Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (10)
I was reminded, when it was too late, of the departure of the registrar. For it was not convenient for me to write then--on account of the Supper namely--especially as I was not able to do it so satisfactorily as could be wished. Indeed this is almost a customary thing with me. But a letter came into my possession to-day which you had written just before mine was composed. I had delayed writing you a private letter, indeed, until a trustworthy messenger might be at hand to convey it to you. And although I had not actually come under any obligation, I was unwilling to forego the opportunity which presented itself. You will ascertain whether the edition with this new preface will satisfy the Bernese. Of yourself and your associates I have no doubt. For, in my opinion, I have followed your outlines and only spread my colours over them. But you remember what I lately wrote regarding your two paragraphs. I am persuaded there will be no one among you who would not, of his own accord, desire my additions. And they are of especial importance, lest some might think we were rather artfully silent, and others justly desire what must necessarily be expressly stated. The third correction will present no difficulty save in one or two words. I know the whole matter must so commend itself to you and to the rest of the brethren, that I shall entirely acquiesce in your decision. What you decide upon, therefore, I shall regard as altogether satisfactory. I think, again, that you will understand what I am aiming at.
I dare hardly venture to give you anything new from this place, there are so many idle rumours daily afloat. This, at least, is certain, that numerous dangers are not very far distant, unless the Lord counteract them. All that I wish is, that Christians may live securely, as they can die securely. The Frenchman is so insane, that, as one may say, he wishes, after the fashion of the giants, to fight against God.[252] In the meanwhile, the firmness of the martyrs is wonderful.[253] It was a new thing for the king, when one of them of his own accord devoted himself as a sacrifice, that he might openly address to him at least three words for Christ, when he was preparing to witness the burning. I do not write to Celio, and perhaps he has not yet gone to you. If he is there, I should wish him, as previously ordered, to speak to the bookseller regarding the money for which I became security. He complains that the decision will be unfair. Our friend, however, says the opposite. I remain neutral. But since I have pledged my word, I am called upon to pay it.
[252] In the month of July 1549, the fury of the persecutions was
redoubled at Paris and in the provinces, and places of execution
were so multiplied everywhere, as if the King had wished, by
additional severity, to remove from memory the Edict which he had
restored on account of the Vaudeis of Provençe.--Bèze, _Hist.
Eccl._, tom. i. p. 70, _et suiv._ Notwithstanding all this violence,
says Bèze, the churches increased and gathered strength in many
places.
[253] Among the number of professors burnt on occasion of the
public entrance of the King into Paris, there is found Florent
Venot, of Sedano in Brie,--allowed to stand for six weeks in a pit
at Chatelet, called _the Hippocras' Cup_, where it was impossible
either to remain lying or standing--and whose firmness overcame the
cruelty of the executioners. "You think," he said to them, "by long
torment, to weaken the force of the spirit, but you waste your time,
and God will enable me to bless his holy name even till my death."
Compelled, by a refinement of cruelty, to be a spectator of the
torment of his brethren burnt at Paris, he exhorted them by look and
gesture before he ascended the pile prepared for him in the _Place
Maubert_.--_Hist. des Martyrs_, p. 186.
Adieu, brother in the Lord, and most honourable and accomplished man, together with all your fellow-ministers, whom you will salute respectfully in our name. May the Lord be ever near you and keep you, and may you be instrumental in advancing the glory of his name! Amen.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Archives of Zurich._ Gest. vi. 105, p. 417.]
CCLI.--TO FAREL AND VIRET.
Letter concerning Vergerio--history of Francis Spira.
_15th August 1549._
You have here the letter which I sent to Bullinger.[254] I resolved, indeed, not to send it until I should learn that it would be agreeable to you. But the messenger, who has just left me, having unexpectedly presented himself, led me to change this resolution. It might perhaps have been written better by another, yet I hope it will appear tolerably satisfactory to you. Having the utmost confidence in your carefulness, my dear Viret, I have not retained a copy of it. You will see then, that a copy of it be put into the hands of Farel, that I may get back this my autograph. I know that what I have written is nothing but some few trifles or other which I have collected, and which are alike unworthy of me to write and of you to read, especially as they are circulated by public report. A few days ago I received a letter from Paolo Vergerio, with a history of Francis Spira, which he desired to be published here.[255] He states that he was compelled to go into exile, chiefly because the Pope, enraged by this publication, was laying insidious stratagems for his life. He is living at present among the Rhætians. He says, however, that he is strongly inclined to visit us.[256] The history I have not yet examined thoroughly. So far, however, as I may judge of such a communication, it seems to be written with a little more prudence and sobriety than were those epistles [of his] which Celio translated. When I shall have examined it more carefully, I must consider what preface I should write to it. Adieu, most worthy brethren and friends. May God preserve you and your families, and continue to guide you by his Spirit even to the end!--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of the University of Leyden._]
[254] The preceding letter.
[255] Francis Spira, a jurisconsult of Padua, having abjured the
Protestant faith through fear of the tortures of the Inquisition,
died a short while afterwards in a state of fearful mental anxiety.
Paolo Vergerio, an aged Bishop of Pola in Istria, who was led to
give up his bishopric that he might live in the free profession of
the doctrines of the gospel, among the Grisons, visited Spira on his
deathbed, and endeavoured in vain to console this unhappy penitent.
Tho history of Spira, written by Vergerio, and translated from the
Italian into Latin by Celio Secondo Curione, was published in 1550,
with a preface by Calvin.--(_Miscellanea Groningana_, tom. iii. p.
109.) We have not met with this edition, which is become extremely
rare.
[256] We find Calvin's opinion of Vergerio at greater length, in a
letter to Farel of July 1550.
CCLII.--TO FAREL.[257]
[257] Endowed, according to the testimony of his contemporaries,
with a powerful and impetuous eloquence which charmed multitudes,
and which, with the strong faith with which he was animated,
could alone explain his splendid success as a missionary, Farel
was abler with the tongue than with the pen, and his various
writings, called forth by circumstances, are in general defective.
We find in them a few ideas, cast forth at hazard, without plan,
in strange disorder, and with a superabundance of explanation, in
a diffuse and obscure style. It is not uninteresting to know the
judgment which Calvin pronounced upon the works of his friend, and
to find in this judgment even a new testimony to the brotherly
candour which presided at all times over the intercourse of the two
Reformers.--See on the writings of Farel, Senebier, _Hist. Litt._
tom. i. pp. 148, 149; Sayous, _Etudes sur les Ecrivains de la
Réformation_, tom. i., 1st sketch; and Haag, _France Protestante_,
Art. Farel.
Criticism on a work by Farel.
GENEVA, _1st September 1549_.
You will learn from your brother that the painful case of Ferron has been renewed.[258] Bullinger, as you will observe, writing previous to receiving my letter, had good hopes of publishing a union. I make honourable mention of you in my preface; even if it should give pain to the wicked, they must nevertheless swallow it in silence. I have written nothing regarding your book,[259] as I laid the whole burden on Viret. I said from the first, what is true, that I mistrusted my own judgment regarding your writings, seeing that our mode of writing is so different. You know with what respect I regard Augustine. Not, however, because I disguise from myself how much his prolixity dissatisfies me. Perhaps my style, in the mean time, is over-concise. But I am not at present discussing which is best. For I have not confidence in myself [to do so], for this reason, that whilst I follow my own inclination, I had rather pardon than condemn others. Normandie--who is so great a friend of mine, that he is a great friend of yours also--will furnish the best testimony as to what I think of your book. I am only afraid that the involved style and tedious discussion will obscure the light which is really in it. I know, and that not without pleasure too, that nothing but what is excellent is expected from you. I speak without flattery. Your book seems to deserve a place among [works of] that class. But because the readers of our time are so fastidious, and not possessed of great acuteness, I should wish the language to be so managed, that one might allure them by the fluency of his expression, and bring forward at the same time, that erudition which lies concealed under those coverings of which I have spoken. This is my candid judgment. Although I prefer acquiescing in the opinion of Viret, yet I could not be altogether silent, seeing that you had already insisted on it for the second time. Your brother will let you know about our affairs.
[258] See Note 1, p. 223.
[259] The only work of Farel's mentioned at this date by Senebier,
is the following: _Le Glaice de la Parole Véritable contre le
Bouclier de Défense, duquel un Cordelier s'est voulu servir_, in
12mo, Geneva, 1550. It is a vehement reply to a Cordelier who had
adopted the sentiments of that spiritual mysticism which leads to a
denial of all morality. It presents, besides, the ordinary defects
of the works of Farel--confusion and prolixity.
Adieu, brother and very honest friend, with all your fellow-ministers, especially Christopher, and Michael Faton. May the Lord ever guide and watch over you.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
M. Normandie[260] sends kindest greeting to you.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107a.]
[260] Laurent de Normandie, a Picard gentleman, and
Procurator-general at Noyon, had retired to Geneva some months
previously, at the request of Calvin, his countryman and
friend.--_Registers of the Council_, 2d May 1549. "Laurent de
Normandie retires to this place for the sake of religion, and
presses the Council to receive him as an inhabitant, which is
granted him."
CCLIII.--TO VIRET.
First mention of Theodore Beza--poverty of Calvin's colleagues.
_5th September 1549._
I understand that Eustace, on his return, had some conversation with you regarding two professors whom he knew about. While some deference is due to the judgment of a pious and learned man, yet I dare not trust it absolutely. Consider the matter calmly, therefore, along with the brethren. For I have promised that I will write to you in no other way than to give you a faithful advice. The Piedmontese author of the long epistle is no better known to me than to you; so we may wish him well when he asks nothing more from us. I have written to Farel my opinion of his book.[261] But it happened, through the negligence of his brother Claudius, that the letter was not delivered; for after he had breakfasted with us, I retired to my library, and he went away without saluting me. I have a messenger here, however, who will, I hope, set out to-morrow. Normandie can tell you how faithfully I endeavoured to send Beza[262] to you. I do not care for mentioning others. Yea, and the individual in question knows that I have entreated him almost importunately. Should he return I will not cease to urge him. The monks are wrong, however, in asserting that my associates are wealthy. For the only one who may be thought rich is involved in debt with three or four:--I mean Cop. Abel and Des Gallars are rich in books; Bourgouin and Raymond have excellent daughters, but nothing more. But even if they do not speak to him, we will consult the good of the Church rather than our regard for him. I think you know of Renier's wishes; and I know that he is so beloved by you and by the right-minded, that you will be especially anxious to find work for him adapted to his capacity.
[261] See the preceding letter.
[262] This is the first time the name of Beza is found mentioned
in the correspondence of Calvin. Born on the 24th of June 1519,
at Vezelay, in Burgundy, he had left Paris after a brilliant and
dissipated youth, to retire to Geneva.--_Registers of the Council_,
3d May 1549. "Eight French gentlemen, among whom is Theodore Beza,
arrive here and obtain permission to remain." Beza was a short time
afterwards, made Professor of Greek in the Academy of Lausanne,
from which place he wrote to Bullinger:--"The Lord has shewn me
this, in the first place, for which may I be able to make my boast
in him continually,--that I must prefer the cross to my country,
and to all changes of fortune. In the next place, I have received
the friendship of Calvin, Viret, Musculus, and Haller; kind Heaven,
the friendship of such men! When I think that these are my friends,
so far from feeling any inconvenience from exile, I may adopt the
saying of Themistocles,--'Perieram nisi periissem.'"--_MSS. of
Archives of Zurich_, Gest. vi. p. 139.
Adieu, most upright brother and friend, together with your wife, your little daughter, and your whole family. May the Lord keep you and guide you by his Spirit! Salute the brethren earnestly in my name.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Gotha._ Vol. 404, p. 16.]
CCLIV.--TO JOHN HALLER.[263]
[263] "To John Haller, Pastor of the Bernese Church."
John Haller, of the illustrious family of that name, which reflected
so much honour on Switzerland, was born at Zurich in 1523, and
became a minister at the age of nineteen, as he informs us himself
in his _Chronicle_. He became the colleague of Musculus, at
Augsburg, in 1545, was recalled to Zurich three years afterwards,
and, yielding to the pressing solicitations of the Seigneury
of Berne, undertook the duties of a minister of that church in
1548. His zeal and talents, together with his prudence, which was
remarkable in one so very young, raised him to the highest offices;
and before he was quite twenty-nine, he was chosen president of the
clergy of Berne, an office which he filled for a long period amidst
very trying circumstances.--Ruchat, tom. v. p. 329, _et suiv._
A Reformer's complaints on the malevolence of the Bernese
ministers.
GENEVA, _26th November 1549_.
I beg you, my dear Haller, not to take it amiss that I ask you to discharge the present duty for me, as I shall impose a new burden on you, by and by, to provide, viz., for the transmission of my letter to Zurich. Conrad Curio, who is at present schoolmaster at Zurtolphi, got me to become security for him with a certain bookseller. My reminding him of it has been hitherto useless, and I am now pulling his ears a little more smartly, lest I pay the penalty of his negligence. I send a letter to be safely delivered to him at an early period, which may be done without trouble to yourself. Had I not been convinced of your love toward me, I should not have ventured to impose any burden on you. Would that I had the same confidence in all! But I see that Satan has too much influence among those who wish to be regarded as ministers of Christ, when Hotman[264] was lately refused a place among the deacons, for which I can see no other reason than that he was for some time my coadjutor. But although I am his familiar companion, he ought not [on that account] to injure the pious and the learned. Those unscrupulous individuals who go about raging so wildly will never cause me to regret the labour which I incur in behalf of the Church. They will assuredly bring upon themselves equal odium and reproach from all good men. I shall defer the rest for two days or four.
[264] See note 2, p. 224.
Adieu, distinguished sir, and very dear brother in Christ, deserving of my regard. May the Lord guide you and your family!--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. copy.--Imperial Library of Dupuy._ Vol. 102.]
CCLV.--TO WOLFGANG MUSCULUS.[265]
[265] The ministers of the Pays de Vaud were accustomed to
meet weekly to consult about religious matters, and for mutual
exhortation. This custom displeased the Seigneurs of Berne,
who abolished it by an edict dated 2d September 1549, under
pretext that those assemblies, instead of producing edification,
engendered disputes, divisions, and disorders. The College of
Lausanne protested in vain, through Viret, against this measure,
which obtained the approbation of the leading ministers of Berne,
notwithstanding the strong representations addressed by Calvin to
Haller and Musculus.--Ruchat, tom. v. p. 382, _et suiv._
Prohibition of the Vaudois Conferences--remonstrances on the
intolerance of the Bernese ministers towards those of France.
GENEVA, _28th Nov. 1549_.
If your senate had reasons for forbidding the ministers to assemble in future, according to their custom, to confer upon the Scriptures, it seems to me that I have formed a correct opinion of them. But I deny that this was a useful remedy. I have heard that there were never any contentions at Lausanne until that madman resolved upon perpetually harassing the Church. Every one will admit that such meetings are an excellent institution; and experience has hitherto shown that they have not been without a tolerable amount of fruit. The negligence of those who attend more to other things than to sacred literature, is there best detected. Such are at least stimulated by shame, and all derive benefit. It is certainly unjust that for one man's fault--for the wantonness of one idler--men are to be deprived of a beneficial exercise. It is wronging the brethren also, to visit upon all the transgression of one individual. Haller once saw an appearance of quarrelsome wrangling. But who fanned the flame? who supplied the fuel? It is well known that as long as Zebedee was allowed to rage there with impunity, the brethren were harassed with perpetual contentions.[266] Why was there not a check put to his fury, as there might quickly have been? Whence arose his shameless audacity? If you do not know, there are too many among ourselves who have helped thus to puff up his arrogance. What now, if those very men, who long took advantage of his rashness that they might continue to harass the brethren, are the cause of the meetings being prohibited? When you inveigh so bitterly against all the ministers of our country, you seem to me to be forgetful both of your mildness and your modesty. As those grievously err who, with the same chalk, as they say, whiten the innocent and the guilty; so, where is the justice of blackening all with the same coal? I admit the great deficiencies of many, and I would that the proper amount of strictness were exercised. I know that many are wicked, wanton, and virulent; but, believe me, such are now permitted to throw off the reins. In the meantime forgive me, if I am indignant, that the whole French name is thus cruelly condemned. Although I make no distinction of nations here, nor am I one who shows indulgence to the vices of my friends, yet it is natural that I should be better acquainted than you are with their virtues. As to those scripture conferences which have hitherto been customary, grant us at least that old proverb, "Experience teaches fools." We have now for a long time had sufficient proof that the brethren are benefited by the exercise of this style of interpretation. Now the less the interchange of opinion, the greater will be the danger from pernicious dogmatisms. The slothful will sleep undisturbed; many will somehow or other grow godless, or become degenerate. This also has very great weight with me, that all good men are groaning under this edict, and the wicked are rejoicing. And when you see the College of Lausanne (to omit others) suffering so much on this account, it is surely your duty to alleviate their holy anxiety, as far as words can do so. In other respects also, your being very closely united is not more for their interest than for your own, if you wish to benefit the Church of God. For, to be frank with you, I was vexed a little lately by the rejection of Hotman, as I suspected that my connection with him had done him harm.
[266] Deposed from the ministry, and appointed Principal of
the College of Lausanne, Zebedee ranked among the most violent
adversaries of Viret and of Calvin. Numerous testimonies to his
animosity against the Reformation will be found in the sequel.
From my confidence in your friendship, I expostulate the more freely with you and my friend Haller. For I am persuaded that some things which trouble me are displeasing to you also. But however that may be, I hope you will put a just and friendly interpretation on these complaints. Adieu, most excellent and accomplished man, and my revered brother in the Lord. May God keep you and your family, and be ever present with you and guide you!--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
* * * * *
My colleagues heartily salute you.
I thought I had given this letter with others to the messenger, but after he left I discovered my mistake when it was too late. I suppose you have not heard that the marriage of the Duke of Mantua with the daughter of Ferdinand has been celebrated at Papia. It is yet uncertain who is to succeed Paul.[267] War is expected in Italy. God grant that we may seek peace with himself!
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Zoffingue._ Vol. i. p. 14.]
[267] Pope Paul III. died on the 20th November 1549, of grief and
rage, on hearing of the treachery of his grandson Octave Farnese,
who, to obtain the restitution of Parma, joined the cause of the
Emperor against his grandfather.--De Thou, b. vi.; Robertson, b. x.
CCLVI.--TO MONSIEUR DE SAINT LAURENS.[268]
[268] The title:--To the father of Mademoiselle de Saint-Lorrans.
_Sans_ date (1549?) This gentleman retired in the following year to
Geneva.
Statement of leading articles of the Reformed Faith.
FROM GENEVA, ... [1549?]
MONSIEUR,--Although I am personally unknown to you, still I believe you will not think it strange that I make so bold as to write to you, having been requested to do so by two persons who ought to insure me free enough access,--I mean Monsieur de Saint-Martin and your daughter. Wherefore, also, I shall forbear making further excuses, and likewise because I have heard that my letters would not be unwelcome to you, but that you would have the patience to read and think over the contents, which gives me good hope that you have the true seed of God in you, which only needs to be cultivated in order to sprout and produce its fruit. Now, as that is the end I propose to myself, that we may attain it, I beseech you above all chiefly to consider, that it is the duty of every Christian, not to consent to the abuses which reign in the world, but rather to ascertain what is the pure truth of God, with the purpose of adhering to it; further, that you would listen to me, touching the doctrine which we hold,--not that I would make full and entire declaration of it to you, but I shall merely state in few words the summary of the whole, in such wise that it will be easy for you to perceive what is our principal object. As to the first, there are very many who settle down in their ignorance and superstition, because they will not take the trouble to open their eyes when the clear light is presented to them. Inasmuch as I do not hold you to be of that number, without further exhortation, it suffices me that I have warned you of the fact. There is much reason that all Christians should take care how they live towards God, so as not wilfully to deceive themselves, above all in a matter of such importance as is the salvation of the soul. It is notorious that Christianity has been much corrupted and depraved, as well by the negligence of prelates, as by that of governors, and that by their stupidity, or avarice and ambition. I do not consider that this corruption is only in manners or morals, but what is worse, doctrine and truth have been turned into a lie. The service of God has been polluted by endless superstitions. The order of Church government has been turned upside down, the signs and symbols of the sacraments so jumbled together, that all is confusion. If everybody does not perceive that, it is because they have not brought back all things to the true standard; but if we compare the religion and doctrine held under the Papacy, with the pure ordinance of God, we shall therein discover more contradiction than between day and night. Therefore, to form a right notion, we must not pause to lay stress upon either the authority of princes, or an ancient custom, or on one's own understanding, but rather look above all, to what God has commanded or forbidden, for he has not spoken in secret, but has desired that his will should be known both of great and small. When you have once settled this point of submitting yourself to be taught of God, to acquiesce in what his word contains, desiring to know what is the right way of salvation, that will be already a good step towards arriving at the full knowledge of what it is for our advantage to know.
The second request that I have said I had to make, is that you consider calmly the sum of our doctrine, when I shall have shortly stated it to you; for there are many who at once reject and condemn it, without having heard what it is, because they are prejudiced against us, which warps their judgment. I pass over the imputations and crimes which they lay against us, to make us odious to all the world; but do what they will, they cannot reproach us with having any other end than to gather in the people who have long been going astray, and to bring them back to their standard, which is the pure word of God. We demand, however, that all differences of opinion be determined by an appeal to that, and that every one abide by what we know to be the will of God. Our adversaries make themselves a buckler of the name of the Church, which they falsely assume. And it is the same conflict which in their time the prophets and apostles had with those who usurped pre-eminence in the Church, belying in all things the duties of their office. But we know that the Church is founded on the doctrine of the prophets and apostles, and that she ought to be united to Jesus Christ, her head, who is without variableness. So therefore it is but a bastard church where God's doctrine does not reign as the rule. Following that rule, we desire that God may be served according to his commandments, and we reject all new-fangled ways invented to suit the appetite of men; for it is not lawful for men to impose law or statute upon conscience, and God moreover has reserved to himself this privilege, to ordain for us whatsoever seemeth good unto himself. Therefore it is, that we are accused of having abolished and trampled under foot the ordinances of our mother, holy Church, for example when we say with Isaiah and Jesus Christ, that it is in vain we think to find out God by means of human traditions; then, when we say with St. James, that there is but one Lawgiver, who is able to save and to destroy. Well, then, when you had searched to the very utmost, you would find that all which is among them called the worship of God, is nothing but pure invention forged at their own pleasure. In like manner, because the Holy Scripture, treating of our salvation, and wherein rests our whole trust and confidence in regard to it, sends us back to the sole grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, declaring that we are poor wretched sinners, utterly lost and useless for good, we endeavour to bring all the world to partake of this grace; and that it may be acknowledged and magnified as it behoves to be, and which cannot be done without casting down the false belief that we can do aught to merit paradise. They take occasion on this account to accuse us of making no account of good works, whereby they do us wrong; for we are far more careful to recommend holy living, than are any of our adversaries. But in order that men may not deceive themselves by an overweening confidence, we teach that we are able to do nothing whatever in our own strength, unless God guides us by his Holy Spirit, and that even when we had done all, this would afford a far too feeble ground whereon to found our justification; that we must therefore have continual recourse to the mercy of God, and to the merit and passion of Jesus Christ; and that it is there that we must rest our hope, making no account of all the rest. Thence it comes, that we say likewise, that we ought to address God in all our prayers, for he calls us to himself, and forasmuch as we of ourselves are too vile and unworthy to draw near to him, he hath given us his Son Jesus Christ for our Advocate. Therefore it is, that they reproach us with our hostility to the saints of both sexes, and that we forbid the honouring of them. But this is absurd, for we render to the saints the honour which God assigns them. Only we cannot bear that they should be made idols of, being set up instead of God, or of his Son our Saviour, which besides they do not ask, but on the contrary take to be a great wrong; for those things which, under shadow of devotion, are done with the view of pleasing them, they seek vengeance before God.
The sacraments, which ought to serve for our confirmation in the truth of God and in his fear, have been strangely perverted. When we set ourselves carefully to restore them to their true use and first original, they would have it believed that we are going to destroy them. But would they only look to the ordinance as it has been instituted by the Master, it would then be quite evident that the manner of observance which we practise, does not derogate in anything from what he has prescribed. True it is, we have not the mass as among them, but we have the Supper such as Jesus Christ has left it to us, and our adversaries can say nothing to the contrary, only they object their custom as a reason for everything, but we have another kind of buckler altogether, which is the commandment that must endure inviolable to the end of the world. _Do this_, saith the text, _until I come_. Whereby it follows, that whosoever attempt to change anything until the coming of our Lord Jesus, prove themselves rebels against him. I should be over-tedious were I to follow out the other details which I omit mentioning to you, because it shall well suffice me, if it please God to lead you to concur in what I have herein lightly handled, in the hope that by more ample reading you may be yet more confirmed in the same purpose. And now, therefore, Monsieur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to guide you by his Spirit, to make you conformable in everything to his will, and to send what he knows to be good and wholesome for you.--Your servant,
CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.
[_Fr. Copy_, _Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107.]
CCLVII.--TO THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET.[269]
[269] _On the back_, in the hand writing of Calvin: "To Monsieur the
Protector of England.--Sent."
This letter was addressed to the Earl of Somerset after his first
disgrace.--(See the letter of the 22d October 1548, and the Note
p. 275.) Set at liberty, the 6th February 1550, by the favour of
the king his nephew, he resumed his place in the Privy Council, but
losing the title and dignity of Protector. The letter of Calvin is
without any doubt of February or March 1550.
Congratulations on the royal favour shown to the Duke of
Somerset--use to be made of his influence for spreading the
Gospel in England.
_January 1550._
MONSEIGNEUR,--That I have so long delayed to write to you, has been from no want of good-will, but to my great regret I have refrained, fearing lest, during the troubles which have been of late, my letters should be the occasion of annoyance. I thank my God that he has now afforded me the opportunity which hitherto I have been waiting for. It is not I alone who rejoice at the good issue which God has given to your affliction, but all true believers, who desire the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, forasmuch as they know the solicitude with which you have laboured for the re-establishing of the Gospel in all its purity in England, and that every kind of superstition might be abolished. And I do not doubt that you are prepared to persevere in the same course, in so far as you shall have the means. On your own part, Monseigneur, not only have you to acknowledge the favour God has shown you in stretching out his hand for your deliverance, but also to bear his dealing with you in remembrance, that you may profit by it.[270] I know the regret which you may well entertain, and how you may be tempted to render the like to those whom you reckon to have meditated greater mischief against you than what has come to pass. But you know the admonition which Saint Paul has given us on that head, that is, that we have not to fight against flesh and blood, but against the hidden wiles of our spiritual enemy. Wherefore let us not waste our energies upon men, but rather let us set ourselves against Satan to resist all his machinations against us, as there is no doubt whatever that he was the author of the evil which impended over you, in order that the course of the Gospel might thereby be hindered, and even that all should be brought to confusion. Therefore, Monseigneur, forgetting and pardoning the faults of those whom you may conceive to have been your enemies, apply your whole mind to repel his malice who thus engaged them to their own destruction in setting themselves to seek your ruin. This magnanimity will not only be pleasing to God, but it will make you the more loved among men; and I do not doubt that you have such regard to that as you ought. But if your humane disposition itself impels you to this course, so much the more may I be confident that you will receive kindly what I say, knowing that nothing induces me to tender such advice to you, but the love I bear you, and the care which I have for your honour and welfare. And besides, it is so difficult a virtue so to overcome our passions as to render good for evil, that we can never be too much exhorted to do so. Moreover, seeing that the Lord has directed the issue so much better than many expected, keep in mind, Monseigneur, the example of Joseph. It would be difficult to find in our day such a mirror of integrity. For he, seeing that God had turned to good the evil which they had plotted against him, is unwearied in showing himself the minister of the goodness of God towards his brethren who had persecuted him. This victory will be more glorious than that which God has already given you, when he saved and secured your person, and your property, and your honours. However, Monseigneur, you have also to consider that if God has been pleased to humble you for a little while, it has not been without a motive. For although you might be innocent in regard to men, you know that before this great heavenly Judge there is no one living who is not chargeable. Thus, then, it is that the saints have honoured the rod of God, by yielding their neck, and bowing low their head under his discipline. David had walked very uprightly, but yet he confessed that it had been good for him to be humbled by the hand of God. For which reason, as soon as we feel any chastisement, of whatsoever kind it may be, the first step should be to retire into ourselves, and well to examine our own lives, that we may apprehend those blessings which had been hidden from us: for sometimes too much prosperity so dazzles our eyes, that we cannot perceive wherefore God chastises us. It is but reasonable that we should do him at least as much honour as we would to a physician, for it is his to heal our inward maladies, which are unknown to ourselves, and to pursue a course of healing, not according to our liking, but as he knows and judges to be fitting. What is more, it must needs happen sometimes that he makes use of preservative remedies, not waiting till we have already fallen into evil, but preventing it before it comes. God, besides your native rank, having assigned you a high dignity, has performed great things by your hand, and which shall possibly be more applauded after your death than they are duly appreciated during your lifetime. Moreover, he has caused his name to be magnified by you. Now, the most virtuous and excellent persons are in greater danger than any others of being tempted to forget themselves. You are aware, Monseigneur, of what is written concerning the good King Hezekiah, that after having performed such memorable actions, as well for religion and the worship of God as for the common weal of the country, his heart was lifted up. If God has been pleased to prevent that in you, it is a special favour he has shown you. Were there no other reason for it, save that he would be glorified in your deliverance, and that he would be recognized by you, as well as by all in your person, as the true protector of his own, that alone ought to be all-sufficient to you.
[270] During his disgrace, which was regarded as a public calamity
by the friends of the Reformation in England and throughout Europe,
the Duke of Somerset had sought consolation in reading and in pious
meditations. He translated into English a work on Patience, to which
he added a preface containing the expression of the most elevated
sentiments. He received also exhortations from Peter Martyr, and
shewed himself no less constant in his attachment to the Gospel,
than resigned to the loss of fortune and credit.--See Burnet,
_History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 184; vol. iii. p. 209,
fol. London.
It remains, Monseigneur, that since he has thus given you the upper hand, you do render homage to him for this benefit, as is due. If we are recovered out of a dangerous sickness, we ought to be doubly careful, and to honour this merciful God, just as if he had bestowed a new life upon us. You may not do less in your present circumstances. Your zeal to exalt the name of God, and to restore the purity of his Gospel, has been great. But you know, Monseigneur, that in so great and worthy a cause, even when we have put forth all our strength, we come very far short of what is required. However, if God, in thus binding you to himself anew, has meant, in this way, to induce you to do better than ever, your duty is to strive to the uttermost and with all your energy, so that so holy a work as that which he has begun by you may be carried forward. I doubt not that you do so; but I am also confident, that knowing the affection which induces me to exhort you thereunto, you will receive all my solicitation with your wonted benignity. If the honour of God be thus esteemed by you above all else, he will assuredly watch over you and your whole household, to pour out his grace there more abundantly, and will make you know the value of his blessing. For that promise can never fail,--_Those who honour me, I will render honourable_. True it is, that those who best do their duty are oftentimes troubled the most by many violent onsets. But this is quite enough for them, that God is at hand to succour and relieve them. Now, although it is enough for you to look to God and to feel the assurance that your service is pleasing to him, nevertheless, Monseigneur, it is a great comfort to you to see the king so well disposed that he prefers the restoration of the Church, and of pure doctrine, to everything else, seeing it is a virtue greatly to be admired in him, and a peculiar blessing for the kingdom,[271] that in a youth of such tender age the vanities of this world do not hinder the fear of God and true religion from ruling in his heart. This also ought to be a great help and confirmation, that you discharge the principal service which he desires and asks, in serving our heavenly King, the Son of God.
[271] The young King Edward VI. Instructed by the most able masters,
this prince gave early proof of a strong mind and of a lively piety.
When scarcely fourteen years of age, he set forth in a discourse,
of which a fragment has been preserved, the plan of the Reformation
in England. He drew up with much care a journal of events which
happened during his reign. He composed, besides, a collection of
passages of the Old Testament condemning idolatry and image-worship.
This collection, written in French, was dedicated by the young
King to the Duke of Somerset, his uncle.--Burnet, _History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 224, 225.
Monseigneur, having very humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord, that, upholding you in his holy keeping, he would increase in you yet more and more the gifts of his Holy Spirit, for the furtherance of his own glory, so that we may all have whereof to rejoice.
Your very humble servant,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Fr. orig. minute.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]
CCLVIII.--TO FAREL.
Tidings from Germany and England--recommendation of a domestic.
GENEVA, _1st February 1550_.
Although you have not had a long letter from me for a considerable time, yet I do not think that even now I have anything new to write to you. All the time that our friend Thomas was here, I was either suffering severely from a cough or annoyed by catarrh. A violent headache is now tormenting me, although it has been easier for the past hour. It is well that I am not prevented from labouring, in a kind of way, to discharge my necessary duties; but I usually make but slow progress. Much of my time is wasted, at present, by ill health, which ought to be devoted to useful labour. We hear nothing from Germany, except that the Lord has punished the Emperor by the destruction of some of his ships. Would that some disease would put a check upon his evil deeds! You know that the tutor of the English king has been set at liberty, and, I suppose, you are aware also of what happened to my letter.[272] The prefect of C---- having got it from the messenger took it into the palace; he afterwards restored it to the messenger, who, before giving it to the king's tutor, presented it to [the Archbishop] of Canterbury, to ask his advice. He returned it to him again after retaining it two days. The messenger, fearing that that was done insidiously, or that he was bringing upon his own head the very danger which others were so anxiously avoiding, presented it to the King's Council, although, as I hear, he was advised to do that by good and wise men. I expect an answer immediately. Whatever may turn up, I shall see to it that you be made acquainted with it.
[272] The letter to the Protector, of January 1550.
Whether it is owing to the indolence of John Girard that your book is not yet printed,[273] or from the confused state of his affairs at home, or because he has made deliberate choice of many things before it, I dare not affirm. I have certainly spoken to him frequently on the matter, and he has made serious protestations about it. Normandie also has repeatedly ordered him to get on with it. So the _Institute_, which should have been completed a month ago, is not finished yet. I wished to make this brief statement to you, to let you know that I had not been neglectful. He is not particularly moved by my reproving him, except that he immediately promises to do it forthwith.
[273] See Note 3, pp. 240-1.
Adieu, brother and very worthy friend. May the Lord by his Spirit continue to guide you, and may he watch over you and your family! You will salute your fellow-ministers cordially in my name, especially Faton and your colleague.
The short Treatise on the Sanctification of the Infants of Pious Parents, and on Female Baptism, is being printed, although it did not require more than two days' labour.[274] As to what you fear of the venomous creatures which I have irritated giving forth some poison, I am quite easy on that score. Adieu again.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[274] The Reformer having attacked the _Interim_ in one of his
writings, was accused of Pelagianism by a German theologian, perhaps
Flacius Illyricus. He replied to this accusation in a publication
entitled, _Appendix Libelli de vera Ecclesiæ reformandæ ratione,
in qua refutat Censuram quamdam typographi ignoti de parvalorum
Sanctificatione et muliebri Baptismo_. Geneva, 1550.
* * * * *
I understand that you require a maid-servant,--neither yourself nor your brothers told me so. However, having heard it from others, I wish to tell you that there is a woman here who is pious, upright, and careful, and advanced in years, who would gladly serve you if she could be of use to you.
All your friends salute you kindly, especially M. Normandie, yet this does not detract from the regard of the others--from that of Verron, for instance, the writer of the present letter.
[_Lat. orig.--Library of Gotha._ Vol. 404, fol. 5.]
CCLIX.--TO FAREL.
Election of a new Pope.
_3d March 1550._
I am glad that worthy man has at length so far listened to rational advice as to yield to you. One must overlook what difficulty he occasioned for some time, only he should try to make up for his slowness by assiduity when he has once arrived. This I expect he will be entirely prepared to do. For I know him to be an upright man and one who is diligent in his business. I know that he will be so commended to you that there is no need of words [from me.] His wife will get accustomed to it by degrees. He brings two boys with him, of whom the one is the son of a very excellent and very upright man, the other is a grandson of Pommier's brother. When they reach you, let them understand that you will attend to them. I shall faithfully discharge my duty to the son of M. Michael Schalter. I have just now received your letter.
The Pope who has been created ought to be an extraordinary monster, seeing that the best of workmen have wrought so long at the forging of him.[275] Nor indeed could a fitter than Julius have been fallen upon, as the moderator of the Council of Trent.
[275] The pontifical chair, rendered vacant in the month of November
1549, by the death of Paul III., was occupied in the month of
February of the following year by the Cardinal del Monte, who took
the name of Julius III. The irregularities of his past life, and the
disgraceful accusations which rested on his character, rendered him
very unfit to be a reformer of the Church.
Adieu, brother and very honest friend. May the Lord Jesus sustain you! Salute the brethren earnestly, especially my co-patriot, Christopher Muloti, Faton, and the rest. Adieu again.--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Library of Geneva._ Vol. 107, _a_.]
CCLX.--TO FRANCIS DRYANDER.[276]
[276] _On the back_: "To the very Illustrious M. Francis Dryander, a
Spaniard, at Baslo, with M. Myconius."
Dryander left Strasbourg (for England) in 1548. Melanchthon
gave him letters of introduction to King Edward and to Cranmer,
by whose patronage he obtained a Chair in the University of
Cambridge.--(Zurich Letters, first series, tom. i. p. 349.) At
the end of the following year (December 1549) we find Dryander
in Strasbourg again. What were his motives for returning to the
Continent cannot now be ascertained. See the notice of Dryander, p.
111.
Counsels and encouragements--collection of commentaries on
Isaiah by Des Gallars.
GENEVA, _7th March 1550_.
I am happy that you have returned safely from England. If your affairs here are satisfactory and prosperous, and the Lord is providing you with employment, I am the more delighted, although, as matters now stand everywhere, it becomes us so to walk in the world that we may be willing forthwith to depart. England seems as yet unsettled. Elsewhere, whatever was satisfactorily established appears now to decay. So that, unless we can preserve our patience, we shall nowhere find the aspect of affairs so pleasing as to prevent us from longing for a change. This is every day more and more the experience of myself, whose struggle you suppose is almost concluded. For I am perpetually disturbed by new contentions, and new sources of annoyance and disgust, to such a degree, that, were a free choice allowed me, I would prefer any lot to groaning continually under so grievous a burden. The Lord has adorned you with genius and learning; he has gifted you with a zealous and magnanimous spirit. We must pray that he will not suffer these rich endowments to lie unimproved. I know, indeed, that hitherto you have endeavoured to make your life useful to the Church, and that your attempts have not been without fruit. But I desire that your gifts may be more fully displayed, and I trust that they will. My meditations on Isaiah, which you say are expected, will shortly be published. The composition of the work, however, is Des Gallars', for, as I have but little time for writing, he jots down to my dictation and arranges his materials afterwards at home. I then make a revision of it, and wherever he has missed my meaning I restore it. When my letter reaches you, I expect the treasurer of our city will be there also, and will remain for two days. If you have any news he will be glad to convey them. I have nothing to say to MM. Myconius and Sulzer till they answer my last. Remember me, however, to them and to Oporinus. My colleagues desire me to salute you cordially. I pray for all joy and prosperity to your wife wherever she is.
Adieu, illustrious sir. May the Lord continue to guide you by his Spirit, and be ever present with you!--Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[_Lat. orig. autogr.--Archives of the Protestant Seminary of
Strasbourg._]
CCLXI.--TO NICOLAS COLLADON.[277]
[277] "To Nicolas Colladon, a man distinguished for piety and
learning."
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