49 821,323 9 2 15 288
Saga 984.07 621,011 8 1 7 127
Fukuoka 1,894.14 1,362,743 19 4 38 340
Kumamoto 2,774.20 1,151,401 12 1 33 331
Oita 2,400.27 839,485 12 -- 28 251
Miyazaki 2,904.54 454,707 8 -- 9 91
Kagoshima 3,589.76 1,104,631 12 1 -- 380
Okinawa 935.18 469,203 5 2 -- 52

The above 8 prefectures form Kiushiu.

Hokkaido 36,328.34 610,155 88 3 19 456

* This is not the population of the city proper, but that of the
urban prefecture.

_Local Administrative System._--In the system of local administration full effect is given to the principle of popular representation. Each prefecture (urban or rural), each sub-prefecture, each town and each district (urban or rural) has its local assembly, the number of members being fixed in proportion to the population. There is no superior limit of number in the case of a prefectural assembly, but the inferior limit is 30. For a town assembly, however, the superior limit is 60 and the inferior 30; for a sub-prefectural assembly the corresponding figures are 40 and 15, and for a district assembly, 30 and 8. These bodies are all elective. The property qualification for the franchise in the case of prefectural and sub-prefectural assemblies is an annual payment of direct national taxes to the amount of 3 _yen;_ and in the case of town and district assemblies, 2 _yen_; while to be eligible for election to a prefectural assembly a yearly payment of 10 _yen_ of direct national taxes is necessary; to a sub-prefectural assembly, 5 _yen_, and to a town or district assembly, 2 _yen_. Under these qualifications the electors aggregate 2,009,745, and those eligible for election total 919,507. In towns and districts franchise-holders are further divided into classes with regard to their payment of local taxes. Thus for town electors there are three classes, differentiated by the following process: On the list of ratepayers the highest are checked off until their aggregate payments are equal to one-third of the total taxes. These persons form the first class. Next below them the persons whose aggregate payments represent one-third of the total amount are checked off to form the second class, and all the remainder form the third class. Each class elects one-third of the members of assembly. In the districts there are only two classes, namely, those whose payments, in order from the highest, aggregate one-half of the total, the remaining names on the list being placed in the second class. Each class elects one-half of the members. This is called the system of _o-jinushi_ (large landowners) and is found to work satisfactorily as a device for conferring representative rights in proportion to property. The franchise is withheld from all salaried local officials, from judicial officials, from ministers of religion, from persons who, not being barristers by profession, assist the people in affairs connected with law courts or official bureaux, and from every individual or member of a company that contracts for the execution of public works or the supply of articles to a local administration, as well as from persons unable to write their own names and the name of the candidate for whom they vote. Members of assembly are not paid. For prefectural and sub-prefectural assemblies the term is four years; for town and district assemblies, six years, with the provision that one-half of the members must be elected every third year. The prefectural assemblies hold one session of 30 days yearly; the sub-prefectural assemblies, one session of not more than 14 days. The town and district assemblies have no fixed session; they are summoned by the mayor or the head-man when their deliberations appear necessary, and they continue in session till their business is concluded.

The chief function of the assemblies is to deal with all questions of
local finance. They discuss and vote the yearly budgets; they pass the
settled accounts; they fix the local taxes within a maximum limit
which bears a certain ratio to the national taxes; they make
representations to the minister for home affairs; they deal with the
fixed property of the locality; they raise loans, and so on. It is
necessary, however, that they should obtain the consent of the
minister for home affairs, and sometimes of the minister of finance
also, before disturbing any objects of scientific, artistic or
historical importance; before contracting loans; before imposing
special taxes or passing the normal limits of taxation; before
enacting new local regulations or changing the old; before dealing
with grants in aid made by the central treasury, &c. The governor of a
prefecture, who is appointed by the central administration, is
invested with considerable power. He oversees the carrying out of all
works undertaken at the public expense; he causes bills to be drafted
for discussion by an assembly; he is responsible for the
administration of the funds and property of the prefecture; he orders
payments and receipts; he directs the machinery for collecting taxes
and fees; he summons a prefectural assembly, opens it and closes it,
and has competence to suspend its session should such a course seem
necessary. Many of the functions performed by the governor with regard
to prefectural assemblies are discharged by a head-man (_gun-chô_) in
the case of sub-prefectural assemblies. This head-man is a salaried
official appointed by the central administration. He convenes, opens
and closes the sub-prefectural assembly; he may require it to
reconsider any of its financial decisions that seem improper,
explaining his reasons for doing so, and should the assembly adhere to
its original view, he may refer the matter to the governor of the
prefecture. On the other hand, the assembly is competent to appeal to
the home minister from the governor's decision. The sub-prefectural
head-man may also take upon himself, in case of emergency, any of the
functions falling within the competence of the sub-prefectural
assembly, provided that he reports the fact to the assembly and seeks
its sanction at the earliest possible opportunity. In each district
also there is a head-man, but his post is always elective and
generally non-salaried. He occupies towards a district assembly the
same position that the sub-prefecture head-man holds towards a
sub-prefectural assembly. Over the governors stands the minister for
home affairs, who discharges general duties of superintendence and
sanction, has competence to delete any item of a local budget, and
may, with the emperor's consent, order the dissolution of a local
assembly, provided that steps are taken to elect and convene another
within three months.

The machinery of local administration is completed by councils, of
which the governor of a prefecture, the mayor[11] of a town, or the
head-man of a sub-prefecture or district, is _ex officio_ president,
and the councillors are partly elective, partly nominated by the
central government. The councils may be said to stand in an executive
position towards the local legislatures, namely, the assemblies, for
the former give effect to the measures voted by the latter, take their
place in case of emergency and consider questions submitted by them.
This system of local government has now been in operation since 1885,
and has been found to work well. It constitutes a thorough method of
political education for the people. In feudal days popular
representation had no existence, but a very effective chain of local
responsibility was manufactured by dividing the people--apart from the
samurai--into groups of five families, which were held jointly liable
for any offence committed by one of their members. Thus it cannot be
said that the people were altogether unprepared for this new system.

The Ancient System.

_The Army._--The Japanese--as distinguished from the aboriginal inhabitants of Japan--having fought their way into the country, are naturally described in their annals as a nation of soldiers. The sovereign is said to have been the commander-in-chief and his captains were known as _o-omi_ and _o-muraji_, while the duty of serving in the ranks devolved on all subjects alike. This information is indeed derived from tradition only, since the first written record goes back no further than 712. We are justified, however, in believing that at the close of the 7th century of the Christian era, when the empress Jito sat upon the throne, the social system of the Tang dynasty of China commended itself for adoption; the distinction of civil and military is said to have been then established for the first time, though it probably concerned officials only. Certain officers received definitely military commissions, as generals, brigadiers, captains and so on; a military office (_hyobu-sho_) was organized, and each important district throughout the empire had its military division (_gundan_). One-third--some say one-fourth--of the nation's able-bodied males constituted the army. Tactically there was a complete organization, from the squad of 5 men to the division of 600 horse and 400 foot. Service was for a defined period, during which taxes were remitted, so that military duties always found men ready to discharge them. Thus the hereditary soldier--afterwards known as the _samurai_ or _bushi_--did not yet exist, nor was there any such thing as an exclusive right to carry arms. Weapons of war, the property of the state, were served out when required for fighting or for training purposes.

At the close of the 8th century stubborn insurrections on the part of the aborigines gave new importance to the soldier. The conscription list had to be greatly increased, and it came to be a recognized principle that every stalwart man should bear arms, every weakling become a bread-winner. Thus, for the first time, the distinction between "soldier" and "working man"[12] received official recognition, and in consequence of the circumstances attending the distinction a measure of contempt attached to the latter. The next stage of development had its origin in the assumption of high offices of state by great families, who encroached upon the imperial prerogatives, and appropriated as hereditary perquisites posts which should have remained in the gift of the sovereign. The Fujiwara clan, taking all the civil offices, resided in the capital, whereas the military posts fell to the lot of the Taira and the Minamoto, who, settling in the provinces and being thus required to guard and police the outlying districts, found it expedient to surround themselves with men who made soldiering a profession. These latter, in their turn, transmitted their functions to their sons, so that there grew up in the shadow of the great houses a number of military families devoted to maintaining the power and promoting the interests of their masters, from whom they derived their own privileges and emoluments.

From the middle of the 10th century, therefore, the terms _samurai_ and _bushi_ acquired a special significance, being applied to themselves and their followers by the local magnates, whose power tended more and more to eclipse even that of the throne, and finally, in the 12th century, when the Minamoto brought the whole country under the sway of military organization, the privilege of bearing arms was restricted to the samurai. Thenceforth the military class entered upon a period of administrative and social superiority which lasted, without serious interruption, until the middle of the 19th century. But it is to be observed that the distinction between soldier and civilian, samurai and commoner, was not of ancient existence, nor did it arise from any question of race or caste, victor or vanquished, as is often supposed and stated. It was an outcome wholly of ambitious usurpations, which, relying for success on force of arms, gave practical importance to the soldier, and invested his profession with factitious honour.

Weapons.

The bow was always the chief weapon of the fighting-man in Japan.
"War" and "bow-and-arrow" were synonymous terms. Tradition tells how
Tametomo shot an arrow through the crest of his brother's helmet, in
order to recall the youth's allegiance without injuring him; how
Nasuno Michitaka discharged a shaft that severed the stem of a fan
swayed by the wind; how Mutsuru, ordered by an emperor to rescue a
fish from the talons of an osprey without killing bird or fish, cut
off the osprey's feet with a crescent-headed arrow so that the fish
dropped into the palace lake and the bird continued its flight; and
there are many similar records of Japanese skill with the weapon.
Still better authenticated were the feats performed at the
"thirty-three-span halls" in Kioto and Yedo, where the archer had to
shoot an arrow through the whole length of a corridor 128 yards long
and only 16 ft. high. Wada Daihachi, in the 17th century, succeeded in
sending 8133 arrows from end to end of the corridor in 24 consecutive
hours, being an average of over 5 shafts per minute; and Masatoki, in
1852, made 5383 successful shots in 20 hours, more than 4 a minute.
The lengths of the bow and arrow were determined with reference to the
capacity of the archer. In the case of the bow, the unit of
measurement was the distance between the tips of the thumb and the
little finger with the hand fully stretched. Fifteen of these units
gave the length of the bow--the maximum being about 7½ ft. The unit
for the arrow was from 12 to 15 hand-breadths, or from 3 ft. to 3¾ ft.
Originally the bow was of unvarnished boxwood or _zelkowa_; but
subsequently bamboo alone came to be employed. Binding with cord or
rattan served to strengthen the bow, and for precision of flight the
arrow had three feathers, an eagle's wing being most esteemed for that
purpose, and after it, in order, that of the copper pheasant, the
crane, the adjutant and the snipe.

Next in importance to the bow came the sword, which is often spoken of
as the samurai's chief weapon, though there can be no doubt that
during long ages it ranked after the bow. It was a single-edged weapon
remarkable for its three exactly similar curves--edge, face-line and
back; its almost imperceptibly convexed blade; its admirable
tempering; its consummately skilled forging; its razor-like sharpness;
its cunning distribution of weight, giving a maximum efficiency of
stroke. The 10th century saw this weapon carried to perfection, and it
has been inferred that only from that epoch did the samurai begin to
esteem his sword as the greatest treasure he possessed, and to rely on
it as his best instrument of attack and defence. But it is evident
that the evolution of such a blade must have been due to an urgent,
long-existing demand, and that the _katana_ came as the sequel of
innumerable efforts on the part of the sword-smith and generous
encouragement on that of the soldier. Many pages of Japanese annals
and household traditions are associated with its use. In every age
numbers of men devoted their whole lives to acquiring novel skill in
swordsmanship. Many of them invented systems of their own, differing
from one another in some subtle details unknown to any save the master
himself and his favourite pupils. Not merely the method of handling
the weapon had to be studied. Associated with sword-play was an art
variously known as _shinobi_, _yawara_, and _jujutsu_, names which
imply the exertion of muscular force in such a manner as to produce a
maximum of effect with a minimum of effort, by directing an
adversary's strength so as to become auxiliary to one's own. It was an
essential element of the expert's art not only that he should be
competent to defend himself with any object that happened to be within
reach, but also that without an orthodox weapon he should be capable
of inflicting fatal or disabling injury on an assailant. In the many
records of great swordsmen instances are related of men seizing a
piece of firewood, a brazier-iron, or a druggist's pestle as a weapon
of offence, while, on the other side, an umbrella, an iron fan or even
a pot-lid served for protection. The samurai had to be prepared for
every emergency. Were he caught weaponless by a number of assailants,
his art of yawara was supposed to supply him with expedients for
emerging unscathed. Nothing counted save the issue. The methods of
gaining victory or the circumstances attending defeat were scarcely
taken into consideration. The true samurai had to rise superior to all
contingencies. Out of this perpetual effort on the part of hundreds of
experts to discover and perfect novel developments of swordsmanship,
there grew a habit which held its vogue down to modern times, namely,
that when a man had mastered one style of sword-play in the school of
a teacher, he set himself to study all others, and for that purpose
undertook a tour throughout the provinces, challenging every expert,
and, in the event of defeat, constituting himself the victor's pupil.
The sword exercised a potent influence on the life of the Japanese
nation. The distinction of wearing it, the rights that it conferred,
the deeds wrought with it, the fame attaching to special skill in its
use, the superstitions connected with it, the incredible value set
upon a fine blade, the honours bestowed on an expert sword-smith, the
traditions that had grown up around celebrated weapons, the profound
study needed to be a competent judge of a sword's qualities--all these
things conspired to give the katana an importance beyond the limits of
ordinary comprehension. A samurai carried at least two swords, a long
and a short. Their scabbards of lacquered wood were thrust into his
girdle, not slung from it, being fastened in their place by cords of
plaited silk. Sometimes he increased the number of swords to three,
four or even five, before going into battle, and this array was
supplemented by a dagger carried in the bosom. The short sword was not
employed in the actual combat. Its use was to cut off an enemy's head
after overthrowing him, and it also served a defeated soldier in his
last resort--suicide. In general the long sword did not measure more
than 3 ft., including the hilt; but some were 5 ft. long, and some 7.
Considering that the scabbard, being fastened to the girdle, had no
play, the feat of drawing one of these very long swords demanded
extraordinary aptitude.

Spear and glaive were also ancient Japanese weapons. The oldest form
of spear was derived from China. Its handle measured about 6 ft. and
its blade 8 in., and it had sickle-shaped horns at the junction of
blade and hilt (somewhat resembling a European _ranseur_). This weapon
served almost exclusively for guarding palisades and gates. In the
14th century a true lance came into use. Its length varied greatly,
and it had a hog-backed blade tempered almost as finely as the sword
itself. This, too, was a Chinese type, as was also the glaive. The
glaive (_naginata_, long sword) was a scimitar-like blade, some 3 ft.
in length, fixed on a slightly longer haft. Originally the warlike
monks alone employed this weapon, but from the 12th century it found
much favour among military men. Ultimately, however, its use may be
said to have been limited to women and priests. The spear, however,
formed a useful adjunct of the sword, for whereas the latter could not
be used except by troops in very loose formation, the former served
for close-order fighting.

Armour.

Japanese armour (_gusoku_) may be broadly described as plate armour,
but the essential difference between it and the European type was
that, whereas the latter took its shape from the body, the former
neither resembled nor was intended to resemble ordinary garments.
Hence the only changes that occurred in Japanese armour from
generation to generation had their origin in improved methods of
construction. In general appearance it differed from the panoply of
all other nations, so that, although to its essential parts we may
apply with propriety the European terms--helmet, corselet,
&c.--individually and in combination these parts were not at all like
the originals of those names. Perhaps the easiest way of describing
the difference is to say that whereas a European knight seemed to be
clad in a suit of metal clothes, a Japanese samurai looked as if he
wore protective curtains. The Japanese armour was, in fact, suspended
from, rather than fitted to, the person. Only one of its elements
found a counterpart in the European suit, namely, a tabard, which, in
the case of men of rank, was made of the richest brocade. Iron and
leather were the chief materials, and as the laminae were strung
together with a vast number of coloured cords--silk or leather--an
appearance of considerable brilliancy was produced. Ornamentation did
not stop there. Plating and inlaying with gold and silver, and finely
wrought decoration in chiselled, inlaid and _repoussé_ work were
freely applied. On the whole, however, despite the highly artistic
character of its ornamentation, the loose, pendulous nature of
Japanese armour detracted greatly from its workmanlike aspect,
especially when the _horo_ was added--a curious appendage in the shape
of a curtain of fine transparent silk, which was either stretched in
front between the horns of the helmet and the tip of the bow, or worn
on the shoulders and back, the purpose in either case being to turn
the point of an arrow. A true samurai observed strict rules of
etiquette with regard even to the garments worn under his armour, and
it was part of his soldierly capacity to be able to bear the great
weight of the whole without loss of activity, a feat impossible to any
untrained man of modern days. Common soldiers were generally content
with a comparatively light helmet and a corselet.

War-horses.

The Japanese never had a war-horse worthy to be so called. The
mis-shapen ponies which carried them to battle showed qualities of
hardiness and endurance, but were so deficient in stature and
massiveness that when mounted by a man in voluminous armour they
looked painfully puny. Nothing is known of the early Japanese saddle,
but at the beginning of historic times it approximated closely to the
Chinese type. Subsequently a purely Japanese shape was designed. It
consisted of a wooden frame so constructed that a padded numnah could
be fastened to it. Galled backs or withers were unknown with such a
saddle: it fitted any horse. The stirrup, originally a simple affair
resembling that of China and Europe, afterwards took the form of a
shoe-sole with upturned toe. Both stirrups and saddle-frame were often
of beautiful workmanship, the former covered with rich gold lacquer,
the latter inlaid with gold or silver. In the latter part of the
military epoch chain-armour was adopted for the horse, and its head
was protected by a monster-faced mask of iron.

Early Strategy and Tactics.

Flags were used in battle as well as on ceremonial occasions. Some were monochrome, as the red and white flags of the Taira and the Minamoto clans in their celebrated struggle during the 12th century; and some were streamers emblazoned with figures of the sun, the moon, a dragon, a tiger and so forth, or with religious legends. Fans with iron ribs were carried by commanding officers, and signals to advance or retreat were given by beating drums and metal gongs and blowing conches. During the military epoch a campaign was opened or a contest preluded by a human sacrifice to the god of war, the victim at this rite of blood (_chi-matsuri_) being generally a prisoner or a condemned criminal. Although ambuscades and surprises played a large part in all strategy, pitched battles were the general rule, and it was essential that notice of an intention to attack should be given by discharging a singing arrow. Thereafter the assaulting army, taking the word from its commander, raised a shout of "Ei! Ei!" to which the other side replied, and the formalities having been thus satisfied, the fight commenced. In early medieval days tactics were of the crudest description. An army consisted of a congeries of little bands, each under the order of a chief who considered himself independent, and instead of subordinating his movements to a general plan, struck a blow wherever he pleased. From time immemorial a romantic value has attached in Japan to the first of anything: the first snow of winter; the first water drawn from the well on New Year's Day; the first blossom of the spring; the first note of the nightingale. So in war the first to ride up to the foe or the wielder of the first spear was held in high honour, and a samurai strove for that distinction as his principal duty. It necessarily resulted, too, not only from the nature of the weapons employed, but also from the immense labour devoted by the true samurai to perfecting himself in their use, that displays of individual prowess were deemed the chief object in a battle. Some tactical formations borrowed from China were familiar in Japan, but their intelligent use and their modification to suit the circumstances of the time were inaugurated only by the great captains of the 15th and 16th centuries. Prior to that epoch a battle resembled a gigantic fencing match. Men fought as individuals, not as units of a tactical formation, and the engagement consisted of a number of personal duels, all in simultaneous progress. It was the samurai's habit to proclaim his name and titles in the presence of the enemy, sometimes adding from his own record or his father's any details that might tend to dispirit his hearers. Then some one advancing to cross weapons with him would perform the same ceremony of self-introduction, and if either found anything to upbraid in the other's antecedents or family history, he did not fail to make loud reference to it, such a device being counted efficacious as a means of disturbing an adversary's _sang-froid_, though the principle underlying the mutual introduction was courtesy. The duellists could reckon on finishing their fight undisturbed, but the victor frequently had to endure the combined assault of a number of the comrades or retainers of the vanquished. Of course a skilled swordsman did not necessarily seek a single combat; he was equally ready to ride into the thick of the fight without discrimination, and a group of common soldiers never hesitated to make a united attack upon a mounted officer if they found him disengaged. But the general feature of a battle was individual contests, and when the fighting had ceased, each samurai proceeded to the tent[13] of the commanding officer and submitted for inspection the heads of those whom he had killed.

Change of Tactics.

The disadvantage of such a mode of fighting was demonstrated for the first time when the Mongols invaded Japan in 1274. The invaders moved in phalanx, guarding themselves with pavises, and covering their advance with a host of archers shooting clouds of poisoned arrows.[14] When a Japanese samurai advanced singly and challenged one of them to combat, they opened their ranks, enclosed the challenger and cut him to pieces. Many Japanese were thus slain, and it was not until they made a concerted movement of attack that they produced any effect upon the enemy. But although the advantage of massing strength seems to have been recognized, the Japanese themselves did not adopt the formation which the Mongols had shown to be so formidable. Individual prowess continued to be the prominent factor in battles down to a comparatively recent period. The great captains Takeda Shingen and Uyesugi Kenshin are supposed to have been Japan's pioneer tacticians. They certainly appreciated the value of a formation in which the action of the individual should be subordinated to the unity of the whole. But when it is remembered that fire-arms had already been in the hands of the Japanese for several years, and that they had means of acquainting themselves with the tactics of Europe through their intercourse with the Dutch, it is remarkable that the changes attributed to Takeda and Uyesugi were not more drastic. Speaking broadly, what they did was to organize a column with the musqueteers and archers in front; the spearmen and swordsmen in the second line; the cavalry in the third line; the commanding officer in the rear, and the drums and standards in the centre. At close quarters the spear proved a highly effective weapon, and in the days of Hideyoshi (1536-1598) combined flank and front attacks by bands of spearmen became a favourite device. The importance of a strong reserve also received recognition, and in theory, at all events, a tolerably intelligent system of tactics was adopted. But not until the close of the 17th century did the doctrine of strictly disciplined action obtain practical vogue. Yamaga Soko is said to have been the successful inculcator of this principle, and from his time the most approved tactical formation was known as the _Yamagaryu_ (Yamaga style), though it showed no other innovation than strict subordination of each unit to the general plan.

Military Principles.

Although, tactically speaking, the samurai was everything and the system nothing before the second half of the 17th century, and although strategy was chiefly a matter of deception, surprises and ambushes, it must not be supposed that there were no classical principles. The student of European military history searches in vain for the rules and maxims of war so often invoked by glib critics, but the student of Japanese history is more successful. Here, as in virtually every field of things Japanese, retrospect discovers the ubiquitous Chinaman. The treatises of Sung and 'Ng (called in Japan Son and Go) Chinese generals of the third century after Christ, were the classics of Far-Eastern captains through all generations. (See _The Book of War_, tr. E. F. Calthrop, 1908.) Yoshitsune, in the 12th century, deceived a loving girl to obtain a copy of Sung's work which her father had in his possession, and Yamaga, in the 17th century, when he set himself to compose a book on tactics, derived his materials almost entirely from the two Chinese monographs. These treatises came into the hands of the Japanese in the 8th century, when the celebrated Kibi no Mabi went to study civilization in China, just as his successors of the 19th century went to study a new civilization in Europe and America. Thenceforth Son and Go became household words among Japanese soldiers. Their volumes were to the samurai what the _Mahayana_ was to the Buddhist. They were believed to have collected whatever of good had preceded them, and to have forecast whatever of good the future might produce. The character of their strategic methods, somewhat analogous to those of 18th-century Europe, may be gathered from the following:--

"An army undertaking an offensive campaign must be twice as numerous
as the enemy. A force investing a fortress should be numerically ten
times the garrison. When the adversary holds high ground, turn his
flank; do not deliver a frontal attack. When he has a mountain or a
river behind him, cut his lines of communication. If he deliberately
assumes a position from which victory is his only escape, hold him
there, but do not molest him. If you can surround him, leave one route
open for his escape, since desperate men fight fiercely. When you have
to cross a river, put your advance-guard and your rear-guard at a
distance from the banks. When the enemy has to cross a river, let him
get well engaged in the operation before you strike at him. In a
march, make celerity your first object. Pass no copse, enter no
ravine, nor approach any thicket until your scouts have explored it
fully."

Such precepts are multiplied; but when these ancient authors discuss tactical formations, they do not seem to have contemplated anything like rapid, well-ordered changes of mobile, highly trained masses of men from one formation to another, or their quick transfer from point to point of a battlefield. The basis of their tactics is _The Book of Changes_. Here again is encountered the superstition that underlies nearly all Chinese and Japanese institutions: the superstition that took captive even the great mind of Confucius. The positive and the negative principles; the sympathetic and the antipathetic elements; cosmos growing out of chaos; chaos re-absorbing cosmos--on such fancies they founded their tactical system. The result was a phalanx of complicated organization, difficult to manoeuvre and liable to be easily thrown into confusion. Yet when Yamaga in the 17th century interpreted these ancient Chinese treatises, he detected in them suggestions for a very shrewd use of the principle of échelon, and applied it to devise formations which combined much of the frontal expansion of the line with the solidity of the column. More than that cannot be said for Japanese tactical genius. The samurai was the best fighting unit in the Orient--probably one of the best fighting units the world ever produced. It was perhaps because of that excellence that his captains remained indifferent tacticians.

Ethics of the Samurai.

In estimating the military capacity of the Japanese, it is essential to know something of the ethical code of the samurai, the _bushido_ (way of the warrior) as it was called. A typical example of the rules of conduct prescribed by feudal chieftains is furnished in the code of Kato Kiyomasa, a celebrated general of the 16th century:--

_Regulations for Samurai of every Rank; the Highest and Lowest alike._

1. The routine of service must be strictly observed. From 6 a.m.
military exercises shall be practised. Archery, gunnery and
horsemanship must not be neglected. If any man shows exceptional
proficiency he shall receive extra pay.

2. Those that desire recreation may engage in hawking, deer-hunting or
wrestling.

3. With regard to dress, garments of cotton or pongee shall be worn.
Any man incurring debts owing to extravagance of costume or living
shall be considered a law-breaker. If, however, being zealous in the
practice of military arts suitable to his rank, he desires to hire
instructors, an allowance may be granted to him for that purpose.

4. The staple of diet shall be unhulled rice. At social entertainments
one guest for one host is the proper limit. Only when men are
assembled for military exercises shall many dine together.

5. It is the duty of every samurai to make himself acquainted with the
principles of his craft. Extravagant displays of adornment are
forbidden in battle.

6. Dancing or organizing dances is unlawful; it is likely to betray
sword-carrying men into acts of violence. Whatever a man does should
be done with his heart. Therefore for the soldier military amusements
alone are suitable. The penalty for violating this provision is death
by suicide.

7. Learning shall be encouraged. Military books must be read. The
spirit of loyalty and filial piety must be educated before all things.
Poem-composing pastimes are not to be engaged in by samurai. To be
addicted to such amusements is to resemble a woman. A man born a
samurai should live and die sword in hand. Unless he is thus trained
in time of peace, he will be useless in the hour of stress. To be
brave and warlike must be his invariable condition.

8. Whosoever finds these rules too severe shall be relieved from
service. Should investigation show that any one is so unfortunate as
to lack manly qualities, he shall be singled out and dismissed
forthwith. The imperative character of these instructions must not be
doubted.