Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (14)

You ought not to have feared, I think, that any one was accusing you of dishonesty, because I asked you not to think it troublesome, to give an answer to our magistrates, as if on an entirely new subject. For how could they make a public statement regarding a matter, into which no one had made any inquiry, although I readily allow it appeared differently to you? Your charging us with the want of moderation and humanity, was caused, we think, by your placing less confidence in our letter than you ought to have done. Would that Jerome were a better man than our letter declared him to be! Would that he attributed all to the grace of God, as you seem to think. But for you to plead in defence of a man who seditiously disturbed a peaceful Church, who strove to divide us by deadly discord, who, without ever having received the slightest provocation, loaded us with all sorts of abuse, who publicly taunted us with representing God as a tyrannical governor, nay more, that we had put the Jove of the poets in the place of God,--to defend such a man, I say, were the extreme of absurdity. How, moreover, can he attribute all to the grace of God, when he says that grace is offered alike to all, but that its efficacy rests with the free will of every one; when he prates about the heart of flesh, or the susceptibility of grace, being given to all, but so that every one may receive it of his own accord? Altogether, I feel grieved beyond measure that there is not a better understanding between us. Indeed I was astounded, on finding from your letter, that the kind of teaching which I employ is displeasing to many good men, just as Jerome is offended by that of Zuingle. Wherein, I beseech you, lies the similarity? For Zuingle's book, to speak confidentially, is crammed with such knotty paradoxes, as to be very different, indeed, in point of moderation, from what I hold. You are wrong in inferring that I have promised a new work, in which I undertake to demonstrate that God is not the author of sin. When that impostor was vexing me with his calumnies, I stated in refutation what was true, viz., that I had given sufficient evidence in a book which I had published, of my utter abhorrence of such blasphemy. I refer to the book published long since against _Libertines_. The dishonesty of that worthless wretch, however, induced me to publish in addition what remained of my reply to Pighius on _Predestination_. Should I fall into any mistakes, you will be kind enough to set me right. For the rest, I am sufficiently alive to the desirableness of my saying what I have to say with frankness and candour. Jerome has been publicly sentenced to perpetual exile. Certain slanderers have been falsely circulating that we desired a more cruel punishment, and some have been foolish enough to believe it. Our friend, De Falais, whose maid-servant Jerome had cured of cancer, on that account espoused his cause so very warmly, that he seemed almost infatuated. We easily, and from the first, shook ourselves free of this annoyance. But at the request of the neighbouring brethren, we were anxious to remove that plague from the Bernese district. Now that your answer has been ambiguous, the sorry wretch is making his boast that you countenance his error. I only wish I could at present venture to indicate the catastrophe of the tragedy, regarding which you desired to be informed. You will hear, before long, or I am much mistaken, in certain attempts just made, that he has paved the way for making still greater disturbances. Now, if I have laid bare my inmost feelings in making these complaints to you, let that have no weight so far as our reply is concerned. Although you disappointed my expectations, I nevertheless gladly offer you our friendship. I pass by the others just as if I was entirely satisfied. In conclusion, as my brother's sister is anxious about her son who is boarded in your place, I am compelled to trouble you about him. I wish you would inquire at his teacher, in her name, as to what progress he is making, and if you find that he is not realizing the hopes and desires of his father, that you will inform me of it at your earliest opportunity.

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

CCXCI.--TO FAREL.

Fresh complaints by Calvin against the ministers of Zurich and
Berne--his unpopularity in the latter city--advices to Farel.

GENEVA, _27th January 1552_.

I received your letter lately, in which you asked me silently to repress the feeling of wrong done me by your neighbours.[359] As for the people of Zurich, the die has been cast three days ago. The remedy was in my hands, indeed, until then. But I have no inclination to recall those letters which I have lately despatched. It was absolutely necessary for me afterwards to write to the theologians of Bâle, with whose answer, apparently so cold and empty, I had good grounds from the first to be displeased. But those things advanced by the others were so very worthless, that they did not cause me much annoyance. You are much mistaken in thinking that the former party are about to see their error. Wait rather till they make an absolute renunciation of the election of God. We have experienced the wonderful providence of God in this matter; for without being at the time aware of it, I, by the formula of our agreement, have so bound them, that they are no longer at liberty to do damage to the cause. For, in other circumstances, as I am informed by one, they would have become the patrons of Jerome. Even Bibliander, carried away by a sudden fit of excitement, was within a very little of coming to oppose us. He is at present engaged in writing something or other. However, you will find nothing in my letter, if I am not mistaken, except what is exceedingly temperate. I had, in truth, enough to do in repressing the grief with which I was at that time consumed. You will hear from Christopher what Viret advises to be done with the third. As he has an absolute horror of going to Berne, I have no special counsel to offer. However, the atrocity of the evils by which we are beset, compels us to attempt something. And now new matter for a tragedy has arisen out of mere nothing. For the chief magistrate of Ternier, on false and reckless information, eagerly summoned, as he is accustomed to do, John de Saint André before a public tribunal, charging him with having said before a public assembly, that whoever received the Supper on Christmas-day, received the devil and not Christ.[360] And witnesses were found to give evidence against him. In short, Satan will not lay aside such fanners as these until he has kindled some dreadful conflagration. But I suppose we may rather weep over evils of this sort, than hope to prevent them. At least I do not see what can be done. If I go to Berne, I fear I shall not receive a brotherly welcome from the brethren. Wicked men, who are at present exhibiting so much effrontery, while matters are in a doubtful state, will then be certain to be more insolent in their boasting. And although the pastors hold out some show of friendship, yet I scarcely expect to succeed in inducing them to maintain friendly intercourse with us, except by the permission of the Senate. You know how defective they are in courage and firmness. If they so far comply with our wishes in this matter, they will nevertheless think that they have doubly discharged their duty, when they have indicated in a single word that they have nothing to complain of. There is much talk in the city in the meantime. While revolving these dangers in my own mind, I can scarcely venture to seek a remedy for evils which vex me all the more from my very desire for their removal. If you hope to find Blaurer of any use to you, you should employ him. But I abstain from writing, lest some might think themselves wronged by my complaining to him. Try him, therefore, and give him advice about what he should do.

[359] In their reply to the ministers of Geneva concerning Bolsec,
the ministers of Berne freely pleaded the cause of toleration:--"We
do not believe," said they, "that it is necessary to treat those
who err with too much severity, lest while wishing to defend,
with too great zeal, the purity of dogmas, we swerve from the law
of Jesus Christ, that is, from charity.... Jesus Christ loved
the truth, but he loved souls also; not only those who advanced
without declension, but also those who went astray. And it is the
latter of which the Good Shepherd, in the Gospel parable, takes the
greatest care."... More explicit than the theologians of Zurich
and of Bâle on the doctrine which formed the ground of the debate,
the ministers of Berne gave a deliverance against the doctrine of
predestination:--"To come," said they, "to the subject of dispute
with Bolsec, you are not ignorant how much vexation it has caused
very many good men, of whom we cannot have a bad opinion, who
reading in the Scriptures those passages which exalt the grace
of God to all men, have not sufficient discernment rightly to
understand the true mysteries of Divine election, attach themselves
to the proclamation of grace and of universal benevolence, and think
that we cannot make God condemn, harden, and blind any man, without
being guilty of the insupportable blasphemy of making God himself
the author both of man's blindness and of his perdition, and by
consequence of all sin."--See this letter, and those of the Churches
of Zurich and Bâle, in the Collection of Professor Alph. Turretin,
entitled, _Nubes Testium_, and in Ruchat, tom. v. p. 461, _et seq._

[360] This minister was banished shortly after beyond the territory
of the Seigneurs of Berne on account of this expression.

In the next place, I have something about which I wish to admonish yourself. For I understand the prolixity of your discourses has furnished ground of complaint to many.[361] You have frequently confessed to us that you were aware of this defect, and that you were endeavouring to correct it. But if private grumblings are disregarded because they do not in the meanwhile give trouble, they may, nevertheless, one day break forth into seditious clamours. I beg and beseech of you to strive to restrain yourself, that you may not afford Satan an opportunity, which we see he is so earnestly desiring. You know that while we are not called upon to show too much indulgence to the foolish, we are nevertheless bound to give them something to allure them. And you are well enough aware that you have to do with the morose and the choleric; and in truth their aversion arises simply from too much pride on their part. Yet, since the Lord commands us to ascend the pulpit, not for our own edification, but for that of the people, you should so regulate the matter of your teaching, that the word may not be brought into contempt by your tediousness. It is more appropriate, also, for us to lengthen our prayers in private, than when we offer them in the name of the whole Church. You are mistaken if you expect from all an ardour equal to your own.

[361] Farel was a genuine orator. All his contemporaries speak
with admiration of his eloquent discourses, of his beautiful
exhortations, and of his prayers, so fervent, that no one could hear
them without being charmed. But it appears that his discourses were
all extempore; none of them have been preserved, but they had a few
of the defects of improvisation. Their fault was prolixity. Calvin,
in his preface to the Psalms, paid, among other things, a brilliant
tribute to the eloquence of his friend, and to those thunders of the
word (_tonitrua_) by which he had been enchained at Geneva.

I have dictated this letter in bed.[362] Adieu, most excellent and upright brother. Salute all friends. May the Lord preserve and guide you by his Spirit, and bless your labours!--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[362] In Calvin's own hand.

CCXCII.--TO MADAME DE CANY.[363]

[363] Without date. The end is wanting. We believe that this letter
refers to the first month of the year 1552.

Rigorous and inflexible spirit of Calvin against heresy--Praise
of Theodore Beza.

GENEVA, _January 1552_.

MADAME,--I am very sorry that the praiseworthy act which you did about half a year ago, has met with no better return. This is because no good and true servant of God found himself within reach of such help, as that received by as wicked and unhappy a creature as the world contains. Knowing partly the man he was, I could have wished that he were rotting in some ditch; and his arrival gave me as much pleasure as the piercing my heart with a poniard would have done. But never could I have deemed him to be such a monster of all impiety and contempt of God, as he has proved himself in this. And I assure you, Madame, that had he not so soon escaped, I should, by way of discharging my duty, have done my best to bring him to the stake.[364] Nevertheless, if the good we purpose does not come to pass, it is quite enough that God accepts our service. He commands us to help all those who need, and above all, those who suffer for his name. If men are often found unworthy of our help, let us be content that the Master acknowledges it all as done to himself; and that even if men prove ungrateful, he will confer so ample a reward, of which we cannot be deprived. And in this we enjoy a great advantage over those who, in serving their own fancies, persuade themselves that they do God service. For when we follow that which he approves, we are in no danger of losing our labour. Wherefore, let us not weary in well-doing, as likewise St. Paul exhorts us, signifying that we should not fail to find much in men that would immediately discourage us, did we not look beyond them. And, indeed, there is no doubt that our Lord wishes to try our constancy when he allows such temptations to befall us. Accordingly, he who would shield himself behind the ingratitude of mankind, will not be excused. As regards ourselves, there is much need that we should be confirmed against such scandals, for we meet them every day. And I have no doubt, that our Lord has so confirmed you, that you will not cease exerting yourself for his people when the opportunity occurs, and you have the means of doing what your duty requires. For seeing that God accepts and puts down to his account whatever is done to his people, it is to him that we fall short, and not to men, when we do not fulfil this duty. Now, our Lord presents you by us with an occasion of showing your perseverance, albeit that it is enough for me to have exhorted you in general.

[364] Who is the personage to whom these words refer, stamped at
once by the inflexible spirit of the time and the stern rigour of
the Reformer? The historian can only offer conjectures: can it be
Jerome Bolsec? But a regular sentence had banished him from Geneva,
and Calvin himself does not appear to have called for a more severe
judgment against this innovator whom resentment had transformed
into a vile pamphleteer. "That fellow, Jerome, is driven out into
perpetual exile by a public sentence. _Certain revilers have spread
abroad the falsehood, that we earnestly desired a much severer
punishment, and foolishly, it is believed._"--(Calvin to Bullinger,
in the month of January 1552.) In that age of inexorable severity
against unsound doctrine, Servetus only appeared at Geneva to
expire at the stake, and Gentili only escaped the scaffold for a
time, by the voluntary retraction of his opinions. To name Gentili,
Servetus, Bolsec, is to recall the principal victims of Calvinistic
intolerance in the sixteenth century, but not to solve the mystery
which attaches to the personage designated in the letter of Calvin
to Madame de Cany.

With regard to the present matter, I prefer to entreat you, as I now entreat with all possible affection. It is on the behalf of Monsieur de Bèze,[365] against whom a certain Monsieur de Sunistan has a lawsuit for the priory of Londjumeau. Upon his retirement, his condemnation was inevitable, for you are aware how things go in our favour. Be that as it may, Monsieur de Sunistan would have been well content with much less, and has obtained more than he could have ventured to wish, seeing that the Sieur de Bèze has been found liable for the whole of the costs, with restitution of the rents. Whereupon he (Sunistan) proceeds against the commissioners, who have received them in the name of the aforesaid De Bèze. To remedy this evil, we have bethought ourselves, Madame, of having recourse to you as to a refuge which God vouchsafes to us. We hope, indeed, that Madame[366] will do much for us. And since it has been through her that the said Sunistan has got the benefice, this is a reason why she should have authority to make him relinquish his claim upon the costs. I assure you, in all sincerity, that when he shall have done his utmost, he will not be able to get what he seeks. And therefore, Madame, I again beseech you, that it may please you to write so urgently to the said lady, that she may exert herself warmly to make the aforesaid Sunistan satisfied with the presentation. I do not make this request so much on my own account, as in the name of our Master, who has all credit and power with you as he deserves. I say this, not only to excuse the liberty I take, but also to obtain more easily from you what I ask. Nevertheless, I protest in truth, if I did not all I could to deliver from annoyance the man for whom I speak, I should do wrong to Jesus Christ and his Church. Our Lord has so wrought upon him, that he has withdrawn, notwithstanding the ease which he enjoyed, from the expectation of further advancement. But I let that alone in order to speak as to what I have known. I shall not even touch upon many virtues, which would have won your affections, had you seen them as I have done. I will only tell you, that he has received excellent graces from God, and has so improved them for the general benefit of the Church, that he is truly a pearl. This is why I have said that I less regard in this case the private individual, than my duty to my Master and his whole household, who have so much interest in such a spirit not being quenched by vexations and annoyances. And I am not the only person who think of him thus, but all those to whom the honour of God is dear, love and value this man as a treasure. I believe that my brother De Normandie does not write of him to you with less affection than I. We agree in this respect as in everything else, so that I believe that we both equally love him. You may have some taste of his mind by certain passages which he has translated, although he has other gifts which are surpassing and far more valuable. But I hope, Madame, that the reading of the Psalms, which you will receive by the bearer,[367] will of itself be my excuse towards you for so pressingly requesting you to be pleased to be the means of giving him relief, so that he may follow out this work, and also better things besides: and in doing so, you will oblige many worthy persons whom I know you would willingly please....

[_Fr. Copy._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]

[365] Theodore Beza, then professor of Greek literature in the
Academy of Lausanne. Born the 24th June 1519, at Véselay in
Burgundy, he had left Paris after a brilliant and dissipated
youth, and retired to Geneva the 24th October 1548, giving up the
possession of the rich benefices which he held of his uncle, the
Abbé of Froidmont. Of this number was the priory of Londjumeau,
which became the matter of a tedious lawsuit between Beza and the
new titular, M. de Sunistan, the protégé of the Duchesse d'Etampes.

[366] Anne de Pisseleu, Duchesse d'Etampes. She was a sister of
Madame de Cany.

[367] Laurent de Normandie. See note 1, p. 311.

This passage seems to refer to an edition of the Psalms translated into French verse by Theodore Beza, earlier than that which is mentioned by Senebier.--(_Histoire Littéraire de Genève_, tom. i. p. 289.--_Septante-Neuf Pseaulmes mis en Rithme Française, Quarante-Neuf par Clement Marot, avec le Cantique de Siméon et les Dix Commandements_, in 24. Genève, chez Simon de Bosc, 1556.) M. Picot, _Hist. de Genève_, tom. ii. p. 7, mentions an edition of the Psalms, published in 1551. We know that the first complete edition, for the use of the Reformed Churches, appeared at Lyons in 1562, with the "Privilège du Roi."

CCXCIII.--TO BULLINGER.[368]

[368] Despite Calvin's disagreements with the magistrates of Berne
and the Helvetic Churches, he did not hesitate to undertake a
journey to them in the month of March 1552, which the seriousness
of the circumstances demanded, in order to plead the cause, among
the Cantons, of the French Protestants, who were then in a most
deplorable condition. "This year," says Ruchat, "the King of France
carried his persecution of the Reformers, even to the death, so to
speak: and those faithful subjects, who wished only to be allowed to
serve God in liberty of conscience, were subjected to the violence
of his officers, who acted like so many unchained furies. The
flames were kindled, the wheel and the gallows were erected at all
the tribunals. The Protestant States of the empire, and the four
Reformed Cantons, wore active in their intercessions with the King,
by means of special ambassadors, in behalf of these poor persecuted
ones; but all their prayers were useless." (_Hist. de la Réf._, tom.
v. p. 479.) The King, on advising the Cantons to abstain from any
further approaches to him, declared that he wished to be allowed
to remain his own master, and to act as he pleased, and for them
to refrain in future, lest those cities continued this business at
their own peril; ... that they were at liberty to govern their own
cities as they thought proper; that, for his own part, he wished,
without let or hindrance, to do the same in his own kingdom,
because he intended by all means to purge it of those _seditious_
men.--(Bullinger to Calvin, tom. ix. p. 68.) This last epithet was a
_calumny_. Yet he continued, nevertheless, to persecute the faithful
of France as seditious and as rebels, because they desired to serve
and to worship God according to his word.

Journey of Calvin and Farel in Switzerland--steps in favour of
the Reformed in France--return to the affairs of Bolsec.

FROM AN INN AT BASLE, _13th March 1552_.

When Farel and I left home, we had resolved to visit you. At Berne we altered our plan, for the following reason:--We stated in the senate that there appeared some hope of relief for our unhappy brethren; because the king lately published an edict, in which he makes unusual concessions to the Germans; for in the first place he puts them on an equality with the natives; and further, by an extraordinary indulgence, he grants them the liberty of living according to their own religion. Besides, the attempts of the Sorbonne to excite cruelty, have less success and favour than hitherto. The death of Chatelain[369] also, who was cut off by an attack of colic, happened seasonably for us. The king seems so bent upon war, that he does not hesitate to prefer his present convenience to the senseless rage with which he formerly burned. There are many things, we think, which at present you may safely concede to them. It is certain, that in a war so changeable and so complicated as this, though there may be no formal compact, they have many common interests involved. Now the miserable condition of our holy brethren admonishes us of the necessity of watching over them, and urgently demands that we assist them to the best of our power. For the king, as if he had exhausted his kindness upon the Germans, ceases not severely to oppress his own. Moreover, as many opportunities might escape us, from our ignorance of passing events, it had already seemed to us advisable to turn and warn the Bernese to seize a favourable opportunity. But now, being taught by much experience that letters are of little avail, we have besought the Bernese senate to despatch an embassy, to assure the king that the cause was sincerely advocated; and that not only from the entreaties of others, but of your own inclination, and from the deepest feeling of your heart, you are inclined and earnestly desirous to plead it. The senate replied, that the occasion seemed not yet ripe, for that lately letters had been brought from the king, wherein he not only haughtily refused what the four states had sought, but fiercely chid them for not considering him a clement Christian king. It was stated, also, that letters would presently arrive, from which it would appear whether the King's mind were changed. The consul promised, however, that should a convenient opportunity occur, the Senate would by no means neglect this cause. Among other things, also, the Senate dissuaded us from going to Zurich, lest unnecessary expense should be incurred. We were vexed at this, because we would freely confer with you upon other matters, nor would you have been displeased at our arrival; however, that we might not seem too rash, we chose rather to be deprived of the pleasure of seeing you, and the benefit of your conversation, than to attempt anything which might injure the cause. Now both of us beseech you; nay rather all the godly who are suffering in France for the testimony of Christ, humbly beseech you by our mouth to be diligently watchful for all opportunities. Although it is enough to advise you, yet the anxiety under which we know them to groan, compels us to add some vehemence to our entreaties. But as we shall certainly not obtain what we wish, we must exercise moderation, so as not to give offence to the King. The edict has forty-seven heads. If in regard to four or five of the heads some reasonable relief were obtained, the brethren will think themselves not hardly dealt with. One for instance requires, that on holidays each with his family be present at the mass, and not only that he approve that idolatry by his gesture, and defile himself by impious and faithless hypocrisy, but that the articles of the Sorbonne be read aloud at the sacrifice; and thus all will subscribe to abominable blasphemies. But it is demanded that there be a rigorous examination of this matter. We must beg of the King, therefore, that men who pass their lives quietly, giving offence to none, shall not be eagerly watched, nor be subjected to the captious demands of the priests. The King confiscates the goods of those who betake themselves to us,--to places, as he says, obviously removed from obedience to the Holy See: nay, should their property be sold, he orders the purchasers to be dispossessed. As to this, we must beg that no man shall be considered a criminal, if, having nothing else laid to his charge, he willingly and peacefully migrate elsewhere, because he cannot for conscience sake remain in the kingdom; provided only that they do not betake themselves to an unfriendly country. But the first thing to be secured is, that an embassy be resolved upon. It will appear afterwards what is to be demanded.

[369] See note 1, Vol. i. p. 439.

"This good bishop," says Beza, "agreeing to persecute those whom he formerly defended as far as he could, was made Bishop of Orleans, whither God attended him on his journey. For on the eve of his _entrée_, he went, as the custom was, to the Monastery called Saint Iverte, and entered a pulpit to preach; there was a very great number of people present, and whilst uttering harsh threats against those termed heretics, he was seized with a colic so sudden and severe, that being carried away he died a miserable death on the following night, and made his _entrée_ elsewhere than at Orleans."--_Hist. Eccl._, tom. i. p. 81.

To the letters which I received when already on horseback, I only reply that I had good reason to expostulate, especially to a brother, in a brotherly way. Consider what we expected from you in the troubled state of our affairs. Consider, also, how contrary to our hopes was the answer you gave us; you may see that we had some cause to grieve. You wonder, because I utter a moderate and gentle complaint, that we were assisted less liberally than we had promised ourselves. However, I make no objection to my letters remaining buried, if they contained anything offensive.

The little book which I send you, will satisfy you, I hope, concerning the whole matter.[370] You may, however, if you choose, convey through me your free judgment. My brother's father-in-law was to have travelled thither with me; but since God has thrown an obstacle in our way, he writes to his son's master to keep him till the end of the year, for but a short time now remains. In the meanwhile, it will be the master's duty to treat him as a boy who requires a tighter rein and a severer discipline. Farewell, most accomplished sir, and most esteemed brother. Salute warmly, in my name, your brethren and fellow-ministers. The Lord guide you by his Spirit, and keep you under his protection! Amen. The Marquis de Vico,[371] and Normandie, and our other companions, desire me to greet you heartily.

[370] Doubtless the writing published by Calvin and his colleagues,
entitled, "_Congrégation faite en l'Eglise de Genève sur la Matière
de l'élection éternelle_." Geneva, 1552, 8vo.

[371] The Marquis de Vico, a Neapolitan nobleman, retired to Geneva.
He was admitted an inhabitant of the city, "after having promised to
submit to the laws of the magistrates, and to live in the profession
of the Reformed religion."--_Registers of Council_, 15th June 1551.

Excuse my employing an amanuensis, for I dictate from my bed.

In the name of Farel and myself,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta_, p. 16.]

CCXCIV.-TO CRANMER.[372]

[372] Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of
England, took an important part in the Reformation of his country
during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. He laboured
assiduously with the Reformers of the Continent, who esteemed
his learning and honoured his character, to establish a bond of
union between the foreign churches and his own; and if he did not
live to see his efforts crowned with success, he at least left
behind him an example worthy of imitation. What is most notable
in these endeavours is to be found in Cranmer's Letters to the
leading theologians of Switzerland and Germany, reproduced in the
Collections of his Works published by the _Parker Society_. They
are likewise to be found in the Collection of _Zurich Letters_,
1st series, vol. i. p. 21-26, from which we borrow the following
letter to Calvin, which furnishes us with the date of the Reformer's
reply to the Prelate:--"As nothing tends more injuriously to the
separation of the Churches than heresies and disputes respecting
the doctrines of religion, so nothing tends more effectually to
unite the Churches of God, and more powerfully to defend the fold
of Christ, than the pure teaching of the Gospel and harmony of
doctrine. Wherefore I have often wished, and still continue to do
so, that learned and godly men, who are eminent for erudition and
judgment, might meet together, and, comparing their respective
opinions, might handle all the heads of ecclesiastical doctrine, and
hand down to posterity, under the weight of their authority some
work not only upon the subjects themselves, but upon the forms of
expressing them. Our adversaries are now holding their councils at
Trent, for the establishment of their errors; and shall we neglect
to call together a godly synod, for the refutation of error, and for
restoring and propagating the truth? They are, as I am informed,
making decrees respecting the worship of the host; wherefore we
ought to leave no stone unturned, not only that we may guard others
against this idolatry, but also that we may ourselves come to an
agreement upon the doctrine of this sacrament. It cannot escape
your prudence how exceedingly the Church of God has been injured
by dissensions and varieties of opinion respecting the sacrament
of unity; and though they are now in some measure removed, yet I
could wish for an agreement in this doctrine, not only as regards
the subject itself, but also with respect to the words and forms of
expression. You have now my wish, about which I have also written
to Masters Philip [Melanchthon] and Bullinger; and I pray you to
deliberate among yourselves as to the means by which this synod can
be assembled with the greatest convenience. Farewell.--Your very
dear brother in Christ,

"THOMAS CANTUAR.

"LAMBETH, _20th March 1552_."

Calvin could only subscribe to the wishes so nobly expressed by
Cranmer, and which harmonized so well with the most elevated
sentiments of the Reformer of Geneva.

Agreement to the proposal for assembling a General Synod for the
more close union of the Reformed Churches.

GENEVA, [_April 1552_.]

Your opinion, most distinguished sir, is indeed just and wise, that in the present disordered condition of the Church, no remedy can be devised more suitable than if a general meeting were held of the devout and the prudent, of those properly exercised in the school of God, and of those who are confessedly at one on the doctrine of holiness. For we see how Satan is attempting, by various devices, to extinguish the light of the Gospel, which, by the wonderful goodness of God, having risen upon us, is shining in many a quarter. The hireling dogs of the Pope cease not to bark, in order to prevent the pure Gospel of Christ from being heard: so great is the licentiousness that is here and there breaking forth, and the ungodliness that is spreading abroad, that religion is become a mere mockery; and those who are not professed enemies of the truth, nevertheless conduct themselves with an impropriety which will create in a short time, unless it be obviated, terrible disorder among us. And not only among the common herd of men here does the distemper of a stupid inquisitiveness alternate with that of fearless extravagance, but, what is more lamentable, in the ranks of the pastors also the malady is now gaining ground. It is too well known with what mad actions Osiander is deceiving himself and deluding certain others.[373] Yet the Lord, as he has done even from the beginning of the world, will preserve in a miraculous manner, and in a way unknown to us, the unity of a pure faith from being destroyed by the dissensions of men. And those whom he has placed on his watch-tower he wishes least of all to be inactive, seeing that he has appointed them to be his ministers, through whose labours he may preserve from all corruptions sound doctrine in the Church, and transmit it safe to posterity. Especially, most illustrious Archbishop, is it necessary for you, in proportion to the distinguished position you occupy, to turn your attention as you are doing towards this object. I do not say this as if to spur you on to greater exertions, who are not only, of your own accord, in advance of others, but are also, as a voluntary encourager, urging them on; I say it in order that, by my congratulations, you may be strengthened in a pursuit so auspicious and noble. I hear that the success of the Gospel in England is indeed cheering; but you will experience there also, I doubt not, what Paul experienced in his time, that by means of the door that has been opened for the reception of pure doctrine, many enemies will suddenly rise up against it. Although I am really ignorant of how many suitable defenders you may have at hand to repel the lies of Satan, still the ungodliness of those who are wholly taken up in creating disturbances, causes the assiduity of the well-disposed to be at no time either too much or superfluous. And then I am aware that English matters are not so all-important in your eyes, but that you, at the same time, regard the interest of the whole world. Moreover, the rare piety of the English King, as well as his noble disposition, is worthy of the highest commendation, in that, of his own inclination, he entertains the pious design of holding a convention of the nature referred to, and offers a place for it also in his own kingdom. And would that it were attainable to bring together into some place, from various Churches, men eminent for their learning, and that after having carefully discussed the main points of belief one by one, they should, from their united judgments, hand down to posterity the true doctrine of Scripture. This other thing also is to be ranked among the chief evils of our time, viz., that the Churches are so divided, that human fellowship is scarcely now in any repute amongst us, far less that Christian intercourse which all make a profession of, but few sincerely practise. If men of learning conduct themselves with more reserve than is seemly, the very heaviest blame attaches to the leaders themselves, who, either engrossed in their own sinful pursuits, are indifferent to the safety and entire piety of the Church, or who, individually satisfied with their own private peace, have no regard for others. Thus it is that the members of the Church being severed, the body lies bleeding. So much does this concern me, that, could I be of any service, I would not grudge to cross even ten seas, if need were, on account of it. If it were but a question regarding the rendering of assistance to the kingdom of England, such a motive would at present be to me a sufficiently just one. Now, seeing that a serious and properly adjusted agreement between men of learning upon the rule of Scripture is still a desideratum, by means of which Churches, though divided on other questions, might be made to unite, I think it right for me, at whatever cost of toil and trouble, to seek to obtain this object. But I hope my own insignificance will cause me to be passed by. If I earnestly pray that it may be undertaken by others, I hope I shall have discharged my duty. Mr. Philip [Melanchthon] is at too great a distance to admit of a speedy interchange of letters. Mr. Bullinger has likely written you before this time. Would that I were as able as I am willing to exert myself! Moreover, the very difficulty of the thing which you feel, compels me to do what, at the outset, I affirmed I would not do, viz., not only to encourage, but also to implore you to increase your exertions, until something at least shall have been accomplished, if not all that we could desire.--Adieu, very distinguished Archbishop, deserving of my hearty reverence. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and to bless your holy labours!

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._ Opera, tom. ix. p. 61.]

[373] Alluding to the unfortunate controversies raised by Osiander
in Germany on the doctrine of Justification.

CCXCV.--TO BULLINGER.

Fresh details regarding the persecutions in France.

GENEVA, _Whitsunday 1552_.

After having resided for some time at Paris, this pious young man retired among you, and, judging from his conduct, I have no doubt but that he has really the fear of God in him, and is of a truly modest character. He studied the humanities with considerable success, has since entered upon theology, and now, that he may make greater progress in this study, he has resolved to enter your College and Church. Although he is not inclined to trouble you, nor, as I trust, any one else, yet as he appeared to me to be a person of pure and simple piety, I did not choose to send him away without this testimony. Our two friends who lately went among you have not yet returned. Would that our pious brethren experienced some relief![374] About two weeks ago, two others were put in chains at Lyons.[375] The faithful in Bretagne and Anjou are being badly treated. One was burnt lately at Bordeaux; others saved their lives by a perfidious recantation. He is venting his rage in other parts of the kingdom also. We must, therefore, be busy while we have opportunity. Adieu, most accomplished sir and revered brother. May the Lord be ever near you to guide by his Spirit. Salute your fellow-ministers in my name. My brethren salute you earnestly.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. copy._--_Imperial Library, Coll. of Dupuy_, 102.]

[374] See the eloquent appeal addressed to Bullinger, _ante_, pp.
329, 341. The latter had written to Calvin, giving him an account
of the fruitless efforts of the Cantons with Henry II., and of the
haughty response of that monarch: "He lives who delivered his people
from Egypt; he lives who brought back the captivity from Babylon; he
lives who defended his Church against Cæsars, kings, and profligate
princes. Verily we must needs pass through many afflictions into
the kingdom of God. But woe to those who touch the apple of God's
eye."--_Calv. Opera_, tom. ix. p. 68.

[375] See the following Letter.

CCXCVI.--TO THE FIVE PRISONERS OF LYONS,--MARTIAL ALBA, PETER ESCRIVAIN, CHARLES FAVRE, PETER NAVIHERES, BERNARD SEGUIN.[376]

[376] In the month of April 1552, five young Frenchmen, instructed
at the school of theology of Lausanne, and devoted to the functions
of the ministry, made arrangements for returning to their own
country. These were Martial Alba of Montauban, Peter Ecrivain of
Gascony, Charles Favre of Blanzac in Angoumois, Peter Navihères of
Limousin, and Bernard Seguin of La Reole. After having spent some
days at Geneva, they set out for Lyons, and met on the way at the
Bourg de Colognes, nigh to L'Ecluse, a stranger, who offered himself
as their fellow-traveller. They consented without harbouring any
suspicion. Arrived at Lyons, they parted with their travelling
companion, who pressed them to visit him at his dwelling of Ainay.
They went thither without any distrust, were arrested and led
away to the prisons of that jurisdiction. Such was the origin of
a long and doleful process, which held the Churches of France
and Switzerland for a long time in suspense, and during which,
the blood-thirsty cruelty of the judges was only equalled by the
constancy of the victims. On the first rumour of the arrest of
the five students, the Church of Geneva took the matter up, and
lavished upon the captives, by the voice of Calvin, the most lively
testimonies of their sympathy.

Information on various doctrinal points, and assurances of
Christian sympathy.

FROM GENEVA, _this 10th of June 1552_.

MY VERY DEAR BRETHREN,--Hitherto I have put off writing to you, fearing that if the letter fell into bad hands, it might give fresh occasion to the enemy to afflict you. And besides, I had been informed how that God wrought so powerfully in you by his grace, that you stood in no great need of my letters. However, we have not forgotten you, neither I nor all the brethren hereabouts, as to whatever we have been able to do for you. As soon as you were taken, we heard of it, and knew how it had come to pass. We took care that help might be sent you with all speed, and are now waiting the result. Those who have influence with the prince in whose power God has put your lives, are faithfully exerting themselves on your behalf, but we do not yet know how far they have succeeded in their suit. Meanwhile, all the children of God pray for you as they are bound to do, not only on account of the mutual compassion which ought to exist between members of the same body, but because they know well that you labour for them, in maintaining the cause of their salvation. We hope, come what may, that God of his goodness will give a happy issue to your captivity, so that we shall have reason to rejoice. You see to what he has called you; doubt not, therefore, that according as he employs you, he will give you strength to fulfil his work, for he has promised this, and we know by experience that he has never failed those who allow themselves to be governed by him. Even now you have proof of this in yourselves, for he has shown his power, by giving you so much constancy in withstanding the first assaults. Be confident, therefore, that he will not leave the work of his hand imperfect. You know what Scripture sets before us, to encourage us to fight for the cause of the Son of God; meditate upon what you have both heard and seen formerly on this head, so as to put it in practice. For all that I could say would be of little service to you, were it not drawn from this fountain. And truly we have need of a much more firm support than that of men, to make us victorious over such strong enemies as the devil, death, and the world; but the firmness which is in Christ Jesus is sufficient for this, and all else that might shake us were we not established in him. Knowing, then, in whom ye have believed, manifest what authority he deserves to have over you.

As I hope to write to you again, I shall not at present lengthen my letter. I shall only reply briefly to the point which brother Bernard has asked me to solve. Concerning vows, we must hold to this rule, that it is not lawful to vow to God anything but what he approves. Now the fact is, that monastic vows tend only to corrupt his service. As for the second question, we must hold that it is devilish presumption for a man to vow beyond the measure of his vocation. Now, the Scripture declares, both in the nineteenth of St. Matthew and in the seventh of the First to the Corinthians, that the gift of continence is a special grace. It follows, then, that those who put themselves in the position and under the necessity of renouncing marriage for the whole of their life, cannot be acquitted of rashness, and that by so doing they tempt God. The question might very easily be spun out to a greater length, by stating that we ought to consider, first, who He is to whom we vow; secondly, the nature of that vow; and thirdly, the party making the vow. For God is too great a master for us to trifle with, and man is bound to consider his own capabilities; for to present a sacrifice without obedience, is nothing but thorough pollution. However, this one point may suffice you to prove to them that the gift of continence is a special gift, and in suchwise special, that for the most part it is only for a season. So that he who possessed it for thirty years, like Isaac, may not do so for the remainder of his life. Hence you may conclude, that the monks, in binding themselves never to marry, attempt without faith to promise what is not given to them. As for their poverty, it is quite the reverse of that which our Lord enjoined upon his followers.

Concerning the nature of a glorified body, true it is, that the qualities thereof are changed, but not entirely. For we must distinguish between the qualities which proceed from the corruption of sin, and those which belong to and are inseparable from the nature of the body. St. Paul, in the third chapter of the Epistle to the Philippians, says that our vile or weak body shall be made like to the glorious body of Christ. By this humble expression or _Tapinosis_, he points out which of the qualities that we at present bear about with us in our bodies are to be changed; those, namely, which are of the corruptible and fading nature of this world. And on this subject St. Augustine says, in _the Epistle to Dardanus_, which in number is the 57th, "_He shall come again in the same form and substance of the flesh, to which certainly he gave immortality; he hath not taken away the nature. In this form he must not be supposed to be everywhere diffused._" This argument he follows out at greater length, showing that the body of Christ is contained within its own dimensions. And in fact our glorified bodies will not be ubiquitous, although they will have that likeness of which St. Paul speaks. As for the passage of the Apocalypse, the words are these in the fifth chapter: "_And every creature which is in heaven, and on the earth, and under the earth, and such as are in the sea, and all that are in them, heard I saying, Blessing, and honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb, for ever and ever._" Now you see that it is a childish cavil to apply this to souls in purgatory; for St. John, by the figure which is called _Prosopopœia_, rather conveys that even the fishes blessed God. And in regard to the passages of the Doctors, refer your people to the 27th Epistle of St. Augustine, _To Boniface_, where he states, toward the end, _that the sacraments have a certain similitude of those things which they represent_. _From whence it comes to pass, that after some fashion the sacrament of the body of Christ may be the body of Christ._ Item, that which he treats of in the third book, _Of Christian Doctrine_, where he says, among other things in the fifth chapter, "_Such is the completely miserable bondage of the soul in conceiving of the signs in place of the things signified, and never lifting up the eye of the understanding above the corporeal creature to breathe eternal light_." Item, in the ninth chapter.--"_The believer knows by experience, and understands_, [agnoscit] _to what the mystery of baptism, and the celebration of the body and blood of the Lord, may be referred, so that the soul can offer religious worship, not in the bondage of the flesh, but rather in the liberty of the spirit. So to follow the literal sense, and in suchwise to conceive of the signs instead of the things sealed or signified by them, is a slavish weakness; that mere symbols should be so unprofitably interpreted, is the result of vague error_." I do not heap up quotations, because these will be quite enough for your purpose. In conclusion, I beseech our good Lord that he would be pleased to make you feel in every way the worth of his protection of his own, to fill you with his Holy Spirit who gives you prudence and virtue, and brings you peace, joy, and contentment; and may the name of our Lord Jesus be glorified by you to the edification of his Church!

[_Fr._--Printed in _Histoire des Martyrs_, lib. iv. p. 225.]

CCXCVII--TO EDWARD VI.[377]

[377] Calvin wrote this letter to King Edward VI., when dedicating
to him the following little work: Four Sermons of Master John
Calvin, treating of matters very profitable for our time, with a
Brief Exposition of Psalm lxxxvii. Geneva, 1552, in 8vo, inserted
in the _Recueil des Opuscules_, p. 824. These four sermons have
been translated at different times into English. In the first,
Calvin exhorts the faithful to flee from idolatry; in the second,
he encourages them to suffer everything for Jesus Christ; in the
third, he shews how highly believers ought to prize the privilege of
being in the Church of God, where they are at liberty to worship him
purely; in the last, he shews that this liberty cannot be purchased
at too high a price.

Dedication of a new work, and Christian exhortations.

FROM GENEVA, _this 4th July 1552_.