Chapter CLIX: To Theodore Vitus.36 (6)

[179] Calvin had just published his celebrated treatise of the
_Antidote_, (_Acta Synodi Tridentinæ cum Antidoto_, 1547,) which
he translated into French the year following, with changes fitted
to bring it within the comprehension of the people.--_Opuscules_,
p. 881. In this work the Reformer passes in review the decrees of
the Council of Trent, and refutes them with a merciless logic and a
marvellous eloquence. The Catholic theologian Cochlæus replied to
him by personal attacks, which Des Gallars and Beza undertook to
refute.

[180] See Letter, p. 148.

[181] In testimony of regard for Calvin, the Council adopted the
following decree: "Resolved to present to Calvin all the furniture
that is in his house belonging to the city, 29th December 1547." The
preceding year he had been offered ten crowns as a present, but he
refused them, praying the Council to distribute them among the other
ministers who were poor compared with him, "and even to diminish his
stipend in order to benefit them."

CCXV.--TO THE FAMILY OF BUDÉ.[182]

[182] This family had not yet quitted France. See the letters, pp.
90, 119. They received this new letter of Calvin, on the occasion of
the death of one of its members, perhaps Mathieu de Budé, who had
corresponded with the Reformer in 1546, and of whom, subsequent to
this period, all trace is lost. There exists (MSS. of the Library of
Geneva, vol. 109) a letter of Mathieu de Budé to Calvin, relative to
the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg. We remark the following
passage:--"I have received your letter ... which was most welcome to
me, as well because I recognize in it your disposition of goodwill
and love, as on account of the ordinary consolation which I have
received from it...."--26th April 1546. The author of that letter is
not mentioned by M. Galiffe.--_Notices Généalogiques_, tom. iii. p.
83. He had died, no doubt, before the establishment of his family at
Geneva.

Consolations on occasion of the Death of one of its Members.

[1547.[183]]

[183] Dated, on the back of the letter, in a foreign hand.

MESSIEURS AND WELL-BELOVED BRETHREN,--Although the present is addressed particularly to two of you,[184] I nevertheless write in such wise, that if you think fit it may serve for the whole household. If the account which I have heard of the death of your good brother and mine have been the occasion of joy to me, as, indeed, there was good reason for it, you who have known better the whole matter, have, assuredly, far more ample matter for rejoicing, not for that you have been deprived of so excellent a companion, on which account both you and I have good ground for regret--all the more that the number of those who in the present day walk constantly in the fear of God is so small and rare, but because of the singular grace which God had conferred upon him, of perseverance in the fear of his name, the faith and patience which he has manifested, and other tokens of true Christianity. For all that is as a mirror wherein we may contemplate the strength wherewith our kind heavenly Father assists his children, and most of all, out of their greatest difficulties. Then, also, we may conclude that his death was indeed happy and blessed, in the face of him and of all his angels. At the same time, you must reflect that it is a fine example for you, lest it be converted into a testimony against you, to make you inexcusable before God, the great Judge. For inasmuch as he, dying as a Christian, has shewn you how you ought to live, it is certain that God would not have such a testimony to be useless. Know, then, that the death of your brother is as God's trumpet, whereby he would call upon you to serve him alone, and this far more loudly than if your brother had lived ten years longer to exhort you: while, besides, the pious exhortations which he addressed to you are ever sounding in your ears, that his zeal may glow in your hearts, that his earnest and instant prayers may quicken you, to draw you towards Him to whom he has been gathered and restored as one of his own. I do not doubt that his expressed condemnation of the abuses and superstitions which exist in Christendom, may have given occasion of murmuring to many, and that it may have somewhat aroused the rage of the adversaries of the Gospel against the whole family; but it is not fitting that the plots and threatenings of the wicked should have more power to discourage our hearts than so effectual a call from God to uphold us. In short, you must take heed that the blessing become not an occasion of evil to you; wherefore, if hitherto ye have begun well, which, indeed, ought to prove a help to you in going forward, do not slacken, but rather redouble your ardour, so as to run with greater diligence. I am not ignorant of the dangers which environ you, and am not so devoid of fellow-feeling, as not to have that sympathy which I ought. But you are aware, that will not excuse such a degree of timidity as there is among those who mingle in the world, disguising themselves in every way; and so much the more that there are few who are quite exempt from it, our duty is to urge and provoke one another forward; and inasmuch as every one ought to do his utmost to walk according to the measure of knowledge vouchsafed to him, you should examine the more narrowly whereunto ye have attained. For you cannot pretend the common excuse wherewith the most part cover themselves, as with some moistened rag of a palliative, namely, that God has not yet bestowed so much grace upon them. For besides that God has opened your eyes to make you understand with what zeal you ought to glorify him before men, above all, the profession you have made obliges you to it as well. Nought remains, therefore, except that you disencumber yourself of worldly anxieties, to seek in good earnest the everlasting kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. And if it be not possible to confess him as your Saviour where you are, you should far rather prefer to be removed for a little while from the country of your birth, than to be for ever banished from that immortal inheritance to which we are called. Whether willingly or no, we must needs be strangers in this world; shall we then refuse even to stir from the nest? Happy, indeed, are they who declare, not merely by empty profession, but effectually, that they are so, and rather than decline from the faith, are quite ready at once to quit their home, and, in order to dwell in union with Jesus Christ, make no difficulty about parting with their earthly comforts. These are hard sayings to those who have not tasted the worth of Christ; but to you who have felt his power, all else ought, after the example of Saint Paul, to be counted but as filth and dung. Indeed, it is not enough that you yourselves keep steadfast, but if there be others who are weaker, you ought to strengthen them by your admonitions, and to look well to it that there be no falling away.

[184] Doubtless these were John de Budé, Sieur de Vérace, and Louis,
Sieur de la Motte, his brother.

I myself am far from the dealings of the present time; whether that will be of long continuance I know not. But I speak of a thing known and experimentally ascertained. It is a great shame that with such a measure of knowledge as God has vouchsafed us, there is so little heart, compared with the ardour of the martyrs who have gone before us, who were ready to go to death so soon as God had enlightened them with a far less amount of understanding. We learn somehow to make shift while we ought rather to be learning to live; but there are others in worse plight than we; for, to speak the truth, there are many who dare not venture to breathe a word, but are content to dream apart, and to feed upon their fancies, instead of rather seeking, as they ought, to be continually exercised, as well by reading together as by conference and godly conversation, the more to confirm and enkindle holy zeal. I have no reason to distrust you; but you will pardon my anxiety, which proceeds from an upright love, if I am moved to warn you in the name of God, not to let such a blessing be lost, as that which God has sent to your family; and that you may not lessen it, take heed to grow in grace; that you may not draw back, determine to go forward; that you may not come short, resolve to go on unto perfection.

Wherefore, Messieurs and beloved brethren, after hearty commendations to all of you who desire the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and serve God with a good conscience, I beseech this kind Father to have you in his protection, and to make you feel it, so as you may lay hold upon him with such boldness as should belong to you, that he would guide you by his Spirit in the obedience of his will, and glorify himself in you, even unto the end.

CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.

[_Fr. Copy, Library of Geneva._ Vol. 168.]

CCXVI.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.

Cost of printing _The Apology_--despatch of several copies.

_The 24th of January 1548._

MONSEIGNEUR,--Until the return of Sire Nicolas, I shall not trouble you with long letters, for I expect more ample news by him. Rest assured, that if I may follow my inclination, please God I shall not fail to keep my promise.[185] But seeing that I am not a free man, I must needs abide the course of events. We have, God be thanked, another sort of tranquillity than during the time of billeting. But there is never any season throughout the year in which I have not my work cut out for me, and more than I could well get through, even although I were a tolerable tailor.

[185] He refers to the promise of a visit to M. de Falais. Calvin
went in fact to Bâle the 2d of February following. We read under
that date, in the Council Registers of the state of Geneva:--"Calvin
went to Bâle. The Council offers him things requisite for the
voyage. 26th February,--Calvin on his return from Bâle."

That which detains me at this time would be explained if I could only come to you. And, besides, were I to be prevented by some unlooked for business, Master Peter Viret, who is ready to supply my place, will explain it to you. But before speaking of a substitute, we shall see what the Lord will allow.

Concerning the books,[186] at the price which I have agreed upon with the printer, together with what has been paid to the engraver of the armorial bearings, they will cost you about a crown the hundred. I gave three florins of Savoy, that is to say, testons, to the engraver for his trouble; besides which, he got his victuals. That, with about a teston which it cost him in returning, is over and above the amount for printing. There have been eight hundred copies thrown off. I have allowed the printer to retain a hundred for himself, deducting to that amount proportionally upon the whole. By this means the object has been attained of spreading it throughout France. I have sent away here and there about fifty copies; among others, one to Madame de Ferrara,[187] which, however, need not prevent you addressing another to her, along with a letter. The seven hundred, all expenses included, amount to seven crowns. I believe that René, diligence excepted, will have been faithful.

[186] _The Apology_ of M. de Falais.

[187] Renée of France, Duchess of Ferrara. See, in this collection,
the letters of Calvin to that princess.

In conclusion, Monsieur, having commended me affectionately to your kind favour and that of Madame, and having also presented to both of you the recommendations of my wife, I beseech our good Lord to have you always in his keeping, to guide you by his Spirit, and to increase you in every grace.

Your humble brother and servant,

JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

I desire particularly to be remembered to the excellent young ladies whom I have not yet seen, and my wife the like.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCXVII.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.

Particulars regarding his departure, and the purchase of a
property near Geneva.

_This last day but one of February 1548._

MONSEIGNEUR,--According to our agreement, the coming of Sire Nicolas Loser will afford you a good opportunity for making the journey, if your health admits of it.[188] He ought to go as far as Strasbourg; but in order that you may not be delayed, I have somewhat hastened his departure. To those who make inquiry of me, I reply, that already you are wishing to be here; but that whether you shall come or no, will be seen in due time.

[188] In the journey which he had recently made to Bâle, Calvin had
decided M. de Falais to come and fix himself definitively at Geneva.

Regarding the payment, which you have hinted to me, I believe that you will be disposed to grant it. We shall speak about that, however, when you are on the spot. The minister of the village[189] is a good sort of a man. But it will be for yourself to decide when you shall have arrived. Meantime we shall look about, here and there, that you may choose what best pleases you. I shall take care of the two receipts until your arrival.

[189] Veigy, near Geneva. M. de Falais made there the purchase of a
domain which he occupied during several years.

To conclude, Monsieur, having commended me humbly to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to uphold you always in his keeping, to lead you by his Spirit, and to aid you in all and throughout. We pray you, my wife and myself, to present also our humble commendations to Madame, not forgetting Mademoiselle de Brédan.

Your servant, humble brother, and sincere friend,
JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

I thought, indeed, that Sire Nicolas Loser would have left, and that he was to be my messenger, but this will not be for five or six days yet; and to avoid delay I have thought it well to send the present by M. Brevassis.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCXVIII.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[190]

[190] See letter to Bullinger of 19th September 1547, p. 143. The
observations of Calvin on the treatise on the _Sacraments_ being
badly received, as it appears, by the minister of the Church of
Zurich, had led, on the part of the latter, to a temporary coldness,
of which Calvin complained in a letter, characterized alike by the
noblest independence and the most Christian affection.

Brotherly explanations regarding the difference on the subject
of the Communion.

GENEVA, _1st March 1548_.

I hardly know what prevented me from replying sooner to you, unless it were that no trustworthy messenger presented himself who roused me to diligence. But when I heard that the ambassador of your city was here, I was unwilling to be guilty of allowing him to depart without a letter from me. I pass over in silence the long reply in which you seek to wash away all those points of difference about which I had carefully admonished you. For of what avail is it for us to enter on a controversy? I made a note of those points in your book that did not satisfy myself, or that might prove unsatisfactory to others, or such as I thought might not meet the approbation of the pious and learned. I did that at your request. I discharged the duty of a friend; if you think differently, you are at liberty to do so, as far as I am concerned. It would certainly not be the last of my wishes that there should be perfect harmony between us. But in whatever way I may hold the firm persuasion of a greater communication of Christ in the Sacraments than you express in words, we will not, on that account, cease to hold the same Christ, and to be one in him. Some day, perhaps, it will be given us to unite in fuller harmony of opinion. I have always loved ingenuousness, I take no delight in subtleties, and those who charge others with obscurity, allow me the merit of perspicuity. Neither, accordingly, can I be charged with guile, who never artfully affect anything to gain the favour of men; and my method of instruction is too simple to admit of any unfavourable suspicion, and too detailed to offend on the ground of obscurity. Wherefore, if I do not give uniform satisfaction, indulgence must be extended to me because I study in good faith, and with perfect candour, openly to declare what I have to say. It was on this account that lately, when at Bâle, I felt surprise at your complaint, as a friend reported to me, that I taught differently in my Commentaries from what I had held out to you. I replied in one sentence, which was the truth, that I used the same language at Zurich as at Geneva. I was, however, disposed to attribute the whole statement, be it what it might, to the mistake of my informant. At a time when it was dangerous for me to declare in language what views I held, I did not turn aside from the straight line by foregoing the free and firm announcement of my opinions in every particular, even so far as to bend the most rigid to some sort of moderation. Why then should I now, without any necessity, change at once my general mode of procedure and my convictions? If, however, I fail in persuading men of the truth of this, I shall be content to have God as the witness of my confession.

Your ambassador will give you a fuller and more perfect account of affairs in France than I can compress in a letter. I wish they were of such a kind as it would give you pleasure to hear; but there is nothing except sad news daily. Although he was ordered to abstain from all the abominations of the Papacy, he could not avoid observing a disgraceful profanation of the sacred ordinance of baptism.

Adieu, illustrious sir, and highly to be revered brother in the Lord. You will respectfully salute in my name Masters Pelliean, Bibliander, Walter, and the other fellow-ministers and masters of the school. May the Lord Jesus guide you by his own Spirit, bless your pious labours, and preserve you safe.

All my colleagues also reverently salute you. To your wife and family the best greeting.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Arch. of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta_, p. 8.]

CCXIX.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.

Obstacles to his departure--delay of some months.

_The 3d of April_ (1548.[191])

[191] On the back, in the handwriting of M. de Falais:--Received the
12th April 1548.

MONSEIGNEUR,--Your letter has arrived just in time to stop the departure of my brother; for that was a settled matter, if I had not been informed. But in my opinion the reasons which detain you where you are, are not of such importance as you deem them. You see how familiarly I write to you on this point, and I do not fear to do so, being authorized by yourself. I had not thought that you would need expressly to renounce your rights as a burgess,[192] although I foresaw clearly that it would amount to a tacit renunciation when you settled your domicile in another seigneury. Seeing that there is an advantage in it, you are right to go thither, unless we could effect some such arrangement as the following: that even were you to be longer absent, they should allow you to remain upon the roll, on condition of your providing a substitute who should discharge during your absence your duties as a burgess; or even if there was no hope of that, might you not present a new request, notwithstanding the reply which they have given you, to beg of them, that in the event of its suiting your convenience to remain here, or that after you were come here, it might not suit you to return, they should be satisfied with your renunciation by a procurator? But I would state the two conditions thus: that notwithstanding the reply they have made to you, inasmuch as you are uncertain when you shall have come hither, whether you shall think fit to fix your residence here, you would therefore beg of them, that on condition of your engaging, as indeed you ought, to supply any deficiency that may arise owing to your absence, it would please them still to retain you for some time on the roll of burgesses--in fact, to grant an extension of your leave. Or, at the least, fearing to be troublesome by your importunity, that you pray them to accept a renunciation by letter, on account of your bodily weakness, as they are aware that it is not very easy for you to move from place to place. By so doing, you will remove the suspicion they may have conceived, that you mean to abandon them entirely. However it may turn out, I think they will have good reason to be satisfied. In any case, I never expected that the rights of a burgess would be long continued to you.

[192] M. de Falais could not establish himself at Geneva, without
losing the right of a burgess, which he had acquired at Bâle.

Touching the rumour which your clowns have spread abroad in order to calumniate you, it scarcely astonishes me. I had quite laid my account with it, that you would not get away without many of them letting loose their tongues. And you must be prepared for that, as well for the other year as for this one. You have this comfort, however, that it all very soon goes off in smoke. I am still less alarmed at the threat whispered in the ear, for it would need great courage to venture on such a step; and I know not who would dare to be the leader in an affair of so great difficulty and hazard. In short, I can perceive no danger for you, according to our arrangement of each day's journey. But seeing that you think it better to put it off for some months, and that the advice of some friends is to that purport, I have no mind to press it further, and would rather agree to this delay, than by urging you to a contrary course lead you to incur the risk of mischief or of annoyance.

I know not whether this summer will disclose the councils of those who may set the world in confusion.[193] For my part, I do not think so, unless some new accident turn up. However, I do not so much place reliance upon my own conjectures, as I await the course of events in submission to the will of God.

[193] The Emperor, and the new king of France, Henry II. Faithful to
the policy of Francis I., a persecutor of the Reformation in his own
States, the latter was about to conclude a secret treaty with the
Protestant princes of Germany.

Although your coming hither may be stayed for a season, it will be of no consequence as regards the house, for I had concluded no agreement about it. Only I had purchased a good cask of wine, such as it would be difficult to get again. But I have got rid of it without any difficulty, and even as a favour to the purchaser. Therefore it will be for you to consider how matters go yonder, and thereupon to decide. And do not annoy yourself lest any one should be offended by your change of plan, for although all your acquaintances desire much to see you here, still there is not one of them who does not prefer your quiet and convenience.

If I could have found a suitable messenger, I would not have waited so long before sending the complement of the _Apologies_. But I know not by what means to do so, for up to this time, no opportunity either of carrier or bearer has occurred. When I can find one, I shall not fail to do so. About the Latin copies you have never expressed to me your wish, as far as I know. Perhaps you would rather defer doing so until your arrival. Let me know your mind regarding this, if you please, in one word; if you would have them printed, it shall be done.

To conclude, Monseigneur, having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I beseech our good Lord to keep you in his protection, to have such a care of you as that all your steps may be directed by him, and to make you serviceable always more and more for his own glory. My wife also presents her humble commendations, and both of us desire to be remembered to Madame and to Mademoiselle de Brédan.

Your humble brother and servant,
JOHN CALVIN.

[_Fr. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCXX.--TO FAREL.[194]

[194] While persecution decimated the Reformed Churches of France,
and the proclamation of the _Interim_ dispersed those of Germany,
the Swiss Churches were a prey to the most grievous dissensions, and
appeared further removed than ever from that era of unity and peace
which Calvin never ceased to invoke for them.

Distressing condition of the Swiss churches.

GENEVA, _30th April 1548_.

My grief prevents me from saying anything of the dreadful calamity that hangs over so many churches. Michael will inform you of what I wrote to Viret. The cause is of such a nature that no one is to be reckoned among the servants of Christ who does not come forward boldly in his defence. But there is need of counsel and some moderation. Should Viret agree to it, I shall presently hasten to your quarter, that we three may thence proceed together to Zurich. As to the rest, Viret and I marvelled as to what decision by arbitration you referred to; for neither of us has hitherto heard anything of the matter. I, indeed, assert for certain, that no hint of any kind was ever given to me. See, therefore, who has undertaken this business. You will hear the other matters from the messengers.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and fellow-ministers, whom I desire respectfully to salute. May the Lord preserve you all and govern you by his own Spirit.--Amen. Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CCXXI--TO FAREL AND VIRET.[195]

[195] "Calvin informs the Council of certain disputes between
the Seigneury and the ministers of Berne, which have gone so
far that three of the ministers of said city have been deposed,
besides Peter Viret of Lausanne; requests that leave may be given
him to go to Berne to defend Viret, which was granted him; the
Seigneury, besides, undertaking to defray the expenses of the
journey."--_Registers of Council_, May 7, 1548.

Disputes among the ministers of Berne--and Calvin's journey
thither.

GENEVA, _9th May 1548_.

After receiving your last letter, I had set out on my journey; but meeting the father-in-law of my brother Coppet who told me that you had left Berne three days before, I returned home for several reasons, which, if it shall be deemed necessary, I will detail to you when I see you. Make me now aware of what you intend to do; for I will straightway execute whatever you shall demand, without the slightest deliberation. I have not yet been able to understand the result of your proceedings. Giron and Zerkinden requested greetings to me. When Nicolas asked whether they had anything to say besides, he got the answer that there was nothing good. I hence suspect that the matter is worse than they were willing to express. Adieu, brethren most dear to me. Both of you salute the brethren. May God preserve you all, guide you by his own Spirit, and establish you amid these stormy troubles.

* * * * *

When you, Viret, have read Bucer's letter, you will give it to the bearer of this that it may be carried to Farel. I have understood, besides, that Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, with his father, has set out for the court of the Emperor. We thus see that all is in the hand of one. Nevertheless the Lord will either close it, or wither it, or cut it off, as seems good to him.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CCXXII.--TO VIRET.

Communications regarding affairs at Berne.

[GENEVA, _June 1548_.]

You will say to Farel that I had written to Bucer before his letter reached me. I send you a copy of a letter to Sulzer. I have resolved to write to Bullinger and Haller, should I be permitted and have leisure. This is the reason why I do not return the letter of Gualter. It is necessary that the threats of Ludovic form the matter of judicial inquiry by the brethren. When he shall have been convicted by them, I doubt not but that he will be proceeded against according to law. I shall indicate in my next letter, what form of process I think should be adopted. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and most sincere friend. I sincerely congratulate you on the safe delivery of your wife, and the addition to your family.[196] I wish that I could be present at the baptism. This desire I assuredly cherish in common with yourself. But I shall be present with you in spirit.

[196] By his second wife, Sebastienne de la Harpe, Viret had
three daughters, designated in his will as Marie, Marthe, and
Jeanne.--(_MS. of the Arch. of Geneva._)

May the Lord continue to bless you in all things.--Amen.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

CCXXIII.--TO VIRET.[197]

[197] See letter of 9th May preceding. The relations between the
Vaudois ministers and the Seigneury of Berne, became daily more
complicated. A Synod assembled at Lausanne, having ventured formally
to propound ten propositions contrary to the celebrated disputation
of Berne, and to manifest an inclination in favour of ecclesiastical
discipline, with the concurrence of two Bernese ministers, Beat
Gerung and Simon Sulcer,--these two clergymen were arbitrarily
deposed by the Seigneury, under the pretext of "the maintenance of
peace and tranquillity in the Church."--Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 357, 358.

Ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne--sojourn of
Idelette de Bure at Lausanne.

[GENEVA,] _15th June 1548_.

I took care to have a copy of the letter which I wrote to Bullinger and Haller transcribed for you, in case its contents should be reported differently from what you may have thought it proper they should have been; for, as far as I am concerned, the letter itself contains my opinion to the best of my judgment. If the reason must be assigned, I not only look to what is becoming in honourable men, but I further fear that we may suffer a heavy penalty if, by servile dissimulation, we strengthen the tyrannical power which barbarous men already openly usurp. We may serve Jodocus,[198] and other such beasts, provided only they form no barrier to our serving Christ; but when the truth of God is trodden down, woe to our cowardice if we permit this to be done without protest. It should not even be tolerated that an innocent man should suffer injury. At this time, both numerous servants of Christ and his doctrine itself are assailed. Is it not full time that all the godly, both collectively and individually, should raise their heads in his cause? But, nevertheless, that you may come to a free decision making no account of my pre-judgment of the case, you are not only permitted, so far as I am concerned, but I even wish you to give your opinion. Should it seem proper to allow Farel a reading, I will take care that another copy be sent to him, that I may receive back the one I send to you.

[198] Jodocus, minister of the Church of Berne.

It is truly a source of pain to me that my wife should have been so great a burden to you; for she could not have been of much service to your wife when confined, so far as I can divine, since she herself, on account of the state of her health, stood in need of the assiduous attentions of others. It is matter of comfort to me to be persuaded that you would not bear it impatiently.

Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. May the Lord guide you, and protect your whole family--Amen. Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. copy._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 111.]

CCXXIV.--TO HENRY BULLINGER.[199]

[199] See the letters, pp. 143, 160. In a new message to Bullinger,
Calvin strove to dissipate the still lingering prejudices
entertained by the Zurich theologians against those of Geneva and of
Strasbourg, regarding the Sacraments; and he proposed the basis of
that union, long-desired, which was consummated the following year
between Zurich and Geneva. The Church of Berne, now deeply imbued
with Lutheran views, refused its adhesion.

New explanations regarding the Supper--Violence of some of the
Bernese ministers--Calvinism and Buceranism.

GENEVA, _26th June 1548_.

Your letter at length reached me, eight days after I had arrived at home. Reust was not himself the bearer of it; it was brought by Roset. The former, I suppose, was less solicitous about the delivery of it, as he had found a master without our assistance. We both, however, courteously placed our services at his disposal. With regard to your small treatise to which you refer in your letter, I wish, my Bullinger, as we were lately in your quarter, it had not been troublesome to you and your colleagues to have talked together in a quiet way of the whole matter. There would assuredly have been some advantage in this; for I had not come prepared for a stage display, which is not less disagreeable to myself than it is to you, to say nothing of Farel, whose disposition you are also aware is utterly averse from ostentation. But we were anxious to discuss with you in a familiar way, and with not the least desire to engage in formal debate, those points with regard to which we are most nearly at one. And this indeed were the best method of procedure among brethren, and one we should have found profitable, unless I am greatly deceived. For with regard to the Sacraments in general, we neither bind up the grace of God with them, nor transfer to them the work or power of the Holy Spirit, nor constitute them the ground of the assurance of salvation. We expressly declare that it is God alone, who acts by means of the Sacraments; and we maintain that their whole efficacy is due to the Holy Spirit, and testify that this action appears only in the elect. Nor do we teach that the sacrament is of profit, otherwise than as it leads us by the hand to Christ, that we may seek in him whatever blessings there are. I do not in truth see what you can properly desire as wanting in this doctrine, which teaches that salvation is to be sought from Christ alone, makes God its sole author, and asserts that it is accepted only through the secret working of the Spirit. We teach, however, that the sacraments are instruments of the grace of God; for, as they were instituted in view of a certain end, we refuse to allow that they have no proper use. We therefore say, that what is represented in them, is exhibited to the elect, lest it should be supposed that God deludes the eyes by a fallacious representation. Thus we say, that he who receives baptism with true faith, further receives by it the pardon of his sins. But lest any one should ascribe his salvation to baptism as the cause, we at the same time subjoin the explanation, that the remission flows from the blood of Christ, and that it is accordingly conferred by baptism only in so far as this is a testimony of the cleansing which the Son of God by his own blood shed on the cross procured for us, and which he offers for your enjoyment by faith in his gospel, and brings to perfection in our hearts by his Spirit. Our opinion regarding regeneration is precisely similar to that about baptism. When the signs of the flesh and blood of Christ are spread before us in the Supper, we say that they are not spread before us in vain, but that the thing itself is also manifested to us. Whence it follows, that we eat the body and drink the blood of Christ. By so speaking, we neither make the sign the thing, nor confound both in one, nor enclose the body of Christ in the bread, nor, on the other hand, imagine it to be infinite, nor dream of a carnal transfusion of Christ into us, nor lay down any other fiction of that sort. You maintain that Christ, as to his human nature, is in heaven; we also profess the same doctrine. The word _heaven_ implies, in your view, distance of place; we also readily adopt the opinion, that Christ is undoubtedly distant from us by an interval of place. You deny that the body of Christ is infinite, but hold that it is contained within its circumference; we candidly give an unhesitating assent to that view, and raise a public testimony in behalf of it. You refuse to allow the sign to be confounded with the thing; we are sedulous in admonishing that the one should be distinguished from the other. You strongly condemn impanation; we subscribe to your decision. What then is the sum of our doctrine? It is this, that when we discern here on earth the bread and wine, our minds must be raised to heaven in order to enjoy Christ, and that Christ is there present with us, while we seek him above the elements of this world. For it is not permitted us to charge Christ with imposition; and that would be the case, unless we held that the reality is exhibited together with the sign. And you also concede that the sign is by no means empty. It only remains that we define what it contains within it. When we briefly reply, that we are made partakers of the flesh and blood of Christ that he may dwell in us and we in him, and in this way enjoy all his benefits, what is there, I ask, in these words either absurd or obscure, especially as we, in express terms, exclude whatever delirious fancies might occur to the mind? And yet we are censured, as if we departed from the pure and simple doctrine of the Gospel. I should wish, however, to learn what that simplicity is to which we are to be recalled. When I was lately with you, I pressed this very point. But you remember, as I think, that I received no answer. I do not make this allegation so much by way of complaint, as that I may publicly testify to the fact that we lie under the suspicion of certain good men without any ground for it. I have long ago observed, moreover, that the intercourse we have with Bucer acts as a dead-weight upon us. But I beseech you, my Bullinger, to consider with what propriety we should alienate ourselves from Bucer, seeing he subscribes this very confession which I have laid down. I shall not at present declare the virtues, both rare and manifold, by which that man is distinguished. I shall only say, that I should do a grievous injury to the Church of God, were I either to hate or despise him. I make no reference to the personal obligations under which I lie to him. And yet my love and reverence for him are such, that I freely admonish him as often as I think fit. How much greater justice will his complaint regarding you be judged to possess! For he sometime ago complained that you interdicted youths of Zurich, who were living at Strasbourg, from partaking of the Supper in that church, although no confession but your own was demanded of them. I indeed see no reason why the churches should be so rent asunder on this point. But what is the reason that godly men are angry with us, when we cultivate the friendship of a man who, by himself, professes nothing that can stand in the way of his being received as a friend and a brother? As the matter hinges on this, shew me, if you can, that by my friendly intercourse with Bucer I am restrained in the free profession of my views. I may perhaps seem to be so, but I make the thing itself the test of the truth. Wherefore, let us not be so suspicious where there is no call for it. As to the other matters, when I had come to Lausanne I counselled the brethren to send as soon as possible to Haller, for I had the hope they would obtain from him all that was just; and in this expectation I was not disappointed. Jodocus, however, and Ebrard,[200] what brother of the giants I know not, who had been sent, were so grossly violent in their invectives, that they were presently compelled to betake themselves [home]. So great a source of indignation was my proceeding to Zurich, as if, forsooth, I had no right to be affected by the danger of a church so near us, or to seek a suitable remedy in conjunction with the brethren. Jodocus said, in a threatening way, that he knew what I had done when with you. I boasted, however, that I had been a party to no transaction that was unworthy of my reputation as an honourable man. But why should I recount to you the insolence and scurrilities of both of them? Take this as the sum of the matter, that the two brethren, both eminently learned, grave, and judicious, were so astounded, that they thought it best to make a seasonable departure. Such is brotherly clemency. It is, however, worth while to make a brief statement, that you may form a judgment of the matter from the beginning to the end. Immediately on our first meeting, in place of salutation, it was asked, Who raised these tragical commotions? When it was said, in reply, that they were known to have proceeded from Zebedee, Ebrard exclaimed, 'Yes, that good man is unworthily traduced by you, because he laid bare your stratagems.' On the brethren requesting those stratagems to be explained to them; 'We have,' he says, 'a Bernese disputation from which we form our judgment of you and all your affairs.' I beseech thee, my Bullinger, to say whether such is the case. What have we profited by shaking off the tyranny of the Pope? Observe, also, how suitable was the interrogation of Jodocus, who had asked me to form one of the assembly at Lausanne? Finally, that the last part of the proceedings might be of a piece with the first, the brethren were ordered to go away, and have done with their Calvinism and Buceranism. And all this with an impetuosity almost like madmen, and outrageous clamours. Could you expect anything more unfeeling or truculent from Papists? Though we may patiently tolerate this intemperate Bacchantism, the Lord, nevertheless, will not suffer it to pass unpunished. At Paris and in many parts of the kingdom, the ferocity of the ungodly is inflamed afresh. The King himself holds on in his fury. Thus is fulfilled the prediction, Without fightings, within fears; although Jodocus excites not only fears within, but open fightings. But may the very fewness of our numbers incite us to an alliance!

[200] Ministers of the Church of Berne.

Adieu, most excellent and most honoured sir, along with your colleagues, all of whom I desire you will respectfully salute in my name. To your wife also, and your whole family, I send the best greeting. May the Lord Jesus protect and direct you all. Amen.

Something is said about the state of Constance, not much fitted to inspire gladness. May the Lord regard you, and rescue you from the jaws of the lion.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

* * * * *

It would be better you should suppress this letter, if you thought proper, than that it should lead to the excitement of a greater conflagration at Berne; for the lack of self-restraint on the part of some is marvellous.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Zurich._ Gest. vi. p. 6.]

CCXXV.--TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.[201]

[201] M. de Falais was on the point of leaving Bâle to settle at
Geneva. He arrived, doubtless, in that town the end of July 1548.
We read, in a letter of Calvin to Viret of the 20th August 1548:
"Dominus Falesius uxor et soror vos salutant;--the wife and sister
of M. de Falais salute you."--Vol. 106 of the _Library of Geneva_.
The correspondence of Calvin with this Seigneur, thenceforward
interrupted, was only resumed occasionally, and in 1552, ceased
entirely.

Preparations for the marriage of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, his
relation.

FROM GENEVA, _this 17th of July_ [1548.]

MONSEIGNEUR,--I believe that it will be best as it is. If it had been possible to speak together about the contract,[202] I would have much desired to do so; but I do not know whether you will be able to come this week. However, the man offers, in case he should leave his wife a widow without children that she shall have a thousand crowns. In the event of his leaving children, she shall have the half, but on condition that, if she marry afterwards, and have also children by the second marriage, she must not have the power of preferring them to those of the first. The present assignment will be founded upon the instrument of Paris, to be implemented, when he shall have made good his money and expenses. I am of opinion that his offer is very liberal; for it is quite right that the husband retain some control in his own hand.

[202] The contract of marriage of Mademoiselle Wilergy.

The wedding, I hope, will go off well. There must needs be some company, but no great multitude. And besides, we must not be too hard upon you, for it will be necessary to find lodgings for them. I think ten persons will be a reasonable number, including myself. And seeing that my brother is not here at present, I know not whether we could send notice by letter to Dôle and to Basle. Perhaps, indeed, we might, if they should be here for the whole day to-morrow.

I had forgotten to mention the French traveller;[203] that is, to tell you that I do not find him in any hurry; and yet that is not by any means because all is not quite clear about him, but for the purpose of seeking some advantage over and above. I wish very much that it may please God to bring you hither to drink of the wine upon the spot, and that soon. If the bearer had left this earlier in the morning, you might have had a flask of it. If there were any means of sending you the half of it, I should not have failed to do so, but when I inquired, I found that it could not be done.

[203] M de Montmor. See the note, p. 141.

And so, Monsieur, having commended me to your kind favour, and that of Madame and your whole household, I beseech our Lord to have you in his keeping.

Your humble brother and servant,
JOHN CALVIN, confined to bed.

* * * * *

M. de Ballesan has written to request of me, that I would see whether he could get any help from you. After making excuses more than enough for you, I have at length been constrained to promise him that I would write to you about it, which I had resolved to do yesterday by Monsieur de Parey; but he forgot to come, so great was his hurry to make the journey.

[_Orig. signat. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 194.]

CCXXVI.--TO FAREL.

Uncertainty regarding the disposition of the Cantons--stay of
Monsieur and Madame de Falais in Calvin's house.

[GENEVA,] _27th August 1548_.

I have no doubt, even although you do not expostulate with me, that you silently condemn me for neglect in having suffered so many bearers to depart for you without my letter. If I were to plead that there was nothing to write about, you would at once confute me. Even though matter for correspondence is never wanting, I permit myself to indulge in silence, when there is nothing pressing. We are waiting to find whether the Swiss will suffer themselves to be circumvented by the artifices of Ulysses. May the Lord look to this, on whose Providence it is fitting we should lean;[204] since reason does not guide the helm, and we know that fortune has no dominion. As far as can be divined, [their policy is as follows:] As on the one hand the Emperor will seek to deceive them by fair words, so they in their turn will keep him in suspense until they have seen that they are protected by those defences which they deem necessary. Here we are occupied in the usual way, but the skirmishes are slight. Unless I am wholly deceived in my conjectures, either some disturbances will speedily arise, or this winter cause suffering to the great crowds in many places. Good Toussain[205] is not grieved by the matter. To his other troubles is added the disease of his son. You will therefore use your influence with Peter the surgeon to get him to repair to that quarter, in case some means of alleviation may be discovered. We shall see about William; we have talked among ourselves regarding him. But as Allen and San Privat are present, we have as yet come to no determination. The godly man offers no objection, but I am unwilling to send him away for no end. He will also return to Lausanne before he undertakes this journey. If you have found a trustworthy messenger, I wish you would send to me what letters of mine you have in your possession. Viret is to do the same. I shall send them back, with certain marks, if there be any which it is not expedient all should read. I shall send each of you his own, when I am at liberty to do so, that you may add similar marks. I will take care that these are subjoined. I have not yet seen Christopher. M. de Falais is now with me, who I trust will pass the winter here.[206] I have caused him to cast away the unfavourable doubt regarding you, which he had conceived from your conversation. The more he loves you and defers to you, the more anxious was he that you should judge aright of his piety. But it is in truth as you say: when you demanded of him what you thought would be for the edification of the Church, he suspected that you desiderated in him the very thing you sought for, as if he had not manifested it hitherto. Both [Monsieur and Madame de Falais] very affectionately salute you, as also my colleagues; and my wife, who is in bed from prolonged illness. I have been struggling these days past with pain in the head, and spasms of the stomach, to such a degree as to cause violent convulsions. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend, along with your family and brothers, especially my guest Fato, to whom I will send back the token of friendship, unless he sometime visit us.--Yours,

JOHN CALVIN.

[_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

[204] Messengers of the Emperor were then scouring the Cantons
with a view to detach them from the French alliance, which was
nevertheless renewed, 9th June 1549.

[205] The minister Toussain, pastor of the church of Montbeliard, at
that time dispersed by the imperial army.

[206] See the letter to M. de Falais of 17th July 1548, and the
relative note.

CCXXVII.--TO VIRET.[207]

[207] We have reproduced (Vol. i. p. 449,) a letter of Calvin
to Viret, containing a severe judgment of the Reformer upon the
magistrates of Geneva. Stolen from Viret by a faithless servant,
and given to the Seigneury by Trolliet, this letter excited real
commotions, the traces of which are to be found in the Registers of
Council.

"Calvin justifies himself in council with regard to a certain letter
he had written, in which it was alleged he blamed the Seigneury of
this city. He also complains of the calumnies directed against him
by Trolliet."--24th September.