Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (1)

[36] To the most honourable Doctor Theodore Vitus, most faithful
Minister of Christ at Nuremberg.

Theodore Vitus, (Dietrich de Weit,) a distinguished theologian,
friend of Luther and Melanchthon, preached the Gospel with great
success in the city of Nuremberg, his native place, and was worthy
of the esteem and affection of Calvin, not more on account of his
learning than his moderation. He died in 1549. Melanchthon wrote, at
the foot of his portrait, the following verses:

Ingenii monumenta sui, sed plura Lutheri
Edidit; his poterunt secla futura frui.

--[Melch. Adam, _Vitæ Theol. Germ._ pp. 199, 200.

Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the
opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper--earnest desire
for union and peace among the Churches--condition of Geneva.

GENEVA, _17th March 1546_.

Your letter gave me the greater pleasure, as I had not ventured to look for it, for it was my part to draw a letter from you by being the first to write. But that you, without being called upon, should of your own accord have anticipated me, I take as a proof of your greater friendship towards me. If, however, you would know the reason of my not writing, I refrained more from modesty than negligence. And generally the testimony of Philip [Melanchthon] is with me sufficient; but when no great familiarity intervenes, the crooked policy of the times sometimes makes me apprehensive. Wherefore, I am the more grateful to you for having removed every scruple. I greatly rejoice, also, to find that my pamphlet, _De Coenâ_, has met with your approbation.[37] It was written in French ten years before. When, without my knowledge, it had been already translated into Latin by two individuals, I at length consented to its publication, being afraid, in fact, that some worse version might forestall it. A style of instruction, simple and popular, and adapted to the unlearned, shews what my purpose was from the first; for I usually write more carefully for those acquainted with Latin. I laboured, however, not only faithfully to express my views, and reduce them within a brief compass, but also to unfold them lucidly, and without technicalities. Since then the _Institution_, having been revised, was again given to the public, in which, unless I am mistaken, I expound and more fully confirm the same doctrine, under a different form of expression, and with somewhat greater development. I at length also published a _Catechism_, which is trustworthy and pertinent evidence of the kind of doctrine with which the common people are imbued by me. Would that the people of Zurich, as you say, were willing to give their assent to that confession![38] I do not think Luther is so unyielding but that there might easily be an agreement, and they do not, withal, venture to disapprove of my views. The chief obstacle to their giving a public assent to my doctrine is, that being pre-occupied by a meaning, once and now for a length of time prescribed to them, they so stick to their customary forms as to admit nothing new. But if you consider the tyranny manifested by certain of the adverse party in the attempt to force the world, not only into their peculiar views, but also into a prescribed form of words, the furious insolence they shew, what commotions they excite,--the moderation as well as rectitude by which you are characterized, will lead you to condemn in the matter the absurd conduct of those parties, not less than the people of Zurich. May the Lord by his Spirit dispose us all to true moderation. You know that I am not in the habit of complaining when there is no ground for it; nor do I doubt but that you yourself, as might be expected from your eminent piety, sigh in secret over the same evils, while it is not in your power to remedy them. With respect to the assurances you give me regarding yourself, I wish you in turn to believe, that I am and always will be your sincere friend and brother. I now, with many others, request you to go on strenuously, and make no halt in your progress, until you have handed over to us Genesis completed.[39] For as Luther has just grounds for congratulating himself in having found such an artist to polish his works, so others experience how advantageous the labour is to the public. I may have wished, however, that you had been more sparing in your mention of the Sacramentaries, because I see that the minds of some are thereby exasperated, of whom there was a hope that they would be brought to moderate views. It will be for you to consider what may be more conducive to that end. I will be satisfied if you take my warning in good part, whether or not you act upon it. The Ratisbon Assembly will indeed bring forth smoke for us, which the Lord will soon dispel.[40]

[37] The following is the passage of the letter of Vitus to Calvin
to which he here refers:--"I have read your short address to the
people on the Sacrament of the Supper, and I approve of your calling
the bread and wine signs in such a sense that the things signified
are in reality present. Would that they who leave only the naked
signs, might be led by you to adopt that view!"--_Calv. Epist. et
Resp._, Amst., p. 37.

[38] This desire was happily realized some years afterwards, by the
adoption of a common symbol on the Supper, approved alike by the
theologians of Zurich and Geneva.

[39] Vitus lent useful aid to Luther in the revision of his
different writings, and rendered a real service to the Church by
collecting and offering to the public the Commentaries of Luther on
the Prophet Micah, and the first eleven chapters of Genesis.--Melch.
Adam, _Vitæ Theol. Germ._

[40] The Conference opened by the Emperor at Ratisbon, and to which
Bucer had been summoned, was a mere feint to divert men's minds, and
to transfer the decision of the points at issue to the Council of
Trent.

Here we are tranquil unless the Emperor molest us. Some suspect him of having an eye on Burgundy, with the view of threatening the kingdom of France from that quarter, while he would harass Provence by means of the young Duke of Savoy, and send in the English from the other side. I hold myself under the protection of God alone when I see that we are not far from certain danger. Adieu, most honoured sir, and most sincere friend. May the Lord Jesus ever guide and direct you by his Holy Spirit, and bless your labours. All my colleagues respectfully salute you. To yours also you will convey the highest respects in my name, and in that of my colleagues.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. Copy, Library of Zurich, Coll. Simler._ Vol. 59.]

CLX.--TO VIRET.[41]

[41] Viret, yielding to the entreaties of Calvin, went to Geneva
towards the end of March, and there received the most honourable
marks of public affection. We read in the Registers of Council, of
date the 2d April 1546,--"Grand reception given to Farel and Viret,
who had just arrived at Geneva."

Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva.

GENEVA, _26th March, before supper_.

The person who delivered yours to me did not know whence it came. I thus received it somewhat later than I wished. I attended to the wish you expressed, that a suitable horse, and one without show, should be sent to you. It would, however, have been sent off sooner, had I not told our people beforehand that you could not leave your place of residence before the morning discourse. I certainly could have wished, if your letter had arrived in time, that you had been sent for sooner. But I supposed that you had set out with Christopher: for that was the reason why I gave you no letter by the messenger belonging to my household. If, after preaching, you can come as far as Nyon, you will be here on Monday before supper; but take care lest you fatigue yourself. You had better come to Nyon on Monday. We shall have you with us in good time, if we get you well. Salute all the brethren.

May the Lord bring you to us safe and in good spirits.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CLXI.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.

Calvin's labours--the diet at Ratisbon--the Church at Metz--the
reformation at Heidelberg--_apology_ for M. de Falais--opinion
regarding the sermons of Ochino.

[_April 1546._][42]

[42] _On the back_, in the handwriting of M. de Falais,--Received
the 16th of April 1546.

MONSEIGNEUR,--I thank you for the care which you have of my health, anxious that I would not overburthen myself, in straining a point to write to you, when I am not in a fit state to do so. But had I only to write to you, it would be to me a very easy labour, if that can be called toil wherein one only finds pleasure. The difficulty arises from the annoyances and interruptions of the train of thought which intervene, to break off a letter in the midst twenty times over, or even more, beyond all bounds. As regards health, I was much more feeble when I wrote to you a while ago than I am at present. But being in a good state of general bodily condition, I am unceasingly tormented with a heaviness, which, as it were, suffers me not to do anything. For, besides the sermons and lectures, there is a month already gone in which I have scarce done anything, in such wise that I am almost ashamed to live thus useless. But if it please God, of his goodness, to make use of me, he will release me and allay this ill, which holds me so fast that I cannot set about any labour of importance, to employ the leisure which he gives me. Nevertheless, he does not cease to exercise me by some means or other, in order that I may not grow rusty through laziness. If, however, he does not graciously restore me to a better condition, I am not likely ever to get on horseback. Even more than that, were I ever to be sent for, I could not stir out of the house in such a state. But, as you observe, they let me alone, from fear of setting astir the frantic blockheads; and on my side, I willingly give up the diets to those who have a liking for them, as for any good they do.[43] I am glad that our Lord has put you out of pain as regards Norberg. As for what remains to be done, you will have an opportunity of considering what it ought to be, having been informed by Jéhan de Rochefort, and after having established your case, as it can be done, in coming forth out of Egypt and out of Babylon. It is like what is said by Moses and by Ezekiel,--_in much stir and with haste_. I hope, should it so please God, that all is over by this time. I would not have you to be too much astonished at the length of time you have been in receiving letters from him, considering the length of the journey. But if God has been so gracious to him, and to you also, as to make a way of escape out of danger, he will not have tarried so long on the way as not to be, by this time, on his return. Thus, being at rest in regard to that matter, you will take counsel for the future.

[43] A new diet had been assembled at Ratisbon, for the pacification
of the religious troubles of Germany. That assembly opened in the
month of June 1546, in presence of the Emperor, and like those which
had preceded, concluded without any result whatsoever.

As to Constance, I had not spoken to you, but that your present abode did not please you. When the crisis comes, however, Strasbourg is more suitable, and I like it better, were it not for the reason which you allege.

In Metz,[44] I see a great evil, the want of guidance and of cordial interest, albeit that these are rather two evils. But God will find the remedy. We must try every method which he presents to us, and even stir up ourselves, where the means appear to be wanting. And whereas I know that you have no need to be exhorted not to spare yourself, I forbear to do so.

[44] The Protestants of this town, feebly supported by the league of
Smalkald, and intimidated by the presence of the imperial legate,
devoted to the Roman Catholic clergy, had already lost the rights
which had been guarantied to them by the accord of 1543, and so
found themselves deprived of the exercise of public worship and of
the pastorate.--(See a letter of Myconius to Calvin, 13th November
1543. _Calv. Epist. et Responsa_, Amst. p. 26.)

I am not at all amazed, if Master Peter Alexander is bold, having his chin thus held above water, and that besides he is quite accustomed at Heidelberg to hear that doctrine already for a long time past.[45] He is even well aware that he has no other means for advancing himself. Thus it is no wonder if he takes advantage of it where there is no danger at all. But I see quite well that he is not an over-confident man, were it only by his conclusions. What is worse, he makes a stupid blunder in this, that he says, the swearing an oath is forbidden by God; and that with a blasphemy, inasmuch as he attributes authority to Saint Paul to permit what has been prohibited by his Master; but these are matters for the civil magistrate to decide.

[45] In the year 1546, the Palatinate witnessed the accomplishment
of a great religious revolution. The Elector, Frederic II., yielding
to the wish of his subjects, proclaimed the establishment of the
Reformation, and the abolition of the old worship in his states. The
chief instrument of that revolution was the minister Paul Fagius,
the disciple of Capito.--Sleidan, _Comment._ lib. xvi. p. 266. De
Thou, lib. ii. c. 3.

_The Apology_ would be much better drawn up where you are than at a distance. This I say not to exempt myself, but inasmuch as I think that such is the case; for I am quite ready to undertake the employment. So also would Master Peter Viret, but his style of writing would not be altogether suited to such an argument, owing to his want of conciseness. And for myself I would have to bite my nails in more than a hundred passages, if we could not confer together so as to resolve by common accord what might be fit to say or to omit. Nevertheless, we shall take care to meet your wish whenever you shall have come to a determination upon the whole case and the state of your affairs. Howbeit, I have retained no memorandum of the particulars beside me. What I have told you about the Emperor, was not so much to find fault with what has been done, as to set forth the reason why it ought not to be inserted so as to be seen. I praise our Lord that the present of my Commentary is agreeable to you. In conformity with your answer, our brother sent his translation to Vendelin, addressing the preface to you, in order that having seen it beforehand, you may judge what course shall appear to you to be expedient.

The request which I made to you so affectionately, not to separate your household from the French Church,[46] was not founded upon any report, but solely upon a passage of your letter where you signify that you were in course of doing so, not perceiving any amendment in that quarter. It suffices, that I am aware of your intention, so as not to be further troublesome to you on that score. I see indeed the reasons you may have, but I take into view the scandal which would thence arise. All is well, since you have condescended to my request.

[46] The French Church of Strasbourg, of which Calvin had been
pastor during his exile from Geneva.

I would desire, Monseigneur, that the hundred crowns [escus] might be sent to the lady, and they would be returned to you forthwith, sending to the Ladies de Tilly what is resting due to them, since the father shews himself such a one as he is. I would earnestly wish, that in disposing ourselves willingly and patiently to bear the cross, we were framing our shoulders to such a charge. But these are matters about which we shall better talk together than we can write.

I pray you to hold me excused, if I do not as yet signify my opinion of the translation of the Sermons of Messire Bernardino.[47] I may, however, speak a word in your ear, that they are more useful in Italian than in other languages, were it not that the name of the man is of use; and then there is such a variety of minds, that it is not amiss to endeavour to draw some of them by that means. Of the translator, I shall let you know my opinion, please God, in a few words shortly.

[47] Introduced by Calvin to Myconius, Ochino made but a very short
stay at Bâle, where those writings made their appearance which have
been such a blot upon his memory. In 1545 he went to Augsbourg,
where he became minister to the congregation of Italian refugees
until the epoch of the _Interim_, which was the cause of his
betaking himself to England. His leanings toward heterodoxy were
veiled from the eyes of every one, except perhaps the clear-sighted
discernment of Calvin, who valued his abilities, without having
an entire confidence in the solidity of his doctrines. The
ever-recurring changes of his unsettled life led him, at a later
period, to class himself with the sect of the anti-Trinitarians.
His discourses, so much admired by Cardinal Bembo, and the Emperor
Charles V. himself, are less remarkable for their purity of doctrine
than for the warmth of feeling and the poetical flash of the style.
They have been printed under the following title: _Prediche di
Messer Bernardino Ochino_, 1543, and reprinted on several occasions;
but we are not aware of any translation, whether Latin or French.
See Schelhorn, _Ergötzlichkeiten_, tom. iii. pp. 2022, 2161, 2166,
and pp. 2174-2179.

As touching the _apology_ of the ladies,[48] I think, Monseigneur, you have my opinion of it signified already in brief, at least I would here declare it, that the author has not observed what the Latins call _decorum_. For the course of procedure is unbefitting the individuals. Everybody will not perceive this, only those who have their wits about them. This is the reason why I have retained it beside me.

[48] The sisters of M. de Falais.

The letters of Diaz[49] were not needed to shew me on what authority you had opened those which he might write to me. For you have sufficient authority without any one else giving it to you. I humbly thank you for the offer which you have so kindly made for the baptism of our child.[50] And now, Monsieur, to conclude, after having humbly, and with all possible kindly affection, commended me to your good favour and that of Madame, and having also presented the humble salutations of my wife, I pray our good Lord to guide you always as he has done, shewing himself the true protector both of you and of all that concerns you.

Your humble brother, servant, and ever your entire friend,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

[49] Juan Diaz, originally of Cuença, in Spain, studied letters at
the University of Paris, and was distinguished, amid the scholars of
his nation, "by superior learning, adorned with pure morals, great
mildness, prudence, and benignity." Initiated in the knowledge of
the Gospel, he left Paris and visited Geneva, Bâle, Strasbourg,
where he acquired the friendship of Bucer, whom he accompanied into
Germany. The Jesuit, Malvenda, a stout defender of Popish idolatry,
having made vain efforts to lead him back to the Romish Church,
the adversaries of Juan Diaz planned a most detestable conspiracy
against his life, and, on the 27th of March, he was assassinated
by order of Alphonso Diaz, his own brother, who had come from Rome
in order to the accomplishment of this execrable outrage, the
instigator of which remained unpunished.--See the record of this
odious fratricide in Sleidan, and _Histoire des Martyrs_, pp. 162,
168; and Letter CLXIII.

[50] Calvin had this year a child by his wife, Idelette de Bure,
which died in the birth.

CLXII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.

Advice regarding the editing of the _Apology_--details of a loan
contracted for M. de Falais--news from Germany and Italy--Farel
and Viret at Geneva--death of Juan Diaz.

_16th April 1546._

MONSEIGNEUR,--You see here what I have done desiring to comply with your wish.[51] That it shall altogether satisfy you I shall not venture to promise myself. It will be quite enough for me if you have the persuasion that I have not failed from lack of good-will. Indeed, I fear you may not find that which you had looked for. But it is not reasonable that I bear the blame of the too great credit which I may have with you. If I had been in a right frame, and had I had leisure, possible it is that I might have done better. But since these two things have been wanting to me, I pray you that you may please hold me as excused. It would not have cost me very much to fill up a much larger extent of paper; but I have studied brevity, thinking that nothing could be better, considering the personage to whom the writing is addressed. It did not occur to Saint André that it wanted anything, except that, on having come to the passage about your retirement, you might insist upon deducting separately in detail the travelling expenses which you had incurred up to that time. I had, indeed, thought of another conclusion to be urged, but because I did not well know how to keep within bounds, I have let it alone. You will exercise your own discretion as to adding an article to that effect, if you think fit, namely, with regard to the property, which you did not venture to make any other request to him about, fearing that it would be trouble thrown away, to speak to him about the property before being reinstated in his good graces, and also because that is the thing you most of all desire and prefer to anything else. In any event, let it please him to have regard to such a family, and not allow himself to be led by those who only seek its destruction. I know not whether it would be of advantage to your brothers[52] to make mention of them. You will consider about that. Towards the end, it would be needful to add an express clause, to remove the suspicion that you had too great regret, declaring that for the honour of God you bear the loss patiently, beseeching God that he would always make you sensibly aware of the work of Jesus Christ, and of the benefits bestowed on you by him, so as to reckon all things but loss and dung in comparison of him. If you determine to enter upon the subject of the property, it appears to me that it would be advisable to mention it thus briefly; I have explained the reason why I have not done so.

[51] At the request of M. de Falais, Calvin had prepared an apology
for his Lordship, which was to be presented to the Emperor at the
Diet of Ratisbon. This memorial, drawn up at first in French,
then translated into Latin, and along with a profession of faith,
containing valuable details for the history of M. de Falais, has
the following title:--_Apology of the very Illustrious Lord James
of Burgundy, of Falaise, and of Breda, wherein he has wiped away
the accusations wherewith he has been branded in the sight of the
Imperial Majesty, and sets forth the Confession of his Faith._ This
morceau has been published by the Amsterdam editor at the end of the
letters of Calvin to M. de Falais.

[52] M. de Falais had five brothers. Those alone of whom mention is
made in the letters of Calvin, are John, Seigneur de Fromont, and
Peter, Pronotary apostolic, who had embraced the Reformation.

But to proceed, Monseigneur, I have detained the man who has brought me your last, hoping that he would be the messenger to carry you this answer. But, at the end of six days, there has occurred a sudden piece of business to Sire Nicolas the present bearer. I have thereupon sent away the other, delivering to his care the two young children, because he could not have arrived so soon. He has been sufficiently admonished, not so much by me as by the others, to settle and choose some manner of livelihood; but I see clearly that he is not yet tired of running about. That arises in part from his too great simplicity,--for he has no great head-piece. Some clodpole, scarcely wiser than himself, had whispered in his ear in passing, that I would be quite able to recommend him to Berne, and put him in the way of his becoming a preacher. I have done everything to repress such an expectation: but he does not leave off his roving about; and although he seems to approve an advice when offered to him, immediately afterwards he begins to do the same thing again. I am sorry for it, for in other respects, I find him well disposed, and without malice.

As for the business of Sire Nicolas, the case is thus:--He had no means of squaring his accounts, but in taking the place which had been adjudged in hypothec to another preferable creditor, having struck off some pieces for law expenses. Thus he would have been excluded, had he not undertaken to reimburse the other party. What is worse, he who held the security was himself under hypothec elsewhere, in danger that his property might be sold, and needed to re-assure his interest therein. The subject is well worth what the said Nicolas has bargained for. The hardship was for him, that he would have had to pay seven hundred crowns before next Easter, and also that it is too large for him. But the necessity made him forget all that. It is true that he has to receive from Sire Antony Sieglessen a sum in satisfaction thereof, but he fears that it may not be ready at so short a term, seeing that he will have to transact with people who have no pity. In that perplexity, he has thought that if, peradventure, Antony de Sieglessen might not so readily be forthcoming with that which he has to receive from him, you would afford him some assistance, for a month, or six weeks' delay, on his giving you the security of Sire Antony and the place, on good and equitable terms. When he asked advice of me, I requested him to try all means before having recourse to you, which he had already indeed determined, as he told me, but that it was his last remedy. In any event, however, he would bring you letters of assurance over the place. To this I have not agreed, fearing lest it might appear to you that it would have the effect of protracting a settlement, promising to him to assure you that the responsibility lies not with himself but with me.

I have wished much to make this statement to you, Monseigneur, on purpose that you should be informed, that he did not rashly go beyond his authority, but that he had been constrained thereto; in order also, that when he could nowise do without your help, you might the more be induced to aid him. I can indeed assure you, that there will be no risk, for the assignment is quite valid. And if money were to be had here, he would not need to stir out of the house. But the country is stripped so bare of money, that it is lamentable, the more so that there is more due to him at Strasbourg than he has need for. I do not take upon me to ask it of you, for that is not my business. In so far as I have endeavoured to remove the doubts which might prevent you, I hope you will take it in good part, and that you will not ascribe it to importunity. Besides that, it is my duty, for I have been the cause, along with Monsieur David, of involving him in this anxiety. For we made the first purchase in his absence, because the said Monsieur David was fully resolved from that time forward to complete the transaction.

I believe that you have been otherwise informed of the death of the Marquis of Guasto.[53] We are not aware what the Emperor intends to do, except that people are coming from Naples toward Genoa. One can scarce think that he would go so far for pastime as to Argiers. And, indeed, I believe, that considering himself secure upon the side of France, and leaving the English to occupy the King's attention, having fully ordered everything to his own advantage in Germany, he would not make a mere feint of going to Argiers.[54]

[53] Alphonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Guasto, governor of the Milanese,
and one of the ablest generals of Charles the Fifth. He died in 1546.

[54] The Emperor, in 1544, had undertaken a disastrous expedition
against the town of Argiers. The military movements which were then
going forward in Italy, were intended to cover his real projects of
attack against the Protestant princes of Germany.

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret, in passing from hence, have requested me to present you their humble commendations. They have been here eight days to my great comfort, except in so far as they have made me put off my excusing myself to you. I am glad of your well-disposedness, and principally for your cheerfulness, and also because I hope that it will prove a means of our seeing you. We shall, in the meanwhile, however, pray God, that he would restore you from better to better, albeit that we must not look, neither you nor myself, to be ever of much worth in this world.

We have made Saint-André preacher, at which possibly you will be amazed. He did not look for it; and I believe also, that at the first move his courage would not have inclined him that way. But we have made conscience of it, seeing his zeal and readiness, not to leave him always idle. I hope that God will make use of him for the profit and upbuilding of his Church. He has not been brought to it without a struggle, but perceiving that the call was from on high, he has not resisted it.

To conclude, Monseigneur, after having presented the humble commendations as well of myself as of my wife to your kind favour and to that of Madame, I shall supplicate our good Lord to have you always in his protection, guiding you with a view to his honour, as he has done hitherto, and shewing himself so powerful in you, that we may always acknowledge the fruit of that great victory with which Jesus Christ consoles us.

Your humble servant and brother in our Lord Jesus,
JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

When I had finished these presents, I received the sad news of the death of good Diaz.[55] But it so happens, that the unhappy Papists shew more and more that they are led by the spirit of their father, who has been a murderer from the beginning.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

[55] See the following letter.

CLXIII.--TO FAREL.[56]

[56] The Ecclesiastical Ordinances, digested by Calvin and adopted
by the councils of the republic, daily encountered the keenest
opposition in the heart of a party which reckoned at its head men
belonging to the most distinguished families among the Genevese.
The Consistory and Councils together took care that the laws
were rigidly enforced, and checked improprieties without respect
of persons. The Captain-General, Amy Perrin, the Syndic Corna,
and several other persons, having, contrary to the prohibitions,
danced in a private house, "It is ordained," as is contained in the
Registers of 12th April 1546, "that they all be imprisoned;" and
with regard to the wife of Amy Perrin, who spoke insolently to the
Consistory, that she also be imprisoned, and be required to find
security. Perrin, to avoid undergoing the punishment pronounced
against him, had recourse to the pretext of a journey to Lyons; but
he was incarcerated on his return. The Syndic Corna acknowledged
his fault, and, after a deposition of some days, he was reinstated
in his office. The minister, Henry de la Mare, was deposed, for
having been present at the ball, and taken the side of the dance and
dancers against the Consistory. See REGISTERS OF COUNCIL, April 1546.

Troubles at Geneva--imprisonment of the several members of the
family of Favre--account of the assassination of John Diaz at
Neubourg.

[_April 1546._]

After your departure the dances caused us more trouble than I had supposed. All those who were present being summoned to the Consistory, with the two exceptions of Corna and Perrin, shamelessly lied to God and us. I was incensed, as the vileness of the thing demanded, and I strongly inveighed against the contempt of God, in that they thought nothing of making a mockery of the sacred obtestations we had used. They persisted in their contumacy. When I was fully informed of the state of the case, I could do nothing but call God to witness that they would pay the penalty of such perfidy; I, at the same time, however, announced my resolution of unbaring the truth, even though it should be at the cost of my own life, lest they should imagine that any profit was to come of lying. Francisca also, the wife of Perrin, grossly abused us, because we were so opposed to the Favres.[57] I replied as seemed proper, and as she deserved. I inquired whether their house was inviolably sacred, whether it owed no subjection to the laws? We already detained her father in prison, being convicted of one act of adultery,[58] the proof of a second was close at hand; there was a strong report of a third; her brother had openly contemned and derided the Senate and us. Finally, I added, that a new city must be built for them, in which they might live apart, unless they were willing to be restrained by us here under the yoke of Christ; that so long as they were in Geneva, they would strive in vain to cast off obedience to the laws; for were there as many diadems in the house of the Favres as frenzied heads, that that would be no barrier to the Lord being superior. Her husband had meanwhile gone to Lyons, hoping that the matter would be silently buried. I thought that they should be forced to a confession of the truth by an oath. Corna warned them that he would by no means suffer them to perjure themselves. They not only confessed what we wished, but that they, on that day, danced at the house of the widow of Balthazar. They were all cast into prison. The Syndic was an illustrious example of moderation; for he publicly spoke against himself and the whole herd so severely, that it was unnecessary to say much to him. He was, however, severely admonished in the Consistory, being deposed from his office until he gave proof of repentance. They say that Perrin has returned from Lyons; whatever he may do, he will not escape punishment. Henry was stripped of his office with our consent. With him there fell out a ludicrous enough altercation. He had admitted that what had been taken down from the witnesses was true. Meanwhile he had recourse to the defence, 'Against an elder admit no accusation unless before two or three witnesses.' I inquired whose saying this was,--'Out of thine own mouth I judge thee, worthless servant;' for that now the case did not lie in the trustworthiness of the witnesses, but in his confession. Besides, when he repudiated the witnesses, that he was pressed by the dilemma, either his confession was true or it was false: if true, there was no further ground for hesitation; but if he had said what was false, he was to be held as answerable for perjury, because he had sworn to something different from the reality. It therefore came to this, that he might say that he had spoken falsely and without regard to principle. When he said that it was unfair that he should be pressed by one who ought to have been his defender, I inquired by what obligation I was bound to him to defend a bad cause, for that I had taken no oath to the Franciscan faction. Much was said to the man, backwards and forwards, but the result was, that he departed loaded with the reproach and odium of all. Being deprived of his ministry, he was, at the same time, thrust into prison, whence, however, he was liberated in three days. There he was a strenuous patron of the dances, that he might embitter, as far as was in his power, the hatred towards me of those who were already more than sufficiently alienated from me. But whatever Satan may essay by the like of him, he will afford a striking example. For two things are already matter of public talk, that there is no hope of impunity since even the first people of the city are not spared, and that I show no more favour to friends than to those opposed to me. Perrin with his wife rages in prison; the widow is absolutely furious; the others are silent from confusion and shame.

[57] At the head of the opposition to the ministers were observed
the different members of the family of Francis Favre, a dissolute
old man, and father-in-law of Amy Perrin. Francisca, his daughter,
wife of the latter, made herself remarkable by the violence of her
invectives against the Consistory. "They remonstrated with her, and
made no more account of herself and her father than of the lowest
in the city. Being again interrogated whether she would name the
dancers, twice replied, that she would rather submit to punishment,
and be dragged before all the justices, than appear before the
Consistory."--Notes Extracted from the _Registers of the Consistory
of Geneva_, by the late Syndic Cramer, 4te, 1853.

[58] "That the father-in-law of Amy Perrin, who has committed
adultery, be also imprisoned, and put upon his trial."--_Registers
of Council._ Ibid.

Diaz, the Spaniard, whom you saw here, Viret, at the house of Des Gallars, and who, setting out from Neuchatel for Germany, had passed through with the two Senarclens, was most cruelly put to death. When the Emperor was said to be approaching, he had repaired to Neubourg, a town under the rule of Duke Otho Henry. From that place he wrote to me on the 13th of March. He had a brother at Rome of the name of Alphonso, who came thither with the express design of making away with this godly man. They conferred together for some days. When Juan observed that he was of no service, he left Alphonso. The latter, pretending that he had forgotten something, sends a servant to recall his brother, and put him to death in the house. He followed him to the house, nor did he believe the domestic that the slaughter had been perpetrated until he himself had viewed the corpse. Then he hurried off on fleet horses to the county of Tyrol.[59] Duke Otho sent the prefect of the palace to demand that he should be given up to punishment. Unless Ferdinand be willing to throw into confusion all things, both human and divine, he must of necessity avenge so base and abominable an outrage. For the prefect has at the same time surrendered himself a prisoner.

[59] See the whole of this narrative in the _Histoire des Martyrs_,
from the tract of Claude de Senarclens: _Vera Historia de Morte
Joannis Diazii Hispani._ 1546.

Adieu, dearest brethren; may God ever protect you. Salute all friends. You, Farel, will convey to the heads of the citizens my best greeting. I wish that I could one day creep your length, in whatever way it might be possible.--All ours salute you.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._--Opera, tom. ix. p. 38.]

CLXIV.--TO AMY PERRIN.[60]

[60] Letter without date, of which the original French is lost.
It is here reproduced from the Latin translation inserted in
the collection of the published Latin letters of Calvin, with
restoration of date, April 1546.

Amy Perrin, one of the earliest hearers of Farel and Froment at
Geneva, contributed powerfully to the disenthralment and reformation
of his native country. At one with the Reformers in the abolition
of the ancient worship and in the proclamation of the new, which
he regarded as the security for the independence of Geneva, he
broke with them the moment they undertook to correct manners, after
having reformed beliefs. He then became the head of that party of
undisciplined children of Geneva, "who wished to live according
to their own inclination, without suffering themselves to be
restrained by the words of the preachers," and whose triumph led to
the banishment of the ministers, (1538.) Commissioned, two years
afterwards, to negotiate their recall, he appeared to be reconciled
to Calvin, and to submit to the institutions of the Calvinistic
discipline; but the submission could not be lasting, and we again
find him, in 1545, along with Pierre Vandel and the two Bertheliers,
at the head of the party that must needs continue to strive with the
ministers, until their total defeat, (May 1555.) Of an irascible
temperament, of easy and frivolous manners, Amy took pleasure in
fêtes, and in appearing in public magnificently dressed. Being
accused (see the preceding letter) of having taken part in unlawful
dances, he refused to compear before the Consistory, incurred,
with his wife, the just rigours of the Seigneury, and became the
implacable enemy of Calvin, who, in a letter at once moderate and
powerful, essayed in vain to bring him back to the path of obedience
and duty.

Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin--firm and courageous
declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in
his duty unto death.

[_April 1546._]

I should willingly have met you, Lord Captain, had it not appeared to me that a different course was expedient. You will have an opportunity of hearing the reason from me at a proper place and time. I could have wished, however, that you had appeared at the Consistory, by way of example to others. As in that respect you did not do your duty, because you had perhaps not been warned, I desired you at least to be present at the close of the meeting to-day, that the Syndic Corna and I might there discuss the matter with you. What there was to prevent you I do not see. But this I wish you to consider, that we can not enjoy weight for weight with an unequal balance; and if impartiality must be observed in the administration of human law, any departure from it cannot be tolerated in the Church of God. You yourself either know, or at least ought to know, what I am; that, at all events, I am one to whom the law of my heavenly Master is so dear, that the cause of no man on earth will induce me to flinch from maintaining it with a pure conscience. I cannot believe that you yourself have any other end in view, but I observe that no one has his eyes wide enough open when the case is his own. As far as I am concerned, I desire, in this very matter, to consult not only the edification of the Church and your salvation, but also your convenience, name, and leisure; for how odious would be the imputation which is likely to fall upon you, that you were apparently free from and unrestrained by the common law, to which every one is subject? It is certainly better, and in accordance with my zeal for your welfare, to anticipate the danger than that you should be so branded. I have heard, indeed, what has proceeded from your house, viz., that I should take care lest I stir up a slumbering fire, lest what occurred before should again take place, in the course of the seventh year. But these speeches have no weight with me; for I did not return to Geneva either for the sake of leisure or of gain, nor will it again grieve me to be constrained to leave it. The convenience and safety of Church and State made me willing to return; and if measures are now being taken against me alone, I should wish it to be said, once for all, to all who think me troublesome, "What you do, do quickly." But yet, the unworthy treatment and ingratitude of some parties will not cause me to fail in my duty, and I will lay aside that devoted attachment to this place only with my last breath, of which I take God as my voucher. Nor will I ever so far yield to the humours of any other individual, as hereafter to dispense with his personal attendance. These observations do not refer to you, but to that member of your family that is nearest to you. Nor do I write them with the view of spreading quarrels, but that it may be manifest with what firmness I am about to proceed, whatever may happen. I am especially desirous to impress upon you the necessity of earnestly seeking to acquire the primary virtue of obedience to God, and respect for the common order and polity of the Church. May the Lord protect you by his own defence, and discover to you how greatly even the stripes of a sincere friend are to be preferred to the treacherous blandishments of others!--Adieu.

Your attached and sincere brother,
JOHN CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]

CLXV.--TO FAREL AND VIRET.[61]

[61] Menaced by a common peril, and having equally to resist the
pretensions of Charles V. to universal rule, the King of France and
the Protestant Princes of Germany had resumed negotiations, that
must seemingly issue in a lasting treaty. This treaty of alliance
was for long the object of the prayers and the hopes of Calvin, who
reckoned upon extracting from it advantageous results to the French
Protestants, and an implicit toleration for churches until then
subjected to the most violent persecutions. He pressed Farel and
Viret, one or other, to repair to Germany, to hasten the progress of
negotiations and determine the conditions of the alliance.

Requests in favour of the faithful in France.

GENEVA, _1st May 1546_.

This pious brother is a citizen of Uzés,[62] a place where many have been utterly ruined by the severity of the ungodly. They have all agreed to try whether any succour is to be found among the Germans. I replied, that I had somewhat greater hope to-day, in that our princes have shewn, by clear indications, their aversion from imprisoning. I had, besides, been reminded that there was a certain person at Worms, sent by the Dauphin, who makes many promises. I am, indeed, aware of the hollowness of courts, but there will be no harm in making trial. I should not have refused what they strenuously insisted upon, viz., that I should undertake this journey, were I not still a prisoner, so slow is the process of my convalescence. I hardly know what progress I have hitherto made towards recovery, unless that my sufferings are allayed.[63] I have, therefore, left this duty to one of you. Whoever of you finds it convenient will provide the expenses. As you, Viret,[64] are on the eve of setting out for Berne, it is right that our friend Farel be relieved by you of this burden, if the Senate give its permission. But if you shall not be free to go, Farel himself, I know, will spare neither himself nor his age; certainly otherwise he will be absolutely indispensable. Wherefore, if leave of absence be denied to Viret, take care you do not fail, Farel, for I have almost given a pledge in your name to the brethren. It remains with you, therefore, to fulfil the pledge, even though it were given rashly. Moreover, because, from the present state of the kingdom, it would be in vain to ask of the King what he ought to do of his own accord, we have judged that he must at least be required to undertake the commission of inquiry. This, again, will be equivalent to interdicting the Parliaments from engaging in it. In the next place, he must be asked to nominate extraordinary impartial judges. If this is obtained, a great step will be made. To aim at anything beyond this would, as I said, be superfluous. If the Chancellor is disposed to favour us, all will be well.[65] But as he is timid and tardy, we must see to it that he is vigorously urged on. Accordingly, not less pains must be taken in these secondary matters than in those of prime importance. But abjuration is always to be expressly excluded; for we do the work of Satan, if we open up a path to the godly whereby they may be permitted to abjure Christ. I diligently commend the whole matter, first to Master James Sturm, whose authority in the conventions is of the highest order; in the next place to Bucer, that he may stimulate those whom he can; again to Sturm and Dr. Ulrich, that they may also interpose the weight of their personal influence. The affair itself will give you counsel. You are not, however, tyros. May the Lord prosper his journey who shall undertake this sacred cause.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[62] Is this Uzés a small town of Languedoc, now comprised in the
department of Gard? Beza and the historian of the martyrs furnish us
with no information on this point.

[63] Desirous of rendering assistance to Calvin during his illness
and recovery, the Seigneurs of Geneva decided upon allowing him an
attendant at the public expense.--_Registers of Council_, 4th March
1546.

[64] Viret was on the point of repairing to Berne, in order
to discuss certain matters relative to the ordinances of the
Reformation in the Pays de Vaud.--Ruchat, vol. v. p. 298.

[65] After the disgrace of the Chancellor Poyet, this high office
was filled by François Olivier, Seigneur of Louville, President
of the Parliament of Paris. He resigned in 1550, and again became
Chancellor in 1559, in order to give his sanction to the lamentable
executions of Amboise, which he survived only for a short time.

CLXVI.--TO MADAME DE FALAIS.

Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of
the illness of M. de Falais.

FROM GENEVA, _this 21st of June_ [1546.][66]

[66] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais: "Received the
22d July." This note, taken in connection with the beginning of the
next letter to M. de Falais, settles the date of the present one.

MADAME,--Notwithstanding that the addition which you have made to your letter has marvellously saddened me, yet nevertheless it was kind to have informed me of it, for that will serve to bestir us, so that we may pray to God with so much the better heart, as danger is to be feared.[67] And, indeed, I had already heard somewhat thereof by Monsieur Dallein, and Master Peter Viret has confirmed it to me. Beside that in praying to God to look down with pity upon us in this strait, we must look patiently for an outlet such as he shall please to send; and whichsoever way he disposes thereof, that we may be prepared to bear with it in suchwise that it must effectually appear how obedient we are to him. Bethink yourself, also, how by that wearisome sickness and so many relapses, our Lord admonishes you, before the blow, so to strengthen you, that you may not be taken by surprise, whatever may happen. However the event may be, I do well believe that for all that, although he may get the better of it, we must not count, neither he nor myself, upon a long sojourning here below. And possibly you also may very soon after follow us. But, after all, I do not give up hope of more gladsome news.

[67] M. de Falais was at the time dangerously ill.

To conclude, Madame, after having humbly commended me to your good graces, I pray our good Lord to have ever his eye upon you, and to make you know it by experience for your consolation, increasing in you all those graces with which his children ought to be enriched.